Perspectives document of the National Committee majority

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INTERNAT ILO NACL MARXIST GROUP | PRE-CONFERENCE INTERNAL E DISCUSSION BULLETIN No. 1 MARCH 1976 BY THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE MAJORITY For members of the Fourth International and sympathising Sections ONLY

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Inorder to ensure that the perspectives document was produced as rapidly as possible after the NC only those sections which were amnmended at-the NC-were-repasted tp~-after the NC.In consequence not all subhcadings were renumbered etc.The following is the definitive list of. contents and organisation of the text. The, key guide. is the paragraph niimbérs. in addition,at the end of the text, there are two ammendments passed at the NC which were not incorporated into the text for paste up reasons.There are also a set of ammendments from Boyd on our trade union work,which were not put to. the vote at the NC,and which the NC agreed should be included ih the samé bulletin as the text of the perspectives document.

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I Introduction. . io L THE PROGRAMME WH NE@D. - L i)International crisis of imperialism and-stalinism.. f 2 ii)Economic crisis of British Imperialism. «=. . “ & % iii)The social crisis. - 8. 4, iv)Crisis of ruling class political Institutions. rf: 5 v)Crisis of mass working class organisations. 16 6 THE FIGHT ¥OR A CLASS STRUGGLE LEFT WING BA 9 »Te situation within the mass organisations. ES DRS IO a)The trade unions. oo 30 te b)The Comop. ee 3S T2 c)The labour movement in Scotland. 35 I5 a)The LPYS, Ay 15 e)The Communist Party. ini 16 PROJECTS IN FIGHTING FOR A CLASS STRUGGLE LEFT WING. 49 L? i.The Healey measures. AQ 1? athe cuts. 50 Ig pb)unemployment. ST T9 c)wage controls. 52 19 - d)speed up and productivity drive. : 54 19 Li.thbe struggle against the oppression of women, SA. eL Lii.Defence of dcmocratic rights. 58 22 iv. Anti-racist work; 59 22 veAnti~fascist work. - 60 22 vi.the struggle of black workers. 61 24 vii.ireland: 62 24 viti.Iberia. - 65 25 ix,Southern Africa. - 67 25 -x,Other anti-imperialist tasks. 68 26 BUILDING A REVOLUTIONARY POLE, Introduction. 69 26 i.Propaganda and the lefts.(our press). 70 28 ii.Labour movement clections. 72 28 iii.Bourgeois elections. 73 29 iv. A Revolutionary Bloc. . ~ 99 29 vePrincipled regroupment of the revolutionary left. 79 30 SETRENGIHENING THE IMG 31 i.Organisation of the Organisation. BT 31 Li. Finances. 82 41r Lii.Fducation. 83 31 iv.Leadership bodies. Bd. 22 veStructures at the base. 85

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Introduction ‘The line of the USEC Theses The United Secretariat Theses on Britain represent an important deepening and clarification of the line pursued by the IMG in the past period.

They essentially clarifiy the nature of the new situation that has developed since the summer of 1975.

They are a deepening because they present aspects of the line of the IMG previously brought forward in a coniused and inadequate fashion and give them the necessary clear conceptual framework and theoretical and material underpinning. , They are a clarification in that they strip away that which is secondary and leave the IMG with a line forcussed on the esential, These fundamentals of the line of the Theses can be summarised in five points: *The economic and social crisis of British imperialism in the coritext of the world recession leaves the British ruling class compelled to mount a generalised attack against a working class which has been undefeated for forty years.

Despite all the set backs since last summer no qualitaitve defeat has occured. The underlying tendency in Britain cOntinues to be towards a test of strength between the classes. *The basic preconditon in determining the outcome of the test of strength between the classes in favour of the working class is the systematic mobilisation of the workis class and its allies in extra-Parllameniary struegle aeainst the capitalist class, against the opposition ofits labour lientants. While success in the struggle will reqhire far more than the power of the mass struggle alone without that power none of the conditens can be created in this period to create a conscious political alternative for the working class. All those such as the Labour left, who do no not understand this cannot take the first step along the r road to the solution of the crisis. *Any major struggles launched by the working class in this period will, in the context of a‘Labour government in power, create a massive crisis in the mass organisations _of the working class, Not only the mass venguard, eas many layers of workers still under the influence o reformism and Labourism will be thrown into coal Hide _with the leadership of these mass organisations, particularly “in the trade unions. This brings to the fore the question "of the construction of an alternative leadership for the working class in the labour crovement to that of Wilson “and Healy and Murray and Jones. *the chief goal and instrument in thé creaticn of an alternative leaderhsip is the strugste for the creation. of a class struggle left wing in the labour movement. Such a class struggle left wing will fight to include all those elements who, no matter their present illusions,.are. prepared fo engage in a real struggle on the most burning issues facing the working class. In the first case-this wili be the policies of the Labour Government. -.*Within this struggle for the class struggle left wing, revolutionaries must find the meass to strengthen the forces . of the vanguard, and through this process build a revolutionary organisation. In this period of crisis on the far left, an important part of this task is the struggle for regroupment and unifiaction of the revolutionary left.

I. THE FROGRAMME WE NEED (i) international Crisis of Imperiatism and. Stalinism i Phe present ctisis of British im perialism occurs in the context of the generalised international economic recession which started in 1973 and marks a qualitative turning point in the development of post war capitalism. For the first dime since 1945 a synchrnoised recession of all the niajor imperialist economies has developed. After two years of this recession in only two countries, the united states and Japan, is a serious recovery in production including such major imperialist povrers as W. Germany and France, while halting the decline, have as yet achieved no major reexpansion of the economy. Meanwhile the exacerbation of inter-imperialist competition has seriously weakened the cohesion of the EEC, and the non-oil producing colonial and neo-colontal economies have suffered almost the entire weight of the imperialist powers restoration of their international position following the ,. oil crisis.

The smallest imperizlisms are incapable, on the basis of . their own internal resourczs, of seriously attempting any re-expansion of production. 2. The effects of the deterioration in the position of imperialism created by the international synchronised economic recession ate severely execerbated when combined with the important turn in the world relation of forces against imperialism in the colonial world following the defeat-of US impericlism in Indochina. This hes not merely shown the general weakness of the political position of impérialism, with particularly direct consequences for upturn in struggle in Avia, but for a definite period has left the US imperialists severcly restricted in their . at mk to deploy their military force against the rise of world revolution, This development in turn has had oarticularly important conseguences in Angola where, despite the first internal! onal military intervention of a workers state for decades, the US imperialists felt unable to intervenes with major force. The consequences of that defeat are a major redicalisation of the situation in the whole of South \friea, the recovery of the African revolution from th er defeats of the 1960s, and the ernergence of anew Marxist vanguard in . black Africa, South Africa and ics satellites. “" While the imperialists have gained certain, successes - notably in Latin America, and the Arab Bast and in the cverturn of bourgeois de:zocratic forms in India py the Indihra Ghandi reg...te, nevertheless the balance sheet of the period dince the Incochind war is of ‘a further consoldiation of the shift in the relation of forces against imperialism heralded by this event.

Coupled with the increasingly extreme right wing turn of the Maoist bureaucracy these developments open up both important repercussions on the imperialist countries and a serious new opening for soldiarity work and the building of the nuclet of sections ‘in these Countrics in Kurose and Britoin in particular, frai fs 3 Within the general crisis of imperialism the highest point of international class strugetc to day is the rise of the revolutionary process ir southern Europe. The revolutionary crisis in Portugal repressits the highest development-of the class struggle in Burane since the Spanish Civil War The unfolding events in Spain, and these in prospect af slightly longer term in Haly, are capable of rising to even greater dimensions. Asaiast a background of the international recession permanently undermining two of the essential prons — full exiploymeént and * welfare capitalism — on which the’stability of post war Europe was reconstricted, these struggles open wp the clear perspective of the European revolution.

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This process finds its reflection in the Europeanwide organisation and alignment of the maim political currents whether they be bourgeois, social democratic, Stalinist or of the extreme left.

For the Fourth International it is the decisive test of its ability to take a qualitative step alon the road to ’ the construction of mass parties and a mass inter- | national. For the IMG there is not the Hightest doubt that the most decisive international question confronting it is. solidarity with the rising struggles in Europe, above all at present those of the Iberian Peninsular, and the drawing out for the vanguard of the lessons of this experience. . W4. increasingly interlinked with the rising class struggle: in Europe is the new exacerbation of the international crisis of Stalinism and the increasing clash between the Western European CPs and the Moscow bureaucracy in the face of the increasing moves of the W. European | “mass CPs towards government and the increased pres- " gure on these Stalinist parties of left social democracy on the one hand, and revolutionary politics on the other, «This qualitative turning point in this new exncerbetion was undoubtedly the last congress of the PCF.

For the first time if “pulled dail the West European CPs, with the exception of the Portuguese, into the orbit of the extreme social democratisation pioneered by the PCI and the PCE.

While in Britain the impact of these events will not fundamentally shake the whole political order, asin - italy and. France, it does raise ‘ise qualitative new open-_ . ings for ‘revolutionary "Marxists in relation to the - workers under the influence of the Communist _ Party. .

It furthermore provides a new powerful iever to link together the questions of social revolution in Western Europe aiid the political revolution in the Eastern European deformed and degenerated workers’ states. § @R The sum total of all these international processes cwhich are developing is to place ever more centrally — in our work the interlinked tasks of utilising the international development of the revolution to take forward the working class in every country and to build the Fourth - International as the conscious vanguard of this process, While in the present decisive period confronting the, British working class the reserves necessary to decisively : defeat the ruling class are necessarily.drawn. primarily from the contradictions within British society, nevertheless powerful reinforcement is given to the struggle of the working class by the international crisis. of the . bourgeois system and the rising working class against - it, which help ensure the continuing development of of a.powerful vanguard within the working class, ex- ‘acerbate the crisis of the bourgeois order and the reformist parties and provide vast strategic reserves for :the development of the class struggie.

Only an increasingly internationalist programme and practice can provide the basis for this. In the present per- ' iod such a programme and activity must be based on the axes of: immediate withdrawal of all British troops from abroad; breaking afl links with the South African racist regime; totaly boycott of the Spanish dictatorship; end to the tariff barrier with Portugal and for cooperatives and workers organisations to place massive orders with Portugal; handing over f all British owned firms to the Portuguese workers; withdrawal of Britain from NATO .and the EEC; solidarity with the Iberian revolution. i Economic Crisis of British Imperialism 6. Within the generalised recession of the international capitalist economy the-position of Britain is the worst of any major imperialist. power. Despite the decreases in the living standard of the working class in the last period, the bourgeoisie has succeeded in gainsing no major recompomposition of the rate of profit sufficient to launch a series neew expansion of production. The general perspective of the economy is for a recovery from the present depressed levels starting from spring 1976 but with this expansion quite insufficient to seriously reduce unemployment; with production scarecesly exceeding, and in certain sectors not attaining previously reached levels; "with even this increase in production gained through a . sustained attempt to rationalise production and increase _ the exploitation of the wroking class; with a new wave of inflation starting even earlier than in the expansion of 72-73; with no possibility of any serious improve- - ment in the living standard of the working class; and with the economic situation developing not with an expansion of social expenditure but with attempts to a severe assault on the wiefare state... Only a sustamed . expansion of the economy with no serious attempt by the wrking class to regain the loss in its living standards or to prevent the attacks launched against it—something which would imply a qualitative defeat of which there is no sign—would allow a significant recomposition in the rate of profit. It is this which the British ruling class is now seeking. Its chief means of fighting for this are the reduction of the living standards of the working class, a major campaign of speed up and productivity, and increasingly attempts to transfer resources to the capitalist class through the cutback of public expenditure and the welfare staate. 7. The chief conclusion which revolutionary marxists and the working class must.draw from this situation is not _merely the utmost importance of the present situation but that the present period is one m which the crisis of the economy is no longer merely cyclical but one in which an expansion of production in a capitalist basis can take ‘place only on the basis of an imporiant defeat of the _working class allowing a serious increase in the rate of exploitation and rate of profit. The gaining of even the most elementary economic demands of the working clags—maaintenance of living standards, full employment, continuation of the welfare state—cannot be ah achieved on the basis of capitalist economy. No serious defence of the conditions of the working class is pssible without the beginning of the breaking up of the capitalist domination of the economy and and i capitalist ‘relations of production. wo, : :

While being the most indominatable fighters for even the ; most partial demands of the working class the revolution-' ary Marxists have to grasp this situation by attempting _ ‘consistently to win the working class and:oppressed masses to united action on the only demands which can begin to meet the present situation—qualitative demands, : hinged on workers control and leading to the-exprop- — tiation of the capitalist class, which start from the urgent | tasks of defence of the . working cl class and: which lead to the breaking of the capitalist domination ‘of the economy.. : "... dgainst the erosion of living standards by inflation: rejection of the Healey measures and all forms of incomes policy under capitalism; sliding scale of wages, pensions unemployment pay, grants and state benefits based on a trade union controlled cast of living index; £40 minimum |. : wage; an immediate freeze, policed by committees of housewives and trade unionists; of the price of all Basic. goods in working class living standards; total freeze of rétits; immediate nationalisation of food, oil and all other industries supplying basic necessities of working

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4; class life. — for the defence and extension of the social services: rejection of all social expenditure cuts; sliding scale of ’ public expenditure; immediate injection of £1,000 mil- ‘Hion into the health service; immediate target of building 500,000 houses a year; abclition of all private médical practice and all grammar and private schools; nationalisation of the drugs, health supply and construction industries, ~ against unemployment: workers control te impose work-sharing with no loss of pay; immediate introduction -of a 34 hour week with no loss of pay; an emergency programme of useful public works; nationalisation without compensation and under workers control of all firms creating redundancy. For tharignk of womens te ward, — for the development of a socialist pian for the reorganisation of the economy te ensure full employment and.hals. the decline in living standards: opening of the books of all capitalist firms, local government and economic departments of the state;immediate nationalisation of banks, insurance and finance institutions: abolitian of canitalict defence expenditure ~ not a programme of armaments _ but 4 programme of pu blic works; nenai taxation of all -incomes over £10,000 a year and on capital and inherited wealth; take-ov ef of all external portfolios and ban ,on the export of capital; full workers control of industry; _drawing up.of a plan for the expansion of the economy on the basis of nationalised industry; national isation under workers control of all basic industry. :

The chief task is the creation of united front action of the working class to fight for the most: important and central of these demands. (i) The Sacial Crisis. | 4 The tremendous historical and confunctarat der cline of British capitalism, and the inability ic date of the bourgecisic to arrest it through i imposing a raajor ‘defeat on the working class, provides the hackground ifor a major exacerbation of all the crises of social ‘telations.of British society and the break up of the traditional cohesion and. stability af society. The ‘middle classes’ have . . suffered very severe erosion of 1 Living ‘standafds, even greater than those of the workers, ander the impact of inflation, rising interest rates, dividend restraint, and soaring mortgage rates. The position of oppressed racial minoritiss, both directly economically and « through the pressufes to towards increased racism, has ‘sharply deteriorated. The economic ‘crisis in its aspects” of inflation, unemployment and cuts hes exacerbated ~ the oppression of women under the conditions in -which simultaneously the political products of the crisis produce reactionary mobilisations against even . the limited rights on issues such as abortion which women have won on the last period, Shedtling of the reserve army of labour has produced a rate of increased unemployment among women und youth double that of the adult male work force. The cutting back in social services is part of this process (particularly evident in nursery care).and reinforces it as the burden fox sacial care is thrown onto the family unit and hence women.

The crisis of social expenditure powerfully exacerbates the already acute. crisis in education creating 4 social ferment and political divisions which penetrate into deeper layers of the student mass even than. previously, and an offensive by the right wing in secondary education through the Black Papers and _ the de facto closure of William Tynedale school, The. ‘waditional social bloc which has dominated the situation in Britain for a century is throws into ferment, providing simultaneously an historic possibility for the working class and, if it does not seize this opportunity, the potential for a new ruling class teaction.

Within the social services the offensive by the ruling class has taken different forms. The severity of the cuts in the NHS are producing an increasingly unstable situation which will pose matters of strategic importance. There is a real danger of the development of a two tier health system, Such ae development is supported at present by sections of finance capital, the building industry, the drugs companies and the consultanis. With the implementation of the cuts the Labour Government objectively aids this process.

The development of a two tier health system would a fundamental challenge to the gains of the working class in the social services. Such a defeat would open: up a wider ideological debate within the social services about-transforming other sectors into a private and - public-sector, for example voucher education. 9, while in the past period mobilizations of the oppressed strata of society ~ women strageling for the right to abortion, students, newly proletarianised layers ete — have tended objectively to the side of the proletariat this is by no means an inevitable development or one that can continue indefinitly without the proletariat consciously advancing a programme capable of welding the oppressed ayers of society under ite banner. In the pest period the fascists, racists, religious reactionaries end others h have ettempted to ‘utilise the social ferment to mobilise confused and backward inyers of society, Since the crisis; of Winter 1973/74 and the February and October elec- / tions however this has taken a mate orgailised and sye } fesnatic form es the Tory Party attempts to recont £ pose iissupport amongst oe 2 veampose, | intermediate strata and backward layers Sans Of the WOREEG| { class through launching or taking uo a series of react- , ionary caingaigns aimed agsiviet the vanguerd and particularly oppressed or isolated layers of society.

The assaults of the Tory leaders and spokespersons on the ‘soviet threat’, ‘terrorism’, the restoration of the death penalty, abortion, against pickets, are not isolated phenomena but part of a concerted push by * 2 ruling class apparatus designed to recompose layers of society around a reaction project. Such develop- | | ste Mn se tp aetna nein ¥ _ Mette will be a continuing characteristic Of | the i ie coming period.! } The struggle for the liberation of women, against racism and facism, to take up the crisis of education, to struggle against chauvinism, to come forward as the chief defenders of democratic rights; are tasks which are not in the slightest sense luxuries but burning task for the working class. They are the only way te ensure the basis for working class unity, defeat attempts to recompose the ruling class bloc, and assemble the ranks of the oppressed around the proletariat, : . towards the liberation of women: free abortion and contraception on demand; equal pay for equal work free 24 hour comm aunty coutrotied state nurseries; implementation in full of the demands of the working women’s charter; freedom of sonual of oference, sliding scale of greats and pensions; full staté system of free comprehensive education; memediate expansion of teacher traning; elf grants to be ir adependent ‘of parants income; married women to receive full grant} min. imum grant of £ ser year ‘ ".. against the scourge of racism and fascism: abolition of the Immigration, Pakistan and Aliens Acts; right of black and other oppressed minorities. to form caucuses within . the labour movement end to organise to defend their communities; ; rejection of the right of organisation of fascists and racists. — forthe defence of democzatic rights; abolition of the crime of conspiracy; Repeal! of the Prevention of Terrorism, Criminal sespass and Incitement to disaffection Acts; immediate release of Des Warren and al other political prisoners; defence of working class str struggles through the organisation of mass and-flying ¢ pickets; disbanding of SAS and Special Patrol Groups; ——

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ending of joint police-army, ex excises; “Fahl trac political rights i in the armed forces. ti the oppression of lidmosexualss an ‘ed Aation | in in Jobs or factlities on the grounds of” de union and e increasing econortit and social orisis af British i imperand the inability. of the dling class to find a sghition Set => kening of thé. position Of the traditional party of the "ruling | class = the Tory, Party. While the relatively autonomous crises .of the North of Ireland and Scotland, undoubtedly exacerbated the crisis of the Tory Party at the February and October elections,thére is no doubt that it was, the defeat of ihe ruling class at thé hands of the miners: ;and the relation of class forces which this demonstrated that.was the . ry Te for the crisis of the. Tory party nd the -. two ) Phenomena Which lost it the election = the . departiré of a largé number of ‘middle class’ voters to the - Libérals and Nationalists anda qualitative - around 50% fall in its yote iti the working class, The last elections were lost by the Tory, Party not because of a move to Lab- Gurion the contrary the & apour proportion of the. vote was _ the lowest : since 1931; but because of the crisis of the Tory: party,and its loss of votes; was even worse than that of Labour * reducing. the Tory proportion of the vote fo the lowest this century.

Tt: Despite the limited Bains made by the. Tory party i in the past period through its reactionary initiatives arid through the demoralising : impact of the treachery of. ihe labour | bureaticracy,the Tory Party hag not suceeded i in developing | _ any project or relation of forces which can in this period constitute a strategy for the raling class. Fhe central prob-' Jeni. cénfronting. the ruling class is not the mobilisation of petit-bourgeois forcds and backward layers of tlie working elas which would cotresgond to a fascist or strong state — solution but of finding : a way to déal with t e problem presented by the organisational strength. and combativity of the ldbout movement within bourgéois deniocracy: In thé inimediate past 1 montks the Tory Party has itself attemipéd to orient towards an integrationist i perspective through - _ discussions and overtures to the union bureaucracy: This-. policy However can n provide a solution to the problems of this Party -if the ruling class needs a policy of integration | the Labour Party is the logical optionand can cut across the other projects of the tory Party. “FOU © Win over the intermediate strat ta and back ward: “workers is not merely a _quesil on of BE omising. reactionary solut-— moveinent. It is this which the Tory Party i is unable to offer 2 any prospect of achieving at present = indeed the ; very. moves of Thatcher towards the trade union ‘pureac- . acy 2 are a sign of wedkness and not stréngth: © 12; The crisis within the bounds of the British state;fuciled > by the struggle of en oppressed nationality which goes beyond . that of a ctisis of political parties is the strugelé in thé North ef. Irelands “There havé Been small gains by British imperialisin over | ‘the last period—the split of Craig f from the UUUC; the . establishnient. of close colleboration with repressive forcés in the South; the development of the repressive apparatus in the South; the ulilisation of absurd tactical mistékés by the Provisionals (their retlaiation against séctarian attacks by the loyalists and the fractricdal war against thé Officials} to diivé a wedge between the -.

Republicans and the masses in the ghettos; the ability ‘ flowing from: the Provisionals errors, to begin to make the fa hel jcriminal’ stick against nationalist fights; the consequerit increasing weight of thé BDLP anionst the mi minority. population. Despite this, no qualitiatve. change in thé relation of forces, has Occured and the wieght of : the paralimilitaries ¢ on the ground has resulted in the | oe isolation of €raign and the Convention has proved a forces: And iso, despite the incréasinz gh the defeat of thé masse8;has teflected itself in 4 severe “national institutions capable. of giving a nationalist colouratio’ to @ social ‘radicilisation, in Scotland and the main bulk of the British ruling , total f flop in its aims to recreate some middle ground and re-embark pon the Sunningdale project. This latter is still not possible in the present relation of bankruntcy of the Provisional’s political strategy it, is miy the con ii : trea therous role of £1 bo racy,and the chauvinism of the British jabour movemeht on Ireland which prevents the sith: tion in the North. of Ireland dsveloping as isis i in Britain, , In "addition. ts ‘general charactentila Bt demonstraing the weakness of the. ruling | class. it is a. featute. playing } 4 direct role i in exacerbatirig the crisis of the political bloc of the patties of the ruling class: An alliance of the Tories with the Loyalists espite the desires of the Neave wing of the Tory Party: S. ruled out as long, as the resistance of the minority in the North, coritinues and the British — labour movenient; despite its cha vinism is not. prepared. to accept a policy. of naked bloody repression in the Noith. However. thé recreation of an acceptable partner in the niling class bloc; that is a ‘remodetied Taylor-Craig unionism,cannot, be achieved in the present relation of forces. Despite setbacks the situation in the North of it éland. continues to be one of weakening the ruling. class and a great strategic lever which could be seized by the British labour thovement in the interests of both the irish and its own working | class.

To, achieve this requires the advancing of a clear’ ‘programme against British imperialist domination of Ireland. Such 4 prograihme at present mist centre on . immediaté withdrawl of British troops from ireland selease of ail Irish political prisoners ;self determination for thé Irish people. - 14; ‘The crisis of thé ttaditonal political blocs ‘af the Brit- * ish ruling class under the combination of imperialist dec- . line and an undefeated ruling class is particularly vividly i demonstrated, in Scotland — : where under the combined : impace of social crises; the Scottish national question, and 4 split in the ruling class, a real crisis of. State structures is dewéloping: The roots of this crisis ie in the com- : bination of three elenients which distinguishes the Sit- "uation from that of, for example, Wales - let atone a fegion of England, The first condition i is the social and regional oppressiGn of Scotland — a structureal phenomena 1 not merely of the ‘development of British but also of European capitalism, It has been a pimiary f factor throtightout this century, and before; iti maming the Scottish working class the most advanced section of the British working class. ‘Furthermoretoday it. gives a particular sharp edge to évery ‘struggle on : jobs and. cuts in particular. However a regional and social i oppression alone does not produce the type of relatively » autonomous political devélopment ‘geen in Scotland today Sever. gegional arid social repression | Jeads to exceptional ere % ones mobilisation for social and economic E demands; not to demands ot the type geen in Scot- | it land today: Hf The second eleitient is the Scottish national ques- if tion. While not suffereing a specific national oppress- 4 iott in & form analagous to Quebec, ‘Catalonia; or the i i Basque countty ete: ie. attempts to eradicate language; specifi ic national institutions, culture, “‘Scotlaid still retains undoubted elements of specific +e cr ee ye ee The third development i ig the split within the ruling Class; bétween sections of finance capital. based class aver conitol of the financial offshoots of the’ North Sea Oi Revenues. Given untramelled operat~ ion of the market the institutions of ihe City of Lon- - dot would take these agianst the locat Scottish f fin-

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aticiers. The only way’ that this can be prevented i is. through these elements finding a political mechanism to prevent this — ata ‘pinch even total separation froin Britain but preférably just control of the oil revenues through some léss drastic Assembly. or other mechanism, The SNP represents the ability of this section of the bourgeoisie, in conditions where, their belief in the viability of bourgeois strategy as ai CUB to attempt to gain at the expense of their British bourgeois cousins through using oil finance to make a certain number of bribes to layers of society in Scotland, The aim of the operation, in the phrase of | the SNP, is-to produce a state more like Switzerland than an industrial state, as {%. While the SNP represents.d: dangerous development. for the working class in Scotland; the split within the ruling class in Britain which it reflects and consolidates creates‘another inttactable crisis for the ruling class. Particularly in relation to some ofthe main pillars.ofthe Tory Party there is a real conisadietion in economic interests between important sections of . the British bourgeoisie and the finance capital in.

Scotland represented by the SNP — which makes the Tory Party event more strongly resistant to devolution, , ‘despite the fact that it is the party which has so far lost the most to the Nationalists, than. the Labour , Party and creates reat’ Sbstacles ¢ to aT ory-SNP alliance for an’ alternative government to Labour.

Furthermore politically the ruling class considers , ad ' “that the game of the SNP isa very dangerous, btie ‘thatthe section of the id it is too weak, the social contradictions iA Scotland. toa, acute, and the working class in Scotland too strong for the SNP to mount any serious Bonoparti ist type operation: and that its development weakens the position of the ruling class asa whole, ; Whiel there is’ no class contradiction betweén the SNP and the “Tory Party@the ruling. class as a wholé the € xtremely acute problems i in any SNP-Tory’ alliané Firthermore. a Tory government in Britain would b out any serious base. of support in Scotland — perhaps with as little as. 20-25%.of the. population suppo ere isa real danger- -that-. it would not be régarded ‘as 2 legitimate « or authoritative government and that demands for-develution “of powers could become a source of real mobilisations of the class, with radical schemes being propounded for what should be done with these powers.

The crisis in Scotland is both profoundly intractable for the ruling class and firther weakens its potential to create a credible alternative government to the present Labour one.

For the working class it offers anhistoric opportunity to realise the more advanced nature of the crisis in Scotland and turning that country’s labour movement into one of the essential leverage points for the creation of class. %, ,- : struggle policies i in Britain asa whole, For the labour.:. movement, in Sedtland it, means advancing and. fighting (y} Crisis ef the -Emes worl foria clear social programme ‘against. the bouigeois 1 nationalist polidies ‘of the SNP and the treacherous right wing line of the labour bureavicrac or the working class in England it tieans joinitig the struggle for the. , dem&nds capable of-fésolving the crisis in Scotland while simultaneously makirig absolutcly clear its recognition of the right to-self determination, if it ever wishes to exercise it, of the Scottish work mg class, It means advancing the clear’ ‘perspective of a Socialist Federal Britain. — against the social, economic and political oppression of Scotland: the rignt of self-determination for Scotland; immediate elections to the Scottish Assembly open to all political parties in Scotiend: rejection of all limitations on the powers of the Assembly; nationalisation of North Sea Oil; nationalisation of all banks, trusts and financial capital’ in Scotland; programme of piiblic works to tackle the urban squalor of Scotland; drawing up of a social and economic plan for Scotland, Rg ¢ clogs organisat io ons ié, The inebility of the ruling class in the present cons;. text of relation of class forces, to either confroat,the . .. working class or create a viable alternative gover nment. to Labour has in the last period left the capitalist class ‘with no option but té rest its rule directly upon the | labour bureaticrac ty thr ‘the me dium of a . labour government. This ¢ overnment, composed of part of the bureaucracy of a workers > party tt very nature is rot suited to confronti the 8 working class in head on strngcts. its role is to attempt to... repress the vanguard, confuse and mystify the masses, and strengihen the position of the bureaucracy. at the expense of the working cless. In the pa where laree scais mobiisat : have declined under the combined ir unemployment and Gusiona in the Labour government, the ruling class has ceined verfcin undoubted successes through this government. a This government hes retreated before every reactionary. assault on the int ternational 4 domestic social and political cri rembership. of the EEC has peen affirmed, unemoion “nent moved over 1% million without mass resistafice from the w a class, the. living standard of the v ng class has fallen 6% i in six months, the lasi'T FOC gid Labour Party conference saw the endo. meat of somes of the most. antiworking class* measute: Second World War, the revolutionary bert ‘at uur Party, has | for the most parf 3 there are small signs’ of a dé teconmipost fidence within the Tory Party,.and with the acquiescence so far of the working class in huge wage cuts . and unemployment there are sven tentative Signs of | an amelioration of the econentic crigis. Most important of ail, despite the six years of working class mob- | ilisation after 1968, the essential state structures of British imperialism, outside of the North of ireland and potentially Scotland, remain es yet unchallenged in any way comparable with the situation in Portugal, Spain, Haly and France. vorking class nfluence of rising ion erent NA NRE EARN ANON I AAT

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Y'7, In the past months the labour bureaucracy has ‘passéd to an offensive on a real institutionalisation of the ‘integration’ approach to coupling the working class to the ‘planning’ needs of capitalism i.e. the “project which the Labour government attempted, | and failed in, during 1964-70, The agreement conchided at Chequers in November 1975, is not merely @ paper pact, but has spawned a number of bodies . where the trade union Icadership collaborates on a permanent basis with thé employers. This is particu- - larly clear in the case of the car industry, where Jones and Scanlon are now members of a committee, along with the British bosses of the ‘Big Four’, which aims to police that agreement. The same process has been initiated with the Ryder proposals on participation in British Leyland at the local level. These developments are part and parcel of the recognition by the ruling class of the need f6r state intervention to restructure British capitalism. Under the Labour Government the necessary precondition of the involvement of the trade unions at every evel i has been hastened. 18. Sucha project of integration has necessarily been accompanies by a series of assaults against the democracy of the workers movement (for example TUC rule no. 14 forbidding Trades Councils to enter into political activity . against TUC or Labour Party, policy or alliances with political patties other than the Labour Party), and support for laws aimed directly agianst the working class vanguard — for example the Criminal Trespass law. The most right wing sections of the bureaucracy are undoubtedly prepared to consider moves for compulsory postal ballots and other moves for a further institutionalised eroding of democracy in the workers movement: Despite these attacks however, and despite an undoubted swing to the right in certain unions, it is equally clear that the bureaucracy has no? succeeded in either qualitatively undermining democracy within the mass organisations themselves or elimin- ‘ating major opposition to their policies. In addition to the continuing mobilisation of.a vanguard on abortion, the oppression of women, Portugal, ireland, private practice and otehr questions, mass resistance and struggles continue on the most basic questions to confront the masses, The contrary examples of the 26 November demonstrations, the steel strikes, the _ rapid development and spread of the rail strikes, the struggle at Linwood, the 40% vote in the NUM against the £6 limit and the calling off of the overtime ban on Lengwith — all struggles starting without or against the bureaucracy or rapisly going beyond the limit _Mobilisation it had summoned ~ all show that des- pite the downturn since last summer the basic strength of the working class and its capacity for resistance continues. Furthermore, despite localised disasters such as that of the Chrysler leadership in Coventry, ‘the basic rank and file leadetship of the working class of the last six years remains intact. The working class | ‘and oppressed masses are more cautious, more aware of the need to win over and utilise the mass organisa- - ~ tions, and more inclined to seek generalised move- _ments than to take part in isolated clashes, but it has suffered no-basic defeat.

In these conditions, and in particular with an industrial upturn from the spring and growing disenchantment with the government’s measures as the working class standard of living continues to decline, the pre-conditions clearly exist for a further upturn in the struggle of the working class against the integrat- _ ive and other attacks of the ruling class and the govemment, 4 ~— for workers democracy: democratic election of strike comunittees; all major decisions to be taken by mass meetings; annual election, with right of recall, of all pinion offi- ' cial8; no official to receive more than the average wages of ‘a skilled worker; automatic re-submission to seléction at. elections of all-MPs; election of party leader, Prime Minister and Cabinet by the Labour Party Conference; subordination of the Parliamentary Labour Party to the decisions of the Party Conference and the National Execative Committee; for the abolition of all bans and proscriptions in the trade unions and Labour Party. right of women and oppressed minorities ta. self-organ- _ isation within the organistions ‘of the working ¢ class. \9, As in Britain as a whole, the mass organisations of the class in Scotland are increasingly polarised between the policies of Wilson and the protest opposition of the Labour . left. The weight (and consequent contradictions) of the ‘CP insdie the apparatus of the movement, above all in the — STUC and in local.Trade Councils, only accentuates a ‘tunning crisis of perspective (debate/discussion) inside the institutions of the labour mvoement. But the growing political crisis introduces a series of distinct elements into Scottis working class life which result in a much more dramatic and spectacular explosion of social democracy. ei The continued identification of the LP in Scotland with decades of social deprivation (higher unemploument; migration, housing, etc) and the absence of any’ reai challenge to the right wing policies from inside the ‘ranks of the LP allows the radical national populism ofthe SNP to make sweeping gains into the traditional electoral base of the LP.

The labour bureaucracy has responded to this in a ‘different ways, but unlike a party solidly linked into the ruling class, the LP has no structural barriers in making an opportunist/electoralist capitulation to this political presssure (eg. the hurriedly proposed Assembly).

In the absence of a real coherent alternative inside soc- ~ ial democracy to the right wing policies, the bureaucr= acy has split essentially on the terrain of the nationalists themselves (how much devolution) with the form- . ation of the SLP as the most dramatic illustration of ‘ ” this. This is not to say that there is no link up between | st -oppoistion to the Government on cuts/unemployment, etc. and opposition on devolution. The SLP clearly contains a partial fusion of both elements (as the STUC does}. However the pressures which are producing the crisis inside Scottish social democracy come from 2 distinct directions: for the emergence of a national left . social democratic current, and secondly, from a Scottish radical populist movement. It is this twin pressure which teaers the atrophied corrupt LP apparatus in Scotland apart, with spectacular losses at the polls, and open public splits in the previously monolithic leadership.

It is clear that the acute political paralysis of the leadership-of both major classes in Scotiand cannot continue indefinately, and the present dynamic electoral success of the petty bourgeois/finance capital layers in the SNP only conceals the basic stalemate of class forces in the post UCS period. _ ee 2088 The combination of economic, social and poli me 2.08 crisis, together with an undefeated working © » Class, defines clearly the far more explosive potential |

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of the present situation compared to the previous integrative attack carried out by the 1964-70 Labour government. At that period the policy of integration could be presented as promising considerable gains in the medium term for the working class and even in its direct effects involved neither significant falls in Hving standards or serious attacks on the welfare state or full employment; the working class has passed through no period of mass extra-Parliamentary struggles for 40 years; no serious large vanguard break-! ing with the reformist bureaucracy at that time existed within the working class; and in the event ofa Labour failure a clear potential government existed in a reorganised Tory Labour Party.

Today none of these conditions exist: far from promising substantial gains for the working class the policies of the government already substantially cut living standards, destroy full employment and promise the sévere curtailing, or everi destruction, of sections of the welfare state and are unable to hold out serious prospect of improvement even in intermediate or long term. The working class since 1988, far from passivity, has passed through six years of the highest level of struggles since the early 1920s ~ including the experience, for the first time in history, of bringing down a government by essentially extra- Parliamentary activity. A definite number of workers has been created within the working class who either have decreasing illusions.in af? sections of the bureaucracy or who consider that at least a powerful left trend in opposition to the present open right wing bankruptcy must be advanced. Finally it is clear that in the event of the integration tactic failing the ruling class possesses at present no clear authoritative or credible government with which it can replace Labour _and stem a mass upsurge.

While undoubtedly the fight back against the policies of this government will start with localised or partial expressions, and proceed by uneven routes, nevertheless the explosive potential of the situation is clear, The task of revolutionary Marxists is to develop this resistance; clarify, centralise and homogenise it; lay before it the objective tasks which confront it, and render conscious the objective process of its development. 44 MB The conditions under which the class struggle unfolds in the present period bring sharply to the fore the contradictory role of the mass organisations of the working class, Dominated by a bureaucracy totally tied to the defence of the capitalist state and the capitalist mode of production, nevertheless these arganisations remain massively rooted within the proleiariat and are regarded by the masseg not as instruments of capitalist domination but as the vehicte for ' the defence of the fundamental interests of the prole- ‘tariat. This applies as yet, except for a vanguard of some thousands, not merely to the trade: unions, but also to the Labour Party which, despite the constant betrayals of its leadership, is regarded as a party capable of being converted in an historic sense into an instrument adequate for the needs of the working a class. While in relation to the Labour Party this belief ei is wrong, and in relation to the labour movement as 4 “whole thedack of understanding of the difference _ between the interests of the'mass organisations of the “working class. andthe interests of the bureaucracy lays the grounds for several defeats, nevertheless there are no indications whatever that the working class is prepared to see this movement and its organisations transformed into instruments for policing the working class in the needs of capital in the manner of the present government. On the contrary any fight back by the working class will transform itself into a crisis of these organisations from top to bottom, ’ “Today under conditions of deep economic crisis, dis- Yocation of the parties of the bourgeoisie, and with a working class which has not suffered any major defeats in a direct clash of strength with the ruling class, every serious social and political struggle is accompanied by a profound struggle WITHIN the labour movement.

It is only through resolving this crisis of the mass organisations in its favour that in this period the capitalist class can hope to secure the goals it has set itself and defeat the working class.

For the working class to prevent this outcome and instead utilise the mass organisations to launch a renewed fi, ight against the ruling class is the only way in which sufficient forces can be gained to resolve the crisis in favour of the working class, The most vital task confronting the working class and oppressed masses is precisely to tear these organisations away from their collaboration with the bourgeoisie, to resolve the crisis of the mass organisations not in favour of the capitalists but in favour of the working class, and to begin on the course of class independence and class struggle against the bourgeoisie, — ‘Fhe fight for the cluss independence and struggle against the bourgeoisie of the working class and oppressed masses can only be achieved in this period through the struggle for a mass class truggle left wing in the labour movement ~ a movement which involves in a united front based on united action many different political currents in the labour movement but which. is united in its opposition and action against the decisive forms of bourgeois attack and class collaboration of the day. in the formula of the Transitional Pragramime, the position we advance in all struggles and address to all those who claim to lead the.working class is .

BREAK WITH THE BOURGEOISIE, The crucial task in revolutionary tactics in fighting for the building of a class struggle left wing, a current which applies this policy systematically to every. field, is to clearly identify these class coilaborationist links and to organise the maximum forces to smash them and embark on a course which meets the needs of the working class. 23. In fighting for wuch 4 class struggle left wing revolutionary Marxists clearly understand that in this period the forces which will fight against the decisive forms of class collaboration in this period will not at all be confined to those forces which have broken with all illusions , in reformism and in all sections of the reformist bureaucracy, in this period two currents find themselves clashing with the policies of this government. The first is precisely the mass vanguard which has emerged in the last. years, a current which has broken or is breaking with illusions in aif sections of the bureaucracy. .The second is those sections of the masses and thebase of the mass organisations which, without at all having lost all illusions in reformism and the bureaucrats, are nevertheless propelled by the impact of the economic. social and political crisis into struggle against the capitalist class and the class collaboration carried on by the Wilson government and its supporters, Between the struggle of these masses and the immediate forms of class collaboration vacillates — the left bureaucracy — attempting to serve the ruling class in every way it can, completely incapable of breaking with the historic interests of the capitalist class but forced on occassion, in order to meaintain the base from which it derives its position, to timidly embark on the road of opposition te the immediate interests of the ruling class.

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The task of the 1MG in fighting for a class struggie left wing is to organise into a united front all those prepared : to fight, taking all measures to strengthen the position of the vanguard within this and to force all elemenis attempting to straddle the two positions to define themselves.

It is around this axis that the core of those forces opposed to class collaboration can be hammered out, the lab- ‘our movement polariesed, and all the currents within that ‘movement forced into clear relation for or against the needs of the class struggle. 24,1 is this crisis of the mass organisations, driyen by . the economic, social and political crisis and the struggle of the emerging class and the contruction of a class struggle left wing which break. the links which at that begins to lay the basis for the construction of ‘an alternative leadership in the labour movement and _ the defeat and removal of the Wilson-Healey leadership... in laying down such a task as the chief one confronting the working class we once again do not derive artificial schemas but show the conscious logic _ of the contradictions of the objective situation and the struggles which the working class and oppressed " masses are already objectively engaged in, Every section of the working class or oppressed ‘masses which goes into struggle te defend itself or gain its interests today collides centrally with the Wilson ieader ship and its supporters, Any attempt to defend living standards; to defend jobs in Chrysler, Leyland or any major company; any attempt to defeat the cuts; to withdraw troops from Ireland; the fight for the right to.abortion; to defend democrat ic tights, ‘collides with this government, - ‘This process therefore has not been blocked, but: expresses itself through the conflict at every level in the labour movement between those who oppose the policies of this government, liowever confusedly, end those who remain the faithful servants of the bureaucracy. The question of who should lead in the labour movement is poted at every lovel, end the touch stone remains, whether the leaders support -the central leadership of the social democratic bureaucracy both in the trade unions and in Parliament.

This evidently is because the Labour Government and its backers in the TUC remain the principal ‘executors of the bourgeoisie’s strategy at the present time. , It is for this reason that the sicaua of “Unité to fight the policies of this Government and to remove the Wilson-Healey leadership’ is central, not only because matters previously dealt with on the level of economic matters now become the business of govern: | ments, but because the crisis of leadership of the class : is revealed at every level in the working class, from the shop steward and ward secretary to the leadership of the trade unions and the Labour Party. The | totichstone of that crisis is the attitude to this Labour Government and. whai alternatives ac are to its -policies.

The project of figh ting for such @ less struggle left wing corresponds to the whole. basic thrust of class polarisation ‘and working class advance in this period. (vi) Fighting for a class struggle left wine.

Today the acuteness of social a and political contradictions and the ‘increase in size of the vanguard is such that the class struggle left wing is not a concept of a current lead fora .. prolonged period and in.a relatively unchallenged way by : 25, The sartiv cemands eft his pre left bureaucrats, whether social democrats or stalinists, but on. the contrary of a united front driven right from the beginning by struggles fox leadership with the united action, in which while revolutionaries will initially undoubtedly be a definite minority nevertheless right from the beginning they will be a part of, and challenging for, : the leadership of such a movernent. Indeed precisely one - of the most important aspects of the interventions such as the NCC, TOM, NAC, WWC etc is precisely they show . that even on 4 national level the revolutionaries are not - an insignificant force, on the contrary they are capable of taking a leading role in actions of sections of workers and oppressed masses, and they conetitute a powerful lever through which we are abiz to project ourselves into being a component, if minority, part of the leadership of such a development of 4 class struggte left wing. Our task ig not to be msvely an opposition in the base but an opposition within the leadership of such a current. Int | that sense the analogy in our line is that of the Minority Movement or of the SWP in the 1930s not that 7 of entryism, as practiced an Adee, ‘50's and bLO's.

Rigt nt from the beginning ¢ oF ‘the construction of such a class struggle left wing there will be the sharpest clashes | with the bureaucracy and every lever'mustbe grasped to | increase the weight tof revolutionary forees within such ‘united action and united front. . This means a confronta- — tion with the bureaucracy, aud projection of an independent revolutionary prerence, t dawn the line and | on every field and aspect of te clogs str Tuggle. ne i point for the , for a class struggle: left wing must be: a programme which, starting from the | objective tasis of resolving the crisis facing society and the masses, provides the links to the consciousness of the working class and oppressed levers of society and is thereby capable cf mobili: taem.-ever more clearly against the bases of capitalist power.

Such a programie in the entire . ; period lseding to the re volutionary crisis and age of power can only be the full af the Fovsth International. remyse in and of the i ch underly it, onary organz serena con 2g aless ¢ gets, presses of the Comintern, Stratery and Tactics i in the | imeeriatict opech, and bis many wiliings and analyses, it Be iso necessary te conerstios pt sigeees in ery confunetare so c3 to enoepetiat , mote central tesits « it vorkinn eines and its gitles in ety pert Zcnyureture.

Sach a prosransn ec Z rime of action ‘in a cénjuncture. iabove, which Slow situation and relat vrigh we have outlined yiis ef the objective between the classes thus consti- ‘gute the ACTIGN PROGRAMME of the IMG which we in the present conjurcture lay before the working class aid oppressed mneses end the vangeerd. The chief task of the IMG i i the present pexicd in th re fight for a class, struecte ieft wing is to find tts weys te force united action of the eloss end oppressed wasses ssound the

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26, The fight for the demands of this action programme and for the construction of a class struggie left wing will... inevitably involve the entering into united fronts with: : - _.» : both sections of the masses still under the influence of . ., -feformismy: and of the bureaucratic misleadets of such . -masses,.. The IMG must be prepared to enter into such’. united fronts, and indeed assume the initiative for them, ven. in a partial way. However it is nécessary to clearly ‘the working class, and thereby the revolutionary. vanguard Which has no interests separate from those of the work- ‘ing class, and in which conditions it serves merely as a cover for the cowardice, reformism and class collabora- $ tion of the reformists and bureaucrats, _ . fa): . The eSsence of the united front tactic is unity in _ action. In Trotsky's famous fornuila the beloved setting _ of the reformist is the Parliamentary tribunal and the trade union office, the strength of the working class and the revolutionary in the factory, the stréet and the picket line. As a general guide to action we may say that the _~. Sreater degree of commitment-to concrete tasks in anys. united front the more it benefits the working class and’ the .,.Fevolutinaries, the more it involves merely declerations. and programme the more it acts as a left cover for the: bureaucrats, We are entirely prepared to a united front with the most-bankrupt bureaucrat for the most minimal -eréte actions of the workers, — : in principle to. entering even Manifesto groups or a body. + _ Such as the BWC on thé sale conditon that it undertakes real concrete actions in the interests of the working class. ae {h) While prepared io tuke part in ail united actions and ' unitéd fronts which even minimally take forward the intctests of the working class we realise that the only basis . which can be-adequate'to the needs of the working class ‘tin this period are the demands of our action programme. a: Ad all times we fight for the basis of the united action of .» the class tobe the deniands of our action. programme. This - 48 not.a matter af sectarian intransigence but of fighting for the. actual needs of the class. Such a policy is only sectarian if infact our demands are artifical, not in fact corresponding to the needs of the ‘situation but. to ulimatistic schema or misunderstanditigs of the actual needs of the situation which case the ertor lies not ia Our attitudes towards the bases of aunited fronts’ but ‘in the analysis which led to the adoption of these demands and in the fact that these in fact consistute our dem ands on this period. While avoiding sectarian ultimatism, and prepared at all times to raise partial demands if this will allow the actual bringing into action, as opposed to mere talk, of wider fortes, ‘nevertheless our strategic goal is that of the creation of “united fronts of the mass organistions of the svorking class “ around the demands of our action programme. “te} While prepared focetorinic, and indeed “askuminag “the tethintive for united.¢conis with refurniist sections of ‘the labour movement we fully’coryprehend the cowardly and bureaucratic nature of theseaéformists and Uheir tendency at any moment lo turbdrom vaeiiluting allies fo open strike breakers and saboteurs of the struggles of the class. Not merely for our.own interests but for the interests of the class we demand that every united front and united ‘ action be established fully on the basis of proletarian democracy. This means complete rejection of all deals and manoevres Behind closed doors and. the backs of the workers and instead open debate and discussion of all potitions advanced for consideration; full right of all organisations participating in the united action to express their point of view and criticise the propsals of other currents; the in all circumstances which take forward the working class - ‘specify the conditions under which such united action aids. demand of the working class provided that it leads to con?’ a broad layer of workers within the trade anions prepared We have no objecti veteuee Wwe ie yection whatever: 3 a IE a "vow, Of the working class; the emergence of a vanguard within ' the trade. unions prepared to lead weight of all curents within the united front and action . te be reflected faithfully. theiz-real forces within the " movement and forces committed to the struggle and not ‘their. bureaucratic wieght or purely aftifical claims to “‘membership-and leadership. Within this framework the IMG is fully prepared to accept the decisions for the | precise form of united action adopted -by the majorith ‘of forces adopted and to accept such discipline as is nece | _ essary-for the carrying out of common actions — we will defeat the reformists not through tricks and manovres but through political struggle conducted in full view of the working class. But the IMG will never agree to with- . draw its right to criticism of others the rejection of its right to fight its own ideas or demands, and it maintains . its. absolute right+to break aiisuch ‘united fronts’ the moment that the vacillating reformists turn into open strike breakers and saboteurs.

The situation within, the mass organisatio as : 26 The driving force of the crisis of the mass organisations is not merely the economic, social and political crisis but above all the effects of these crises in producing mass mobilisations of the werking class on a scale qualitatively greater than in the period prior to 1968. Indeed it is this qualitative jump in the mass:struggles since 1968/69, with all their ramifications at the political level, which clearly determine ; the situation since 1968 as a-new period’in the class struggle compared to the preceeding years. The femifications of this within the mass organisations, weré the’emergence of to lead large social struggle to cefend the immediate interests the working class breaking from the policies of any section [of the bureaucracy; the emergence of a left trade union -bureaucracy prepared, in order to maintain its base, to involve itself in limited mass mobilisations of the class; the emergence of a Bennite section of the Labour bureaucracy. tied to the developments within theitrade. union bureaucracy; a swing to the left within the CLPs arid arrest in their decline, | or even increase, in membership; a more pronounced increase in the size of the LPYS. Of course these processes are by nO means irreversible — on the contrary if there is a downturn in the class struggle for a period, as at present, then the situation can rapidly rewind itself in the opposite direction with the trade ‘union bureaucracy, in particular, swinging to the right sharply, but nevertheless these process="~"~ es represent the uneven way in which.a working class radicalisation inevitably penetrates inte the mass organisations of the class and even finds a distorted reflection in the pressures on the bureaucracy. 44 The final clement however which in general brings this - process-to a qualitative break is its reflection on the electoral field The essential aim of the Labour Party bureaucracy itself is the holding of governmental office and the trade union bureaucracy also objectively favours this as it gives . them a clearer position of negotiation with the capitalists, it is when the crisis of these parties reaches the point that it ‘blocs even this electoralist project that the contradictions reach their sharpest point. It was following the mass defeat, of the French SP in 1969 that the Party began td swing to the left; it was following the massive defeat of the Australian - LP that the very large. influx of membership — 40,000 in New ‘South Wales, 30,006 in Victoria ~ began; it is evidently the much sharper threat on the electoral field to the Labour Party in Scotland that has produced the much more advanced state of the crisis of the mass organisations in that country than in the rest of Britain. It is not merely the upsurge of the working class itself, but in its particular refraction of this through the electoral process that produces a crisis.sO RITETEELS/CLUERESEAA AREAS Daren peceuncstienmavierasvectnr ye nettite Ror ica teem aaa ran es rE Are ern estaba bentley ANE ATP ETE NY SET RIE NEI AEE

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There is no doubt that the IMG underestimated this in the last period. Implicit in its assumptions was that the adoption by the Labour Party of an open right wing course ‘in the face of a mass working class struggle would lead ine- _'vitably to a catastrophic loss of votes and massive electoral defeat as in France in 1969, in Australia, New Zealand, Denmark etc.. in the event however it was not anticipated — _ that in fact the struggle of the working class in Britain in ‘winter 1973/74 was such that it produced even greater dis- . . Saray within the Parties of the ruling class than it did in losing” ’ Labour votes through its open right wing orientation (ie. the Labour proportion of the votes dropped to the lowest since $931 but the vote for the ruling class parties was so split up that the Tory Party received the lowest vote this century), and therefore Labour could win the election despite its major - ipss of support. This process of gaining office, followed by a downturn of the mass struggle , powerfully strengthened the ight wing forces in the Party. Instead of any possibility of an ‘organic’ turn to the left the developments of the processes ~ since 1968 had to-work themselves out in the form of an explosive crisis within the Party. This is today what is working itself cut. Around the dividing line of for or against the policies of this government, which is also the question of for or against the immediate interests of the ruling'class, a divide is taking place within the mass organisations of the working class. On one side stand all those forces committed to support — of the policies of the government; on the other ail those. _ who, whatever their long term projects for socialism, are opposed to fight against the policies of this government -- _ with, inside this second camp, a minority which comprises the forces of the revolutionary. Between the two vacillate forces who oppose the governments line in words but not in actions, oppose the governments policies on some aspects and not on others etc. ee It is within this framework that we may analyse the situation in the mass organisations and how each current defines its position in relation to the basic tasks and ‘questions of the situation. a) The Trade Unions nn The site of the most acute contradictions of _ the mass organisations, and the area in which the outcomes of this crisis and the class struggie in this period will be decided, is within the trade unions.

Indeed, the very centre of the power of the reactionary. policies of this government lies in its absolute " disect alliance with the decisive sections of thie trade ‘union bureaucray. While opposition from the constituency Labour Parties, or the CP, or the revolu- " tionary left may be an irritant to the capitalist class ‘and the Wilson Government it is only when it becomes serious opposition within the unions that real threats are posed.

It is for this reason that the most decisive thrust - of the ruling class and Labour bureaucracy in this ‘period is thé reinforcement to the maximum degree possible of ali the most right wing and pro-Wilson -sections of the bureaucracy. The gigantic press publicity on union elections, the ‘exposure’ of so called - feft scandels, the pressure for the secret ballot, even the feeble attempts of Thatcher and Prior are not accidental developments but absolutely central to “The policy of the ruling class in this period: Further ~~ ~ more, in addition to its general success in gaining “ support for. Wilson’s policies there is.no doubt that, most notably in the AUEW but alsd in other unions, the ruling class has enjoyed a certain success in pushing forward even the most right wing sections of the bureaucracy.

Despite these initial suce sses, and that as yet un- _- doubtedly the majority of the working class supports the Wilsort-Healey-Jones policies, however the supp- _orters of the policies of Wilson within the unions are __ “not without opposition. In certain areas, notably the public sector, the majority of forces in the unions probably oppose the policies of the government at - Jeast on cuts, Within the NUM a clear 40% in two crucial tests — the £6 limit and Langwith — has voted against the policies of the pro-Wilson leadership. Those forces dominated or onfiuenced by the CP within the unions, those assembled. at the Labour Movement Assembly, and others are forced, within the limits of that Parties’ policy, to move into at least verbal opposition to the government’s-policies — as are various — left social democrats. Within certain unions, notably - NUP, the extreme left commande significant forces wl it iseble fotead more significant forces still Uirough campaigns such as NCC, WWC etc. Finally, : and. most importantly, there are 4 continuing large _number of workers who, no matter what their subjective understariding, are taking actions against the policies of the government, The very struggles ~ steel, rail, Linwood and local fights such as Personna and Conimonwealth smelters, the 26 November demonstration — which continue to show that no qualitative defeat of the working class has taken. place show the type of forces which _ ’ ean be rallied to a class struggle left wing. There is nodoubt that very substantial forces can move in this _ direction in'the coming period. itis from both these objective needs and the’... . objective possibilitiés that the IMG must define the central step towards the creation of a class struggle left wing as the consolidation of class struggle tendencies within the unions. The precise form which this will take in this period will of course depend upon the conjuncture and the relation of forces although the crucial line of divide will of course be that of all those who are prepared to take action against the policies of this government. . 31. In fighting to take Up the Struggle on the needs of the bobjective situation, the IMG will be involved in a whole series of bodies, campaigns, initiatives and struggles. Many of the problems arising are common to all our work but there are sufficient particular features, and the _ particular problems are so acute, that itis necessary to ut-. ilise every possible method of increasing our implantation. .

Three main tactics , all of which of course overlap, are open to-us in this period, in fighting the Healy measures and working towards a class strugele left wing. (i) Consolidating a class struggle base in a particular un- it of the working ciass: :

The most powerful and important base from which the working class can act and in which we. must be implanted isef course the workplace—eventually it is around working place organisation that a mass party of the working cl ass will be structured. While we are very far from such a siti uation, there is no doubt that either establishing a firm base in a particular factory, or on a lesser scale, mounting a massive campaing.of solidarity around particular strugules is one of the most powerful instruments for putting forward our concepts and helping build class struggle forces.

Historical experience—Minneapolis for the SWP, Charleroi miners and then Glaverbell Gilly for the Belgian section, ~ Cowley for a long period for the WRP-shows that an industrial implantation can be built and sustained for a long time even with one secure base in an important workplace.

This should come as no surprise’ as it is one aspect of the question of abilities to take initiatives in action. Furthermore, evidently less powerful campaigns of solidarity with one secure base in an important workplace with particular struggles are an important instrument in building an implantation—as shown for example on a large scale by the WRP on Pilkingtons, and by us—to a lesser extent around Persona, Eldon Square, MacLaren. In the present period where struggles are still localised.and sporadic such campaigns are particularly important: Such bases also provide firm grounding points for particular united front initiatives. While we will absolut-

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ely not establish firm work place bases, both for the IMG,~ and for building a class struggle left wing, simply through work on the Healy-Wilson policies nevertheless . equally obviously we won't gain an implantation anywhere . without a clear-and strong policy on these. The permanent deepening and extension of the base of class struggle forces within particular workplaces—through taking up the struggles originating there, through a constant flow of propoganda, and' through taking our campaigns into the workplace is a continuous task, The.aim must be, -over a period of 2--3 years, to turn the IMG from an organisation with a relatively higher number of worker members but with little concentration, as now, into an orgainisation implanted —with other class struggle forces— in certain definite workplaces.

After workplace bases the next most powerful local instrument is of course controls of a particular unit of the labour movement. Even leaving aside the example of the CP. who continuously use this district committee or this or that federation, to Jaunch their initiatives, the Militant’s use of such organisations as the Liverpool LPYS shows what a powerful mobilising instrument such a base can be. The potential of a situation such as Clay Cross or Newham, even used in a correct fashion, is of course still greater. It is particularly such 2 lack of base which prevents the IMG taking initiatives to back our propagenda—for example, we were only able to make propoganda for 3 demand far a Conference of all labour movement bodies pledged to the demand for the recall of the Labour Party Conference. With an implantation in an authoritative labour movement bady, even at the level of the Militant for example, we would actually have been able to take the initiative for such aConference.. oo, . (®@ Although local initiatives are the area, given the likely development, of the class strugglesin which the " most significant steps may perhaps be expected in ; the coming period it is quite clear that this is insuffi- ’ elent in itself to demonstrate the need and potential for a class struggle left wing. At least partial experjences of this type of organisation are needed to convince wider layers of the working class of the ‘need for this. It is for this reason that we attach such importance to initiatives and bodies of the united front type of NCC, WWE etc. character. These serve not mérely as a response to the immediate needs of the class struggle but also systematically to educate and illustrate fo the working class the type of class “ struggle left wing which is needed. No amount of propaganda can serve one hundredth as the impact of a local conference leading to 4 functioning local ’ “ynited action committee against the cuts, a right fo work committee of a Trades Council, a properly established NCC leading to significant actions, the developing of a rea! national structured current around the Working Women’s Charter, the building of a real functioning tendency in the NUT eic.

This type of development, which we may place under the title of ‘organisations of any action committee type character’, but which range-through “Tocal committees, leading role Of particular Organisations, national united fronts, etc, are the essentail instrument through which we can meét the needs of the working class, demonstrated in practice our conception of a-class struggle left wing, and combat both the bureaucratic, and in the case of IS sectarian, conceptions of organising in the mass organisations.

They are aiso a decisive means whereby we will be able to play not merely a minor but a real leading role in the creation of a class struggle left wing.

Gi) While local bases and initiatives which can be taken by the revolutionaries are vital elements in the development of aclass struggle left wing, and in particular assembling a revolutionary poll for it, it is of course clear that a class struggle left wing cannot be simply a summation of local developments and national united fronts orchestrated primarily by the revolutionary vanguard. A class struggle left wing capable of altering the course of the class struggle must be capable of influencing and leading in struggle hundreds of thousands, or even more, workers. Both historical experience, and obvious facts of life concerning the class struggle, show that such a development requires not merely - mass sstruggles and initiatives by the vanguard but also the combination of these to the point where they provoke a division even within the ranks of the reformists themselves ~ even the Minority Movement was only able to be launched because the CP, a far more powerful ‘force within the workers movement than the vanguard today, was able to combine its initiaitve with the rise of the left bureaucracy in unions such as the miners while the CIO was actually initiated through a split in the reformists, and even a much more © modest development such as the Bevanite movement required a split in the apparatus to geil the various left developments within the Labour Party at that time. ; It is for this reason, and not merely to expose them. in abstract, that we have to.continually demand of the left bureaucrats not merely that they support local struggles or take up parts of our action programme nationally — although both these are important activities — but that they actually organise forces for an open struggle against the policies of the government.

We have to demand of Scargill while he oppases the £6 limit and can play a role in getting 40% of the NUM to vote against it, to carry through that struggle to © successful conclusion he must organise this 40% of miners into a concerted tendency in the union to fight the government’s policy. We say to the Tribunites that it is very good they have demanded the recall of the Labour conference, and that hundreds of labour movement bodies support this policy, but that the result aiso shows the uselessness of their methods — we must now proceed to organise these hundreds of labour movement bodies to fight for this policy, that this fight must be waged through mass demonstrations, conferences etc.. We say to the Labour Movement Assembly that it is excellent that representatives of 6 million workers have been assembied and that if these were organised into a fighting force they could begin to turn the situation on the labour movement upside down — these forces must now be organised into caucuses in every trades council, tendencies within every union and these forces must fight not merely for the recall of the TUC but to organise actions and committees against the cuts and unemployment in every area, organise industrial action etc. .

It is through concerted carhpaigns of this kind, particularly around topical issues such as the recall ofthe TUC or the Labour Movement Assembly, that we are able to give more life and clarity to our pro- - jection of what a mass clags struggle left wing would be and what its tasks would constitute. 32.in fighting for a class struggle left wing we have to ‘eombine ail these tactics, All conceptions which limit themselves on grounds of so called analysis to merely one of these tactics — whether it be purely local activity and demands on the leaders while rejecting anited front action (WSL) or purely united front and local initiatiatives while rejecting appropriate demands in the leaders (1S and for a period ICL), counterposition of local initiatives to building an alternative leadership (ICL) — are wholly artificial and do not correspond to the real development of the class or the many different and uneven ways it will approach the creation of a class struggle left wing — something that will emerge from all these processes, The chief task for the IMG is not the artificial counterposition of these tactics but learning how to combine.ther -- not in ways which are atrificial and outside of reality (Recall the TUC to Withdraw Troops from Ireland)'but in ways which reinforce our agitation and action in each of them e.g. simulataneously organameerinntnninnnyiinnencbecteicrinntansicesnnyrrnnat stented srecccter Nera ereenauEoeeuo shin

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sing forces to extend the LP resolution on healthy to other parts of the’ public sector eté. It i the ; éonibining of thesé:tasks which both strengthens our ” initiatives in gneral and drives the way forward to a class struggle left wing. it evidently has partichlar ws Hone te 7 notably the much Tower Weight ‘of the’ fowal: Cox Ps. tha the trade S. Te is for this ‘reas o parti ularly ne ssary to. be e clear why we are in the Co: obtain this. ‘ nm we are in® ‘th ‘Co-ops is not because, there” is at. present, OF we int ipate in the iminediate future, a “qualitative ine’, Of a quantitative increase of meinbership, this is‘of course in ‘sharp ‘contrast to ‘the périod | 1964- 70 wh n, ‘membership felt precipitatively, nevertliéless this di élopment i is Hidt.a crucial or qualitative one’ in this periéd, Our dim is not that of ‘making gains for, the' IMG thdef tha slogan of ‘closer to thé ranks of. the Co-op ‘workers’. The ‘decisive reason ‘for being ° in the Co-op in this period is precisely the fact that the ‘¢lass Struggle is. appearing more and more clearly in the ‘form: ofa enisis of and conflict within the mass organisations.

Flowing fr tom this‘also it is clear hat stnding forces into ‘the Co-op i is not dicta d by local consid- 8'the size of the: forves | already i ine rary experiénce indicatés that’ frequently the situation is excellent where few forces are in and where therefore it is possible to build up new forces around our general orientation. 24 ii is also clear front this what our ‘attitude is to. : _ attempts. to ‘Teproduces in the local Co-ops the” and the’ general’ strategy ‘of forces such. as Kelly: We of course ‘fully support the struggle i in Newham’ ° North East but we fiave'to point out that yes. we are for the fight for an’ alternative: leadership inside ‘the labour movement - including inside the Labour “’ Party ‘= but that-this cannot be achiéved by the _resolution ‘passing: means- of. Newham: The-only: way” in which’ to‘create’ thie real’ firm: “pase. ‘for a challenge to ‘the Wilson adership is thtough'the fight to change the Telan Of: orces in society ‘asa whole and that any attempt to’ do it éutside' ‘this’ context will inevitably be defeated and that i in this period the key is ‘sack a change does: ‘not lie in thé local co-ops. oR i “We'explain‘that while it might appear tempting to gs spend’ maximurt: forces j int ‘passing this-or ‘that resolution, or the fight to remove an “MP'as the: central goal: this éannot’ ‘provide: such-a turn which ji is 3 also why, despite setting'a goal ‘ofthe fight for an’ ‘alternative: leadership, we do not allocate, alt our forcesin ‘this’ ‘direction. “ It is als this” which ‘determines our line towards the Tribiunités: Under pressures ‘ofa ‘radicalisation i in the CLPs they have been' made to take verbal steps and votes in’ opposition to the government. : ‘We of ‘course’ support this: but our demand is that they: help organise, and call for mass éxtra:Pariiamentary-opposition to ‘the government . and that they openly organise forces for this.

This general line is fully confirmed. by our most fruitful : initiating vee for such. actions _ ik at fiesame time i aking \ up slogans. “of Recall. of. the arty, ck nites erenc BY nd. othsr general demands. type of development we have seen in various areas : which can be dealt with verbally indicates the way forward : ‘on this. “The Labour Movement in Scotland polices of the Wilson goverment, The main in specific features. which affect the tactics for dealing ‘with the situation are, the much “note” ‘advanced ‘state of the social | crisis in” ~ Sco! ténd, the higher degres‘of radicalisation and politicisation of} the Working ¢lags in. ‘Scotland than'i in England, the existence of the Scottish national question: and the. fact thatthe labour’ movement in Scotland is divided into three signi cant ‘parties — — the Labour Party structurally based on the mass organisations and ‘commanding. the ; electoral allegiance, Of the’ ‘working clas, the Communit Party’ dominating tie trade‘ inion ‘policy, and ‘the SLP™ which’ ‘tas a left social ‘democratic leadership but, with 4 strong, sipport in thé vanguatd and important centrist forces in its Base. The central task in working 1 for such a united front is of. course thé hammering out of a clear. programin ‘démarids for the Scottish working class:

In additon; the genéral demands of ¢ our action programme this paust ‘inclade a general workers. économic¢ plan for’ Scotland; proposals for joint action of the Scottish working Glass = ‘milcluding general industrial. trial action, of the . Class the demand for a Scottish. Assembly ly which is not limited i in its powers to deal with the crisis, cage eth a i MEAS ase 7 e strategic importance not: ey for the struggle against, th -particular oppression « of Scotland but for! the formation of ‘a ‘class struggle left wing in the | British labour movement as a: “whole. In’ particular ‘the social and political crisis is much deeper than it the rest of Britain and the ‘degree’ ‘of politicisation of the ‘working class much higher — opening the perspective. that the Scottish labour. movement i in its ‘majority may in relatively short time, as in the early decades of the century, be.an essential base and pole of a class. struggle’ left witig in the British labour ‘movement asa’ whole; the degree of decompositon of the. Labour’ ‘Party: is mtich more advanced in Scotland. than‘inthé rest of Britain and the wieght of ° its ‘militants within the trade unions in particblar, and especially i in relation. to the CP, is qualititively weaker “than in the rest of Britain; finally, a decisive element in

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our tactics, the much more advanced state of the social and political tensions in Scotland, and the weight of the ?Toureaucracy preventing any left turn in time, has given rise to a party with a left social democratic leadership and a centrist hase~the SLP. This has resulted in a situation that whereas in the rest of Britain the forces for a class-struggle left are still in a fragmented and uncataiysed form, in Scotland they are clearly capable of taking the form, with a correct revolutionary intervention, of an organised current around the SLP. This does not mean that the forces of a class struggie left win in Scotland will be confined to the SLP, on the contrary many will be in the LP, and rank and file members of the CP, but it means that with a correct intervention the SLP can be the chief organsing pole and initiating force fhr the drive towards a class struggle left wing in Scotland— allowing its organised emergence to potentially proceed at a relatively rapid rate and providing a clear centralised focus for revolutionary intervention. @HOur line in relation to the SLP indicates clearly ‘both that the mass struggles does not determine in a one to one relation the crisis, of the mass parties and the nec- _essity of understanding the relatively autonomous devel- ~ opmént of vanguard and masses. The SLP emerges ot directly out of mass struggle in Scotland but out of the refraction of the present economic, social and political situation through the electoral crisis of the Labour Party.

Part of a current that would have been subsumed in a general left development inside the LP in Britain, the section of the bureaucracy represented by. Sillars, found that the pace of such a turn in Britain was too slow for the situation in Scotland where, unlike in Britain, sections of the ruling class had 4 clear project in the SNP, Whereas in Britain as a whole the February elections showed that the crisis of the parties of the ruling class was actually worse than that of the LP, which is why Labour won the election, in Scotland, Labour was threatened with the type of disaster which affects most social democratic aprties carrying out openly right-wing policies in this period (French in °69, Danish, Australian, New Zealand, etc.) Faced with electoral disaster and with the weight of the Scottish labour movement was too weak to turn the cog of the British labour movement as a whole, Sillars found no option but to splite although by no means excluding going back to the Lab- ’ our Party, in a new federal and left form, at a later date. es Fonce the SLP was created then it became subject to ali the same pressures, with of course particular specific features, which affect all left social democratic splits— ILP in the 30s, PSU, PSIUP, Walloon Socialist Party, etc. It is able, as a pole of opposition to the right-wing line of the social democrats, to attract initially an imp- ' ortant layer of vanguard forces. Furthermore,as long as the sacial democracy remains on an openly rightwing line, it is able to attract a significant vote—the projected 8% of the vote in opinion polls, although at an actual election, it would probably be lower, is by no means out of proportion with the ILP, PSU, PSIUPtype formation.

However, left s social democracy not rooted on the mass organisations of the class has no clear social base and no coherence, It cannot replace the social democratic party based on the mass organisations and is pulled and buffeted by the main political forces which conastnnnse ne Rn EAM ALEfEN mNNH RRMAN NEE sorensaesomensiwe vine onemeacens Neeivatants apm on crmuussnas nay tgetnma rans Ant AsAAL ELIANA SEIN R OEE HH

[page 16]

[page 17]

front it—in this case, the LP, the SNP, the revolutionary left, and , to a certain extent, the CP. Furthermore, by its very nature, such formations are wiped out by any left turn.in social democracy which decomposes them into. social democrats. who: tend to.return to the main party,. revolutionaries, centrists, ete: The perspective of the SLPi is therefore.of.a:certain definate-period of attraction.of a vanguard followed by decomposition al-. _ong anyone of a number of.axes; depending on the:evolution of the. situation ones. which by-no means mustbe. excluded. being. refusion with a new federal LP or desertion of various elements for the SNP. 33 -, Déspite the fact that we clearly understand its fut-" ure ‘evoltaion and instability we also however understand what:the!SLP is, as-it stands today. ‘Today in Scotland and! Britiin-a crisis of the LP has developed but as pet, it . remainson an open right-wing line. Under these circumstances, the SLP and not the LP will attract vanguard elements of the: working class and furthermoe will retain a certaiz: stability. Our task isnot. merely to point-out, as do'sectatian: ‘and schematic forces, that the SLP cannot ‘ replace or defeat the LP but to be with those vanguard wotkers—just as in the mid-30s, the masses were with the- LP but the vanguard workers were in the ILP and that was where Trotsky insisted the Trotskyists should be. The priority of intervention of the IMG in Scotland today is not the LP, but overwhelmingly, the SLP. We give no guarantees for the long term, in two years time, we may. leave a degenerating SLP to rejoin the LP—just as Trotsky changed his position between the LP and the ‘LLP und: er the latters degeneration, but today our task is to put every available force into winning the maximum number of forces to our position within the SLP. We cannot conquer the masses today~ we can hope to conquer the vanguard: ‘in the SLP.

Furthermore, while we understand the long-term prospects of the SLP, we also know that which of. these “developments will take place is not pre-determined tof ally by- objective forces: Our ‘Intervention, provided that ° we take this-opportunity to throw all our forces into this work, is also a factor in this. Today the SLP is a formation with aleft social democratic leadership and a centrist base. A wide alyer of workers, much bigger | than‘our periphery, will be attracted to this party.

Our task is not simply to recruifa few people but to organise and clarify this whole.current which wili find itself in increasing conflict with the Sillars leadership’ In the base of cases, although of course by no means ~ the most likely, we niay be able to win a majority for vo these‘forces in the SEP: In othéts we may be ablé to hold the forces together as Sillars traiterously deserts tw the SNP or back to the LP. In others, we may he expelled butbe: supported by'signficant forces; or even we may rejoin, with-all other forces, the Labour Party. The point now is not to speculate, or engage in sectarian manoeuvres to gtab this or that individual, ‘but to lay down the broad strokes which provide for the'SLP to orient a ay to orient in ‘a correct way. This means, while support: . ing all SLP electoral initiatives, an orientation primarily ; to the workers’ struggles as opposed, to Sillars reformist “ and utterly utopian ‘project to replace Labour asthe "| : dominant electoral Party in Scotland, and aim to defeat ; the Labour electoral orientation and ‘means; drawing 2 clear line of divide with the SMP by putting to the fore demands for the ‘nationalisation of North Sea oil, and insisting in all areas where the SLP does not stand séats, the party should calf for a vote for the LP; putting forward the chief demands of our action programme as a basis for the SLP; resolutely fighting bans and proscriptions.and fighting for the fullest democracy within the Party. 46. . While the immediate task confronting us in the SLP is that of clarifying it and winning forces to our programme evidently the cheif strategic problem con- ’ fronting that Party, and our forces within it, is the relation of the SLP to the mass organisatoins of Lhe working. class, —in the first place to the trade unions and the LP:

Of course in the present period it would be ridiculous to raise centrally the demand for affiliation to the LP—the chief task is to consolidate and clarify the SLP itself and organising the maximum forces out.of the LP. Neverthelegs the situation remains that the way forward for the SLP a lie through application of united front tactics _to the LP--of which affiliation is merely a particular formand. not is some sectarian or utopian attempt to by-pass or replace. a Party still gigantically roote d inthe proletarjan organisations and which enjoys:the overwhelming — . Support of the recognised leadership of the working class.

While we.d6.not, in a tailist fashion reduce the tasks of . organising the: vanguard to the tasks of the development of the masses, which is why we ate in the SLP and not the LP, nevertheless we also know that any attempt to develop aline for the vanguard separate from a line for the ‘ masses will only end in a disaster wasting the potential of the valuable vanguard forces in the SLP. It would turn them from a precious leavening of the workers’ movement to a deadly isolated, and increasingly impotent, sect...as ‘again occured only too clearly with the:

SLP. We havé td continually educate all: forces‘in the understanding that today at best they have merely: con+ quered thé vanguard—or even only:a part of it—. dut . that today the masses, and even more the leaders of the - masses, are not with us or with the SLP but. with the LP.

The second task of any party worthy of the name: ist to find thé way to conquer the. masses —which can only: : ‘be done by not only standing in elections, and making propaganda, but through seeking systematic united © front‘initiatives with the LP and all the mass organisat-_, ions of thé class. Starting in the first place with inter: vention in the social struggles of the class and the nece- _ ssity of a Labour vote where the SLP cannot stand, we. have to educate the forces in the SLP in the ways of beginning to conquer the masses..We explain the question of affiliation to the LP within that perspective, 7 We explain that a great step forward has been made — an organisation of vanguard, forces committed to fighting Wilson and his treacherous policies has been created Under no circumstances will we surrender this gain’ If — we are faced with the choice of being able to organise but being outside the LP or with refusla of the right to organise but being within the LP we chose to be outside, The SEP must not disband: and enter the LP as individuals something which Sillars may well be. The SLP must only affiliate to the LP as a body.

But consider also the huge advantages to be gained in — winning LP workers if we are in the LP. Consdier the role played ‘by the ILP within the LP, as a militant force, andrit lamentable degeneration outside... at Our first task is to consolidate the SLP and chai enge the bureaucratic traitors. But consider also the great advantages if we can maintain our organisation but be within the LPs as an open tendency. Hundreds ~ of new doors will be opened to us. We will gain from this, not the bureaucrats. Today, to make affiliation to the LP at all a central part of our work would be pedantic= stupidity. But neither, particularly for the purposes of educating those who support us, musi we jettison this demand from our full programmatic approach. aa RRNA SERENE Sass

[page 18]

THE LPYS A #8. (As with the Co-op members of the IMG, due te reactionary Labour Party rules, cannot be members of the LPYS — and we strongly protest against it. However, there are in the LPYS people who would join the IMG did not ' it involve a threat to their membership of the LPYS. In this perspectives document we séek to indicate how we would like such supporters to act and the line which the -IMG would follow were it able to be within the LPYS).

The LPYS represents a distincly different situation to the CLPs in that the LPYS more or less 48 a whole would be part of any class struggle curent. Furthermore, unlike the CLPs, the LPYS-in the last period has undergone a qualitative inc= rease in membership. We are therefore interested in the LPYS from two points of view — firstly as.a lever within the mass organisations and secondly because of the forces actually contained. within if, Fe As a force actually within the mass organisations the ~ LPYS does not carry a great deal of wieght compared to the .CLPs -- let alone the Trade Unions. Nevertheless its weight both there and inside the working class is till of a qualitatively greater character than the IMG. As it is relatively easty to gain support within the LPYS with its influx of new forces the LPYS therefore can be a crucal base for launching various initiatives. Of these there is no doubt that the mast important at present is unemployment, | Whereas the IMG cannot g6 out and organise unemployed * youth, directly the LPYS can. Indeed LPYS activity aimed at labour exchanges another areas is one of the main ways in which the LPYC can and is growirig-in this period.

Furthermore through such activity it becomes 2 launching pad for further initiatives on unemployment — the Militant were able to make good use of this in Liverpool.

Wherever we have forces we should be attemting to utilise the LPYS as one of our chief levers on work on unemployment. — ‘ A second crucial area of work in relation to she LPYS — is the oppression of women. Not merely do the issues of _ abortion, the Working Womens Charter have an obvious objective importance, particularly for young women, but the Militant has utterly scandalous positions and record on this question’ Through a campaign around the issues of womens’ oppression in the LPYS our supporters could gather significant forces. :

It flows from this appreach, secking to turn the LPYS into an active campaigning body that a primary determinant of being in an LPYS is not the size of the existing forces —‘on the contrary probably the very best situation is where there is no LPYS at all and our supporters are able to build it up from scratch and thereby right from the beginning give in a clear campaigning character.

Finally the LPYS provides an important avenue through which student supporters can enter the labour movement. While joining the Labour clubs on campas is a waste of time in virtually all cases — they neither attract vanguard forces not do they have authority as a mass organ- _ isation of students -- for student supporters to wrok in the LPYS in the town is a fruitful ares of activity. a The LPYS is: of course in quasi totality opposed to the. Wilson governments policies — the Tribunites are the right wing in this milieu. Furthermore it has attracted a definite layer of young workers through intervention towards . Strikes, work on unemployment et. We are very much interested in winning over these forces th support of the IMG’ The decisive task-in this will of course be the struggle against the Militant -- an organisation wholse policies are centrist in the true sense and which in its sterile economism prevents the LPYS developing as a real campaigning “body. Indsed, Gn a Whole number of important issues, we will actually find we have more agreement with left ” sacial democratic forces. than the anti-democratic, anti-revolutionary activities of Militant. The chief sirat- " egic task in the LPYS is to organise those force who will oppose the Militant from the left and on this basis wage a real struggle for the leadership, The crucial step in this task, a particular application.of the need of a revolutionary bloc, will be to establish a united front paper in the LPYS. with those forces ~ supporters of the Chartists definitely and also the ICL if they can break from their sectarian _ practicies - who are in clear opposition to Militant on the crucial demands of our action programme.

Our intermediate term goal in the LPYS is clear. We want to establish a national fraction of supporters in the IPYS organised around a paper, with evidently @.united front caucus if.a real united front paper can be | established which will be a permanent and ongoing part of tlie activity of that organisation with the aim eventually of challenging for its leadership. We seek to integrate the:

LPYS c= learly as a component part of a class struggle left wing both as an organisation in itself and through its involvement in all the different united front struggles of the coming period.

THE COMMUNIST PARTY 8G. The CP is of course not 4 mass organisation of the working class in the sense of the Labour Party and tradé unions ~ it does not organise the masses. Nevertheless, ' the CP occupies an important position within the crisis of the mass organisations for two reasons. Firstly, in the present situation of the Icass struggle and with a still more open turn of the CP towards an alliance with the Labour left, as shown i the Labour movement Assembly, the C@P occupies pivotal position in those forces who at least on paper oppose the government’s policies. We of course are in favour of such unitdd action —although the first element will in general actually be to force the CP to take action as opposed to merely words, to fight * for democracy in all the fronts it put foward etc.

BR The second reason why attitude to the CP is important is that the CP is an important crisis and the potential : for winning forces from it, under the impact both of _ British developments and the international cricis of Stal- ‘ inism, have developed. “The primarily British reasons for the crissis of the CP are the extent to which it is increasingly canght between the left social democracy on the one side and the revolutionary left on the other. No longer with a totally dominant position on the non-Labour left the CP fears above all else that revolutionary left forces will become the deminant pole of alliance with the Labourite left. This would leave the CP pushed out as it would not attract left social dem- __ cratic forces nor revolutionary ones. For this reason the CP is drive both towards a much stronger push for unity with the left social democracy —the Labour Movement Assembly being the most ambitious undertaking — and at the same time to pen up an attack on what it sees-as its most dangerous opponents on the revolutionary left.

This is clearly identifies as the ‘sane’ Trotsky ists— hence Johnson’s articles on Trotsky and the Popular Front, the Roberts article on the IMG, the projected pamphlet on state capitalism etc, This is seen both as walling of the ‘revolutionary left and winning a definite layer of intellectuals around the CP on centrist mish mash politics of Gramsci, Sraffa etc. *

[page 19]

Our task is of ceurse to realise the CPs worst draems, and to establish the revolutionary left as the key alliance tor elements within the Labour Party and trade unions, This involves a still more systematic policy of unity in - action with the Labour left; fighting for democratic open united fronts, demonstrating that it is the revolutionaries who are really developing towards defeating the CP — including through electoral intervention; and extending the task begun in the Red. Weekly to systematically defeat the ideas and attacks of the CP through producing a pamphiet reply to Roberts ete. “Tile second element of the contradictions with the CP is the developing clash with Moscow—heralded most evidently by the Gollan article in Marxism today. This is partly a reflection of the developmient of all the West European CPs, but also due to the contradictions the CP faces in relations with left social democracy and the revolutionary left in Britain. Confronted with a left social democracy and a Trotskyist left which are not tarnished by the defence of the indefensible bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, and simultaneously unable to give 2 revolutionary alternative, the CP turns increasingly towards socia! democratisation.

Yet for the CP this is a totally contradictory process as #¥f it breaks its links with the USSR -totally it looses its reason for existence as a separate party outside the LP. The par. “' Sen towards more open criticism of the USSR therefore both opens it up to revolutinaries to attack its vacillations and inconsistencies —.how is Hungary to be justified if all the other defendants of the Mascow t trials were innocent whet about Troisky? what are the social explanations of thé invasion of Czechoslavakia— rad at the same time threatens to lose its major forces to left social democracy-—Reid is merely the most dramatic example of this Like the Australian CP. and the Greed ‘Internal’ CP before it the British CP can suffer staggering losses through this period. This we must also use to launch a vigorous campaign o# political repression in. Qur attitude to the CP is therefore clear. We are ' for united fronts with the CP, In this period it will be » one of the forces in a class struggle current. But.our strategic aim isto smash the CP as {le main force contending for united fronts with left Labour forces. ‘Phe rel alan of forces between the CP and the revolutionary «left is now such that. with suitable and sensible tactics , this is entirely a zelaisable goal and will consititute a mest gigantic strategic step forward forthe IMG and the revchitionary left. as, a re @ ra ‘ aad - om : ‘ Projccts in fighting fora Chase Struggie Left Wing 47, The analysis of the situation which exists within the mass organisations and working class today indicates clearly that it is not possible imme diately to proclaim or ereate areal class strugate left wing on a real class struecl ereate a real class struggle left wing on the type of scale of the minortiy Movement in the 1920s or the CIO in the United States in the 1930s, The class struggle | is still at to low a level, the vangtiera too weak, the refor mists not yet sufficiently divided with lavers forced to — Tura to limited mobilisations of th2 masses, for such a development to occur immediately. Instead what exists with the partial-exception of Scotland, is a whole series of much mote partial movements in particular unions, in particular areas, on specific icsues. Ft will clear ¥ need a powerful catalyst~a qualitative development of the vanguard, a sharp turn in the political situation, an open 5 8 © - € Split within the bureaucracy on the Bevan mode] ete, ~be- . -fore such elements crystallise into a really organised class struggle left wing with any high degree of coherence and homogenity in programme and organisation. Nevertheless it is precisely such partial-and limited developments, . ‘in the context of a mounting class struggle, which always provide the ferment preceeding the creation of a real class struggle left wing. Just as the Minotity. Movement was preceeded hy . the shop stewards struggles of the first warid war; ” the strikes of 1919, 1921, and 1.922: the reform move- . ments in industrial unions; by the struggle against Britsh intervention in Russia etc. — and the CIO by the Minsappolis and Toledo strikes, the movement of the unemployed, the black struggles of the 1930s, the student strike against war and many other developments ~ so also the beginning of such a movement are to be seen in the mass strike atruggles since 1968; the fight against unemployment and cuts; the continuing opp- ' osition to the Healey measures and the governments projects; the radicalisation against the oppression of women, the vanguard forces which have emerged on Portugal, Spain, Ireland and the other-issues of the international revolution. It is-these forces and struggles, and the potential-of. crisis in the mass org-" anisations, which their existence creates in the face“ ~ of a hourgeois:offensive ‘and bureaucratic betrayals, which allows us to:project with credibility both the objective need and-the ebjective possibility for the. creation of a new class struggle in this period. We are not at the 1924 of the Minority movement or the. 1936 of the CIO in relation to the emergence of a new class struggle left wing, but neither are we at 1914 and the deepest reaction of the working class or the dark days-of 1932. The elements of a class” struggle left wing are already beginning to develop — inadequate, groping, partial, unsure of their direction but nevertheless developing — in this period. We are at their 1922 or 1934. The central task of revohutionary Marxists in taking forward the interests of the working class and building the revolutionary party in this period is precisely the struggle to develop every one of these beginnings, to render them stringer, more compact and miore programmatically clear, and to fight for their centralisation and coordination. .

Of in the present sliuation there are of course innumerable links of collaboration between the classes. This Government and those supporting its policies serve the interests of the bourgeoisie on every field of economic, social, political policy, both nationally and internation- . ally. Neverthéless in this period we clearly identify the most central link, the most central aspect of class collaboration in the present situation, as the decisions taken by the Isbour movement last Summer in their support for this Government's policies. While we support every struggie and mobilisation and consider that only the working class beginning to act, against the polciies of this - Government can begin to forge an alternative, nevértheless, we do not have any light-miinded and ultra-eft atfitude that the labour movement can simply ignore or by-pass these decisions which bound its mass. organisations to the Government’s policies. As far as possible within every strugele, and in the course of taking it forward to its maximum extent, we consistently lay a clear strategic aim before the forces in these struggles — 0 reverse the Cecisions of the workers’ movement last Summer, to drag the mass organisations.of the labour movement away fror the policies Pursued by the Wilsor Government and in the course of this fight to Degizn ‘to forge alternative cless struggle policies and an alternative class struggle leadersh ip for the labour movement,

[page 20]

Whils the unevenses of the clats struggle, and the contin wing lack of oeue of the mass of the working class on key issues has Ir land, prevents as yeta mass polstisation of the workers’ orsanisations on ail the issues confronting the pr oletariat and oppressed masses, nevertheless our tack is both to orennize the vanguard on these issues and to find the way in which this variguard can begin to inject these struggles as an element into the conscidusness and mobilisation of » the maaces and the crisis of the mess organsiations, . ermmen’s ante: rity. programms 49.The Healy measures sand the governments economic programme must be seen in the context of the current. crisis of British and international capitalism. The present attack on the workine class is net merely a cyclical adjustment of the rate of profit but involves an attempt fo begin to overturn the whole basis of class eg bilibrium createdin . the post 1945 period and based on full employment ,relativsly Bich wages,the existence. of.the welfare state,and the ‘onarantecing’ of of bourgecis democracy. and of a relative — freedom of organisation “and action of the organisations — olins working class. Ths present etteck of the ruling: ® bas as its aim the lowering of the living standards © working class by 5-10%,jhe dismantling of signnt sections of the social services,and the conditionof the worcing clats te the acceptance of a permanent lof vaemp! sent of 1-1}4'reilion.Such an attack artied throush via an esresion both of the cracy ref the workers movement and of bourgeois cratic rizats,ia particular through en offensive aimed st the vanguard,and through the introduction of sent measures weakening the power and capacity nm of the organisations of the working class For proltianat it means fichting uncer conditions in which even the mere defence of its exi sting living standards and serial gabzs ean only be cchieved through ¢ general confront- ,ftior with ihe eapttalist system and the hegiaing cf a process — "of mak ving invoa’ts into fhe capliahist domination of the econanry.

Tas outcome of this struge’s is. of decisive significance éovel opment. of the:cl The-present. s¢ ‘of the bourgecis aiteck is. eares By ation of important sections of the working class,a g of the position of ths bureaucracy anda osition and strengthening of the instruments of pont eecis domination in that’ framework the fight against the Hea ly megcures are not a specific campaign but a fight inst the entire policy of the government which tekes four mein axes may be noted. “ef such a scope That lis acceptance ; ¢ Inbour movement would produce a demoralisation and: ce Ost 2 whole serics “of interconnected fields.Nevertheless - {a} The cuts £9 $B. The area in which the fist miajor break in collabcondion with the government's policies has come is on ‘the question of the cuts. Both in geographical spread and imilitancy of action (Dundee, Liverpool, British Rail etc.) iit-can-be seen that the scope of the forces which can be ‘channelled to. the fight to reverse the decisions of the labour movement. This development is not at-all acci- ‘dental. Apart from the direct importance of the social - ‘services to the working class and their historic role in socia} democracy, it is in this fiek! that the way to ‘render this movement of resistance more compact and coherent is also clear. Cuts Action Committees have been formed in most major towns, and in meny other areas in ‘the suburbs, containing wide ranges of forcee and political ‘ currents. The centralisation of these bodies through initiatives in action and national united front bodies must be _the object of our work.

While gurding against mechanical repitition of slogans in general one of the projects we should set before action: committees should be that ofa workers enquiry into the cuts, probably starting from specific cases of rationalisation, eg closure of hospital wards, teacher unemployment etc, On the basis of such expose we should carry out a campaign for industrial action to meet all cases of nationalisatien and cuts. “One of the @ims of such reports whould be to produce @ programme of public works in the arez to meet growing. unemployment and social need, We should seek endorse~ ment for such a programme in all sections of the ieLour * movement, including minority labour groups and dissi- ® dnet councillors, as the concrete demands on which indus: trial action could be taken. _ : We should demand that Labour councils refuse to im- : plement the cuts or in the case where they are minor- ‘ities support campaigns against the cuts and provide : these campaigns with local authority information. Labour councillors who implement or support the cuts should be removed by local LP’s and replaced by those who are prepared to wage such 4 fight. ~

[page 21]

- At the same time We sHiould be attempting to build a fixe instance, using such information. that can be obtained national campaign against the implementation of the pror -posals contained ‘in the Goyel ment WHite Paper.or.subsequent modified ‘for. gh the calling. of a national conferénce of alf cuts ‘cor mittees, , and 3. 88.in, the. case of unemployment, the productioz ‘ produced on'a ‘regular basis. 1 “constantly promote: and See 4 option. ogramme,of such 2 a movement forthé'nationalisation of the banks and fi finance houses, and . for a ' programme of public peeaien A seek to link these to the locat oe against ‘thes. _ cuts: ‘both through the initiatives, of the NCC and through “Labour Party Policy. on the health service and for itse ex- Our to the. rest of, the public sector, | our, Party Conferences to break with 5 advancing as the positive alter- . ‘to the entire pu slic sector, with: the struggle for the estab- “lishment and centralisation. of-all action committee type , ‘bodies into national movements with a programme of” demands capable of knitting together all the separate ’’ aspects of a response to this.attack into a cohesive and. readily understood guide.for action and:a clear aiter-°" native t to the vacillations and. ¢-compromises of the left $B. The second area in which major resistance to the decisions of last summer and the policies of Wiston-Healcy are developing i is on unemploy ment,.Again this is not accidental. The £6 limit was supposed to be the alternative to mass unemployment. Now however, having accepted the limit, the workers find themselves faced with unemployment as well. Again the clear element of betrayal even of the meagre promises of.the: government | fuels the general concers:of .herwork ing class on unemploy- ; lane toa anysbreak down of the post war il grow steadily worse.as. the working * class come to realise thal -mass unemployment is now 2 - Tong term feature ol-theeconomy. This powerfully forces the working clas towards, general and political solutions” that link Jocal: militancy. and struggles to'the problents of . the general reorganisation ofthe economy >in particular the demand for nationalisatiom under workers control; °°" The first way to linking. this rising struggle:against unémploy ment to the general fight to break.the mass organisations from their.collaboration with the govern: ment is through the building of permanent ‘bodies ix the * localities against unemployment composed:of advanced ©”: workers as representatives:of. ‘the: Us ar LP and uhem- ve ployed’ workers, a ‘The task: of ‘assembling the maximum n forces ta fight on the issue is. the first, priority. through the organisation onal conferences. We must be able to spell out concretely. the forms of.action that can flow from such initial organisation. -The first.of these is the creation ‘ofa broad based. action committee: to. fight against unenr | stant theme ‘and -provide a definite weak link on the policies of the bur- . full social security pay’ ments t to.women. ' unemployed-.youth and at the same ‘time' the question’ 7 of recruitment into the IMG. Organisation of youth | ployment, The production of a local: bulletin:from the . action committee which contains regular round ups of the unemployment situation and highlights, the.conditions of uriemployed workers can help to centralise the projections ‘ofthe: committee ori a town or-city basis, «2. “1 fe "Phe line Of Opening ‘the books of all-firms threatening . rédundaricy cat be ‘agitated for concretely through, in the from-shop ‘ste ards te expose, the strategy, of.the firm: through ‘the pulletin, putting forward the ending of. alk: covertinie and policies of work sharing without: loss of pay, and developing : a plan’ for production to. Stop, job loss and. proper ‘of right to work committees . should’ ‘be the’ pail ae of protest penpralised industrial solidarity att particular struggles -- or . particularly exems: plary ones sucti'as Personna or Commonwealth Smelting.

The fight for’ the® or: ganisation, of. riaerpploved workers & im necéssary ‘and start to. ‘weld. the. advanced uneniployed’ workers into a political force in the localities.

Ona national level ° we should be attempting, to. build a national meeting of delegates, from right to work committées and'similar bodies with the specific aim of Jaunching a national bulletin along similar lines to those outlined for the localities, not, counterposing, this, of course, to. the same’ forces which initiated the Labour Movement Assembly. a At ail times ‘we should. fight f for the. maximum. involvement of Labour MPs in sponsoring such committees ~ particularly int committing the lefts nationally, to, the policies: 6 nationaligation under -workers control, as well. as continuously fighting for their support for whatever. strugslés arise against uneniployment, ” .

The fight for the Fight of women ta work i ‘is sof major . importance objectively, (given the astonishing rate of increase of unemployment comparative to:men} and can eaucracy: Our generat ‘policies ‘for women workers are the , same as for-inen; we do not put ‘forward demands that positive discrimination should be exercised on, the question of whether women. should be selected for redundancy, but fight for the right to work as a basic right under capitalism. More specifically, a major part of agitation should: be. for unemployed women-workers to regard themselves as just that and to be organised-as part of the unemployed workers moventent. and nat-to be reabsorbed. into house-— work and reintegrated. inte.the family unit-2 as their sole’: form of social organisation: oA However, in this light. given that the stite assumies women’s financial dependence.on men, We: demand: the right of of eulte aaat fh We should vigorousty-p promte’ the etginisation ‘of | unemployed committees as in Birminghma culminating in demonstrations and the like have had a certain success,. - In many areas the EPYS ié ‘able to de facto play 2 similar | role, Our tactics in drawing politicised youth towards revolutionary politics will'in many cases hinge around | their recruitment into the LPYS, pa icularly in those areas whére at presénf no LPYS éx yf there is only a very weak implatitaion of the Militant! Insuch areasa c major priority ‘of student comrades must. be work inthe | LPYS and agitation among unemployed youth, i ré broadly based initiatives that might flow from .

Soma seacriar taney SNe saa NSMRUOSS aR nN DNI TENE! pcon nay peck neoety ews ane Rowe eae among ceeNud sie mA ne rr seen paneenanicaoh inet eetnat ante LevacnyatTateanne

[page 22]

(c) Wages controls 5268. The most décisive elemerit of all in the ruling clas plans for recomposing its rate of profit at. the expense of the working class is the securing of the second round of wage controls this summer, This round is in fact even more crucial for the ruling class than the last — in a period of massively rising unemployment and falling production such ag last summer, it would be expected even without incomes policy that wages would be lowered whereas in conditions of rising industrial production such as will © exist this summer it would normally be the case that the working class would seize the more favourable conditions to push up wages and regain the losses of the previous period (eg not merely historical examples but the massive wages offensive of 1972 following the defeats of relative stagnation of 1971). For ruling class this would evidently be disastraus — removing all the quantitative gains on the recomposition of the rate of profit made last summer. The ruling clase can only gain a serious recomposition of the | _ Yate of profit if it can carry through an increase in production without the working class making up the losses in living standards suffered in the last period. One of the precise indications of the fact that there is stil no qualitative change in the relation of forces is its belief that this cannot be achieved without incomes policy: ~ the NIESR for example predicts 20% increases if there is no incomes policy. To secure a second round _of wage controls is absolute priority number one for the: ruling class.

Conversely of couse the rejection of wage controls is _ perhaps the dividing lines around which a class struggle left wing can be hammered out. In every union in the period leading to the summer conferences there will be ‘a substantial minority, or even majority, which will be opposed to the wage controls. We have to demand the establishment of open caucuses in every union, and across unions, which fights for this. We should demand that the lefts who oppose wage controls ~ Scargill, Jenkins, CP elements -— put out a joint call for a united front on this basia, organise demonstrations, lobbies etc. We must advance’ the demand of a TUC COngress against the . proposal for merely a conference of executives to decide -wage policies, Similarly in bodies such as the Labour Movement Assembly; we demand.a conference to organise forces opposed to the wage controls. Within particular unions, while avoiding adventurist actions leading to exclusions, we have to look for any opportunity to use a particular base of resolution to launch a caucus or initiative to create a class struggle tendency around this issue, Where nuclei of such tendencies exist (ie on a very limited scale NUT) we must argue for these to hold _ special conference to.organise forces for this fight.

While it will be the fight for or against wage controls which will dominate the discussion around defence of working class wages in this period, and we must take this as the dividing line for organisation of class struggle forces, the slogan of sliding scale of wages maintains its full validity and we have to find ways to project a clear ‘poll on this question. In addition to our own propaganda it will provide one axis of the revolutionary bloc we need to project as part of the fight for a class struggle jeft wing. ¢ (a) Speed up and productivity drive SHB Emerging in the coming months as a major factor in the general context.of wage controls, cuts and unemployment will be the question of speed up and productivity drive, It is clear that the upturn in industrial production which is going to occur from the spring onwards will be the oceasion for a tremendous productivity drive by the ruling class. The only way in which 4 serious upturn in the rate of profit in the present period can occur is through the. expansion of production taking place on the basis of the Same, or even 4 smatier labour force. Struggles such as that at Cowley where the management threatened to close the plant unless the production figures for cars reached massive requited levels — shows the type of drive which is to be anticipated. The Ryder and Chrysler plans for joint management committees are instituionalised products of the same project. : ' The same problem will: be posed, through a different form, by the cuts. A simultaneous process of cutting out services and increasing work from reduced staff is involved — increase in class sizes, cutting out domestic shifts and forcing medical staff to do their jobs, increased shifts and working hours in transport etc. is involved. The massive spontaneous strike on Eastern Region and the struggles on. ‘Transport shows the explosive potential of a fight back against these moves. A whole series of vicinus struggles, both of a local abd in some cases national character, are to be expected, The question of the drive against speed up and productivity, places.sharply a whole series of workers control demands. Demands of a veto character against speed up, for maintenance of manning levels, for opening the books etc will be central. In‘industries where there gre the sharpest forms of such attack — already in cars and probably spreading to other industries — attitudes towards such bodies.as joint management and productivi> ° ' committees is vital — a real mass line of divide is for or against participation in these bodies. Utilising local conferences and similar platforms and nationally through such bodies as the IWC Cars Conference, we must-fight for the veto as the effective demand against speed up, combiiing such propaganda with the call for open the books comm- _ ittees to be counterposed to any participation bodies. The call for the re-election of stewards who take positions on _ joint management committees should be raised in.a like manner, The increasing consciousness amongst the working _ class — already seen on the railways and in transport — that the whole policy of Healey—Wilison cuts, unemployment and wage controls is going to be accompanies by 4 sevete deterioration of working conditions will further both raise important demands of workers control and fuel the demand for a break with the policies of the government. (iii) The struggle against the oppression of women a4 Second ; ; £2.The ajor lever which will in this period lead wide sections of the masses towards 2 break with the — O Government’s policies is the oppression of women.

For'women workers in particular—even more than for the whole of the working class—1975 was the year of . betrayal. The Equal Pay Act, the Sex Discrimination Act, and the Employment Protection Act were supposed to provide solutions to problems confronting women. ‘ Indeed, this was one of the few fronts on which the Labour Government did cliam to be making concessions, .

This year, the chickens came home to roost. The Eqaul Pay Act will not solve the economic problems confronting women; the Sex Discrimination Act will not solve their oppressions. Finally, on a fundamental issue—abortion—the Labour Governmentt is collaborating in taking away even what few rights women have’ won. in assessing how we utilise this lever, we must under- . stand that , after the basic trial of Class strength around . _ the Government’s austerity measures (which in its results affects every layer of society), there is no doubt that the most expiosive aspects of the social crisis in this period—as in'‘many countries in Europe~ lie around the the questions of the appression of women.

[page 23]

_ The"? conditions of Sharpening reaction, coupled with the . crisis of social relations and potentialities created by capitalism iiseif, lead to. a radicalisation and ferment around questions of the oppression of women which are permanent structural features of the situation. - they have severe conjunctural consequences. Despite the immense organisational strength of the working class ~already noted many times, if remains politically weakened by its failure to understand how the social relations of the family serve to maintain capitalist relations through the oppression of women. This leaves the working class open to internal divisions on many fronts. First, it is internally weakened around’ issues relating to the family--for example, women workers are | declared reduandant without any, real fight from the workers’ -. movement because they are seen to be ‘already employed’ in the home. Secondly, it is unprepared. for any ruling class of- _ fensives (however fragmented) which aims to win an entire section of the class (ie. women) to its own bourgeois solutions ta the crisis. Thus, the present implications of a fight for the liberation of women are not an ‘added extra’~rather they are fundamentally in the interests of the entire working class and its imperative need for the utmost unity to meet the attacks levied by the Labour Government. , The radicalisation has relflected itself in the development of an autonomous womnien’s liberation movement—signifying the necessity for the independent organisation of women to fight against their own oppression—as well as an increased militancy amongst working class women in general.It is this latter radicalisation— which remains relatively outside the contre! of the bureaucracy, due to a lessened integration of women into the mass organisations—which, while having its own dangers of isolation, also opeis significant opportunities.

Within this framework, it can be seen that the struggle on women’s oppression is in no sense purely one against super-exploitation or some particular offensive: of the ruling class. What is involved is an integrated struggle which of course develops unevenly at different periods against ail aspects of women’s oppression. * §5 A. The first decisive axis of our struggle towards the liberation of women in this period i is the fight for the demands of the Working Wonien’s Charter. This campaign has ‘ 2 complimentary, but distinct, aspects: :}t acts as a united front campaign for the adoption by the workers’ movement of a programme of demands which touches on the totality of the social relations which structure women’s existance in capitalist society (ie. the relation between home and work). These relations have a specific Tole to play ixf the bourgeois offesnive against the work-~ ing class as 2 while. The Charter plays the role in the workers’ movement and organisations as the banner for the fight for women’s rights, which can in practice show the inadequacies of the Sex Discrimination, Equal, Pay, and Employment Protection. Acts and begins to project a class struggle alternative, The task is the fight to win the mass organisations to mass action, to campaign for the implementation of the Charter in the face of the inadequacies of the above Acts.

Secondly, in an ongoing sense, the Charter draws together (usually through Charter groups) vanguard layers in a fight against women’s oppression. This grouping of radicalised layers is important for taking the first steps to stimulate united fronts on specific issues raised in the Charter using the base of the Charter in the mass organisations to broaden the base of specific united fronts (eg. a united front around nursery closures as a means of implementing an aspect of the Charter), Secondly, it acts as a radical pole within these broader united fronts on aspects of the Charter, for grouping vanguard forces active around the Charter to take independent initiatives within these broader united fronts pan Rack Sanne 9 1 raise the wider « questions relating to women’s opp-ression.

The first aspect of the wwec outlined above will be predominantly structured through work inside the mass organisations; its second aspect will be’ predomin: antly structured through Charter Groups in localities.

Clearly, however, no. artificial separation should be made between these two processes. The development of Charter Groups in localities, and the activities. of the vanguard around the Charter will have an impact on the campaign for its adoption in the borader worker’ movement—and vice versa, Both aspects of the campaign are developing around the same set of demands, which has a particular historical background and signifigance in the workers movement.

The IMG should seek to develop the fight for the implementation of the demands of the Charter through 3 major initiatives in the coming year:

LA mass raily to examine the workings ofthe SDA and EPA. A major thrust of our work around the Charter _ should be te. continually counterpose a struggle around the demands of the Charter to a reliance on the Tribunals and Equal Opportunities Commissions established under the SDA and -EPA. We do not adopt a position of principle agiinst using these bodies, but we insist upon the fundamental need of the working class to rely on its own organisation to combat sexism and oppression. We should use the support which the Charter has in the localities to animate Iocal investigatory committes with the workings of the SDA and EPA. This should be done in such as way as to involve working women —specifically manual workers, barely touched by the campaign to date. 2.A National Conference on Unemployment and Cuts:

In addition to this work the fight to assert the specific needs of women workers should be pursued inside a national Conference. This can provide the springboard for a campaign for the adoption and fight for the implementation of the Charter by the mass organisations, 3.4 Campaign for the TUC to Adopt the Charter.

At the last TUC, the WWC was endorsed by one-third of Conpress (6,224,000 votes to 3,697,000) with the support , of the AUEW (Engineering, Construction, Foundry, and ; TASS), ATTI, NALGO, CPSA, SCS, NUPE. We should campaign to reverse this decision. This means a fight for trade unions and Labour Parties to force the TUC to demand that the Labour Government implement the Charter and take action ‘in persuit of the aims of the Charter’.

Posed in this way, the fight for the Charter is an entry into the general fight against the anti-working class poli- . cies of the Labour Government. 56 ®. While the Working Women’s Charter Campaign provides the essential background to our work on women’s oppression in this period, it is evident that while the struggle on abortion at present has developed onan uneven scale since November 1974 and the White Bill, it has nonetheless involved qualitatively greater forces and political impact. It therefore clearly demands an independent campaign structure and mobilisations.

In this fight, evidently the most advanced development . was the 21 June demonstration followed by the reversal of past TUC policy-on abortion and the adoption of ‘free abortion on request on the NHS’ at both the TUC and LP Conferences in the autumn of 75; and finally, more recently, has expressed itself through the decisions of the 6 MPs to resign from the Select Comittee in an unprecedented move which suggests a whole series of challenges to Parljiamentary sovereignty.

On the other hand, since 21 June, the right has made sigificant gains. They have managed to utilise the. unclear © objective situation since the White Bill was put into the’ Select Committee and through their intensive propaganda camapign, public meetings and lobbies, coupled with the ‘unwillingness of the lefts to take even ane sten in the diran, t reneseinssetinagebarrtt Irpeatsienemannan vin annneny maine Lemunmannyngicdreneynaie

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tion of a fight throughout the summer and early autumn, have been able to get the Select Committee re-convened.

To date, there has been no qualitiative advance made by the right, however, and any shift in the balance of forces in favour of the working class.on this issue will be determined both by the development of the class struggle in general, as well as by the successes of 3 April, and the abilitiy to.involve independent, mass forces around a working class solution, In this period, therefore, our central orientation to the | abortion issue must be to group all those forces in the: mass organisations prepared to fight for the implementation of the TUC/LP resolutions on abortion. This is essentially a political fight concerning women’s rights, although in this conjuncture it is clearly Hinked to the question of cuts in the NHS.

We thus aim to build the fight for women’s right to abortion through the mass action of the working class ,and counterpose this method of fighting to that of the reformists. They wish to rely.on the pro-abortion | ” MPs and they pose a counter-Select Committee, as an answer to the present solidly anti-abortion Select Committee. In this fight to involve the masses, we welcome every positive step the lefts take in the abortion issue.

However, we must be in the forefront of .demanding - they go further, they base themselves on the actions of the working class, rather than on Parliament.

We counterpose to the parallel Select Committee the . need for.a workers’ enquiry into abortion—culminating in a large Forum to draw the lessons of the experiences _ gained in this. We call on and campaign for the TUC and LP to participate in organising this Forum, recognising that they will only come in if it is necessary,to . maintain their base. We fight for this forum around a series of policies which will meet the needs of wom~en and the working class and which will have a resonance amongst the masses—for the right of women to abortion, for opening the books to determiné the nature of the cuts and their effects on abortion facilities, thus providing.a basis for planning a health service in the interests of the working class as a whole; for the full integration of the private sector into the NHS, etc.

In all-this activity, the role of NAC will continue to be important in assembling vanguard forces and initiating these actions, through which we can draw in broadet forces of the workers: movement.These latter farces will be structured primarily through their-own, mass organisations in-an ongoing way, but wili be prepared to participate in individual intiatives stiumulated by NAC forces, Within the mass organisations, such as in the Labour Party, campaigning structures internal to — the organisation have already been initiated.

The NAC has attained considerable prominence natjonally~it is seen as a legitimate spokesbody for the ‘pro-abortion forces, However, despite its national presence, its support is in many localities not reflected through large numbers of activists assembled in NAC groups, Insofar as we recognise.the important role of the NAC, we continue to fight for the leadership of this campaigning structure and to work in it in every locality, attempting to win it to an orientation to the ass organisations and to a perspective of mass action on tht basis of policies which will actually meet the aceds of the situation.

S: 4 oe In conclusion, in these 2 ‘campaigns which we choose to centralise and prioritise on women’s oppression, our central thrust must be to ensure their development independently from the bourgeoisie. In the Charter Campaign this necessitates a clear fight for an extension of the Sex Discrimination, Equal Pay, and Employment Protection Acts which can be stimulated through an independent working class campaien around the demands of the Char- ‘ter. Within these campaigns on specific Charter demands, we must be in the forefront of fighting for the broadest possible. unity in action with the reformists—but in the course of this fight, put forward our programme, and our policies, which da provide solutions to the crisis. This thrust will be re“lected in the national initiatives outlined | ' above. .

In the abortion campaign, this project entails waging a.sharp fight for the implementation of the LP and TUC decisions on abortion—attempting to unite all those forces prepared to rally behind this banner. The major focus over coming months will be the national Forum —based on the experiences of the working class in their struggle for - - women’s right to abortion. The question of leadership in the working class is posed sharply at the present time vin the abortion campaign. Our demands for the removal of MPs who refuse to implement LP policy are thus an ° important part of this project—one which is in no way artificial, but indeed, has been taken up in Hammersmith, for eg., quite independently of us, it is through-this kind of thrust that we will begin to construct an alternative leadership:to that of the present one, based on alternative policies which are in the interests of the working class. The process of waging this fight thus aids in arming the working class—guarding it aginst internal divisions around issues relating to.the fam- . ily, as well as against entire layers in society (eg. women) being won to bourgeois projects to solve the present crisis. (iv) Defence of democratic rights —_— 88. We have seen a series of moves against the democratic rights of the working class by the Labour government, and the beginning of physical assaults on.its meetings by the fascists. The most important issues which should take up are the following: a) Campaign against the PTA .

As we have already explained, the direction and success of the PTA is around the democratic rights on the issue of Ireland. Nonetheless both in relation to these rights and the threat which is posed to.the more general rights to organise of the working class—the general increase in police powers, the open use of - torture, the arming of the police and soon are raised under the provisions of this act.- In this context too, we should alert the vanguard to all the repressive moves and increase in state powers that have occurred under the cover of the ‘fights against tetrorism.” The police-army manouevres,‘the beginnings of the creation of a para-military police force with the SPG and the armed antiterrorist squads. ° The dnagers that all this developments pose to the rights of the workers’ movement generally was seen by the inability of the workers’ movement to respond to the strike breaking role of the: troops in the dustcart drivers’ strike.

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b) Campaign against Criminal Trespass laws:

A aumber of defeats for the ruling class have . been suffered over the attempts to utilise the - conspiracy laws—the iranian 21, the BWNIC and the Iberian 19. Nonetheless, moves are afoot to: create specific legislation to deal with the most important features of the rights of the workers’ movement which are at present outside the scope of criminal law. The Criminal.

Trespass Bill is designed precisely as a weapon for use against militant actions by workers and Students—particularly occupations~which have >, been used so successfully aver the past couple of years. The main attack at this stage is coming against the squatters’ movement. But this is a clear camouflage to provide an ideological cover to restrict the rights of the workers’ movemerit in general. tis for this reason as well as the claim in their own right that we should stand full square in solidarity with the squatters and alert the workers’ movement to the stakes , which are involved. One of our main goals must be to get a reversal of the TUC endorsement of the law against ‘legal’ occupations. * c) Attacks on the far left There is also an organised witch hunt against the revolutionary left to discredit it in the eyes of the workers’ movement’ and isolate it from. | .thé ‘workers’ movement. The primary axis of. this at present is the fight for democracy inside the workers’ movement, ‘However, we should be prepared for the stépping up of limited state forays against the far left of which the attack on the WRP is merely a foretaste. . ad) Defence Arn & the right to organise The issue of picketing has become Jess prominent in the immediate past period. But this will again . come to the fore'in any new upsurge. The cynical refusal to act to release Des Warren by the Labour government show that it will be just as anxious | as the Tories to use criminal law against picketing if this tactic is again used by the working class. _ Therefore the political fight against the use of the . law. as well as the propaganda for self defence of - -, pickets against the police is a vital area of propa- . ganda which we should take up. Moreover, in the context of the attempts by the fascists to reorganise themselves we have seen the beginnings of physical assaults on workers’ meetings and demonstrations. At present such attacks have been limited . around racist and Irish issues. But any success in this field will encourage the fascists to go further.

The question of self defence against such attacks therefore is now posed at both a practical question and an issue to take up against the immobility of the bureaucracy, : dv) Anti-racist work The savage cuts in social expenditure, the rise in unemployment and the increasing political polarisation can be expected to generate semi-spontaneous racist currents in the working class. Competition for jobs, the decline in “ housing clearance and building, education and the NHS ¢ will all be exploited’ by racists and fascists. y employers and unions in declining industries such as wool, cotton, hosiory and knitwear uniting around protectionist campaigns, A series of ‘strikes’ int the 1. Midlands and Lancashire have been calied with _cthe agreement of the employers on the basis of a ‘Buy British’ and ‘Stop Imports’ demand. in several areas, most particularly Leicester, the NF were able to play a leading role. The step from ‘Buy British’ to ‘Employ British’ is a small one. An exceedingly dangerous step in this direction is the recent decision of the TUC to support the refusal to extend work permits to immigrant workers if a ‘British’ - worker is available.

However, it is clear that the bourgeoisie will not rapidly go over to sponsoring an all-out racist campaign in the present situation when the trade union bureaucracy and the traditional right inside the working class is capable of effec- -tively blocking a fight-back. The recent luke-warm response’ to Powells latest attempt to whip up racist feelings is indicative of this, Nonetheless, the racist card is there tobe .played in the context of any loss of control by the TU. bureaucracy. The activities of the fascists must continue to be countered in the light of this.. _(vi) Anti-fascist work BB bo.

Our orientation must therefore follow ‘thé change int ~ * emphasis which we have given to our antifascist work over. the past year. That is to, a much greater emphasis on the need to combatpopulist racism and nationalism in relation to a broad range of vital social issued. Hence anti- ; racist themes must be integrated into all our work around defence of living standards and the tight to work. This should not however be left simply at the tevel of propaganda. Specific projects must be initiated to ensure that this issue is properly brought to the attention of the broader. vanguard.

At the same time we should continue with at least some minimum presence in the anti fascist committees in order to be able to respond from time to time to the netionally important fascist mobilisations. All the evidence is that a large and healthy vanguard is still mobilisable on this question, ; Finally, we must give much greater attention to the , ially on such " eenlnwal issues as Ireland. oy _ (vii) The struggle of black workers” 61 a The past years have seen a series of autonomous industrial struggles by black workers.. This has been the primary ~ dynamic beliind the rash of resolution passing at various ' JU’s and represents at the same time a fear by the CP and , sections of the TU bureaucracy of the ris¢‘of organised * racist currents and also an attempt by the bureaucracy to coopt and bring under control a section of the working class that is less obviously under the sway of the traditional ideology Of course the black communities are not ‘pure’ (as the Maoists think. but their traditional ideologies do not automatically mesh into indigenous bourgeois and reformist schemes, It is necessary to note that these black industrial struggies have, to a certain extend, been asynchronous with regard to the mass upsurges of the class as a whole. Furthermore these struggles have been fairly successful in defending the black workers against racial ‘discrimination but have not progressed to the stage where the black workers have been able to play a vanguard role _ in struggles.in defence of the whole class, Without conceding one inch to the “‘black and white unite and fight” cretinism we must upgrade the principled struggle for the. ‘integration’ of black workers with full rights and with equal conditions into the working class and for the adop= i i : i s i 3 i i : ieysrenor nv mneryEMAtyr nM tArenIHI crete bmnann AiR deere

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tion of class wide demands.

Any significant growth of racialism would have the result, at least initially, of strengthening the control of the traditional community structures over black workers.

Second generation immigrants will not become black Eng- . lish. Our intervention amongst these workers cannot just ' be along the axis of a workers’ solution to the crisis but .. will have to also relate io the questions of the revolution _ in the ‘native’ countries. This calls far antiimperialisi solidarity work with struggles in these countries and the crea- . tion of a cadre of Fourth internationalists who are capable : at the Same time of intervening in the struggles of the black _ workers here and propagandising over the revolutionary ; road in the countries of the third world " (viii) Ireland :#%, The task we must set ourselves in constructing a movement supporting the struggle for self deter- _mination in Ireland must be to drive such a move- ‘ ment deep into the mass organisations of the working class, to confront the chauvinism of the British working class and its leadership on the question.

Fvidently, as opposed to say the questions of women, such debate, let alone a polarisation does not exist. in tle working class: ‘Our tactics of permanently organising the vanguard through the TOM in order to bring the maximum possible forces to bear on this project have received a definite setback.

The evolution of the situation set in motion by the victory of the OWC strike has impressed on the workers’ movement in this country, especially that‘of left social democracy, the over-riding need to deal with the Loyalists in the context of an over- . all evaluation of the conflict as that between two communities, rather than a national liberation struggle. In the facé of the inability of the Provisional movement to indicate a solution to the present impasse of the struggie, the continuing ' decline in the power of the mass movement and the ‘low’ profile of the army over the past period, the reformist advocacy of a progressive role for the troops in their use against the Loyalists, has gained widespread support. This has been reinfor- ced by the propaganda victory of British imperialism i whieh has taken advantage of the increase in ‘ Sectarian assasination and attacks by the Loyalists “and the unbelievable blunders of the Provisional! : movement in both sanctioning retaliation and in- _ itiating fraticidal attacks against the Officials, to ‘ brand those struggling for national liberation as - ‘eriminals’ and stick the lable of sectarian conflict ‘ on the continuing struggle in the six counties. | ‘The ‘Bill of Rights’ position hasgained ground i at the expense of the Troops Out Now position as ! advocated by the TOM. The ideological offensive jaunched by Jenkins and the Labour government ‘and whipped up by the capitalist media and the ' extreme rights, around the PTA and the bombing ' campaign in this country has pushed the TOM into : isolation from the broader movement, which, with the Labour movement conference last May it was I ' beginning, to bridge.

It is these tactics which have created the organisational crisis inside the TOM-—reinforced by its individual membership structure and which gives maximum opportunity for the sects to exploit the situation inside the TOM to their own advantage at the expense of the developments of the broader movement, 63 it would be a severe blow to our strategic project of building a mass TOM if the TOM as it exists were to be split or we were to attempt to ‘go around’ the TOM. The TOM plays an indispensible role , nationally in the pushing forward of initiatives and in providing the credibility,, cadre and experience .. which are essential to the building of a movement. .- Moreover, the experience of the BSCC shows that serious mobilisations on the issue of the troops : does not constitute an over-riding barrier to such. -. mobilisations despite its internal structure and . crisis. In this respect the involvement of the IMG -.. nationally and locally must be stepped up in the © TOM, at least to the level of the resources expended on the BSCC demo.

However, what is really posed for the TOM, as a condition of its continued existence, is.the need to break into the left social democratic and stalin- . ist mieux. It is absolutely ruled out that we can rely on the combination of the developments of the objective situation linked to routinist and set piece national mobilisations by the TOM will transform the TOM into a mass movement, On the contrary bold and audacious tactics, explorations of new slogans witLin the framework of self determination are absolutely vital in order to draw broader . forces into action. Particular attention must be paid ic those forces which adhere to a ‘phased withdrawal’ position (the Maynard current inside the LP and the BPC arnongst the Stalinists}. Without in any way failing to point up capitulations of this current to chauvinism, this current nonetheless represents a" weak link in the ‘Bill of Rights’ current, which it is possible for the TOM to exploit. ‘Combined with this must be an understanding of the sort of political compromises that may be necessary to penetrate the mass organisations on the Irish question, in this sense we should endorse the tactical use of the slogan ‘End British involvement’, while retaining our objective of building a broad based movement to demand Troops Out Now and Self determination for the Irish people. 64. . #5 ‘ Inextricably linked to this above project is the need'to initiate an open campaign to repeal the © PTA and in defence of all those under attack by its provisions, The launching of a campaign which begins to command the support of the sort of forces to challenge the PTA is an absolutely indispensible first step before any new march forward for the TOM can be made. This is not to put forward a stagist view--first the PTA, then the TOM. The buiiding of the TOM with its own specific initiatives and so on must proceed apace.

For us, however, the campaign against the PTA. must be placed within the context of building a TOM.

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However, we should also avoid the opposite mastake: to dissolve the campaign against the PTA into the TOM.

The campaign against the PTA must be independent. its political basis must be on the issue of democratic rights alone. Within this we should argue that the TOM ‘actually supports the campaign, but respects its inde- : » pendence. Moreover, cur emphasis within the campaign i ; should be in defence of democratic rights in relation | to Iretand, because it is these rights which are most i immediately threatened by the PPA; In any event, the + debate initiated by a campaignagainst the PTA will have : fo confront and defeat the ideological justification for : it-the whole issue of ‘anti-terrorism.’ Tt is here that we “must insert our proposals for a TOM as the answer to ' this ideological offensive. This should however, be ; carefully distinguished from the pacifist line of the ‘ES (of Stop the bombings, Troops Out). ‘ix) Iberia | The situation in Spain, marked. by a a growing upsurge of the working class in the face of the continuing crisis of the dictatorship and political immgbility of the bourgeoisie, . means that for a considerable period our agitation will con- | tinue to centre around solidarity with the struggle for dem- . ocratic rights, On this basis there exists considerable scope for broad united fronts, involving even important sections of the bureaucracy.

But the bureaucracy will not go beyond mere rhetoric -— much less take up the sort of demands and actions we are fighting for -- of their own choosing: they will have to be forced to do so. The most crucial weapon in this fight to force the left bureaucrats into effective united actions will undoubtedly be a current inside the mass organisations committed to and fighting for such demands and actions, Our Iberian solidarity work. is cartied out with the bread political objective of attempting fo overcome the uneven development of the international calss struggle by making the high-points of the class struggle in Europe — the focal point for political mobilisation in those arenas where the class struggle has not attained the same height or scope.

We attempt to prevent the bourgeoisie taking advantage of this uneven pattern of international development to isolate the “weak links’ in its chain, and at the same time to seek to raise the level of struggle in the rest of the imperialist world by opening up.a new front i in the class strug- _ gle Specifically we define two-axes of united front work with régard to Iberian solidarity: the constructions o of conjunctural united fronts around the central political issucs of the moment, and.an orientation to the more stable and jong-term grouping of forces within the vanguard around the axis of solidarity with the Iberian revolution.

This approach is dictated both by the political relationship of forces within the workers movement (the weight of stalinism & social democracy} and the expectation that the impace of the struggle on the Iberian peninsula can be a major element in latering that relationships of forces between the vanguard and the reformists portance to the task of organising even the relatively smal} ‘activist’ forces of the vanguard through the creation of local solidarity committees and various forms of national Goordination of these bodies, and gives significance to united fronts with the revolutionary left. But we must recognise that this is a tactical phase of our work, and docs not define our objective: the solidarity movement we are seeking to build will not just be a federation of bigger and better solidarity committees. It must also include an organised current within the mass organisations of the labour movement (which, for a considerable period at least, will have a relatively distince character), and, on the basis of the combined activity of both these elements, broad united _ front initiatives that will involve major forces from the workers” movement in action around specific issues. i a) a campaign.in the Labour movement demanding that the Government ceases all collaboration with the dictatorship and ‘break all links; b) a campaign in the ‘snultinational firms around estabilshment of links and solidarity actions with Spanish workers: agitationally this will centre around ITT, but we shauid also explore other possible sites for concrete initiatives i work should be seen as preparatory fo a more general campaign in the trade unions around solidarity and boycott, which would be opened up around a major upsurge or repr repressive drive in Spain. . c} a campaign for the release of all political prisoners.

Throughout all this work — and on the basis of it — we should initiate the fight for trade unions obligation to visit Spain during the summer orientated to discussion with for- _ces in the labour movement about the situation i in Spain 4 and solidarity. @ The work around these three political axes s must have a clear organisational goal. The forming of a national solidarity. committee which although open to sacial democratic bureaucrats and stalinists will be, unlike the 14°February committee, outside their control. A major organisetional step in this direction will be the forming of a solidarity bulletin. This will serve as an effective coordinator of solidarity committees and as an instrument for their, intervention into.the broader vanguard. ant Our tasks in relation to Portugal, whilst objectively more difficult are subjectively at a higher stage than those facing us in relation to Spain, given the already- established national solidarity campaign independent of the social democracy and stalinists, | The tasks of the IMG, in ‘general terms, in aiding the { Portuguese revolution are 1. Organise a campaign within the ipipys: to o demand the LP breaks with the Soares leadership of the PSP.. 2. In all sectors take up the question of import controls on Portuguese goods, not only to aid the Portuguese reve olution but to. challenge the economic solutions of reformism to the British crisis. 3. Take actions against the multinationals based in Britain that are still sabotaging the revolution. To highlight such a ~ _ campaign to take up the cases of Plessey and ITT. 4. Wherever possible to organise broad debates within the workers movement to explain the lessons of the Portuguese revolution to. date. 5. Organising a. demonstration i in the autumn to popularise the above... ; As an integr al part of such solidarity work. we “also have the task of projecting the F.I. in Spain and Portugal. Thos This has two aspects. First of fighting inside the broad vanguard to gain material support for our sections, especifically building the Iberian fund, Secondly, of projecting our organisations and their press inside the Spanish and Portuguese immegrant workers in this country.

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wyer and. abovet his latter aspect, we shold attempt to interven? #8 directly in trea - = inimigrant community have which is directly animated by the events in the Iberian pinimsula and suffering super~ exploitation here through the operation of the immigration laws. . (x) Southern Africa 1 : ST ‘@B The victory of the MPLA against the forces | of imperialism has boosted the dynamic of the liber- ; ation struggle throughout the whole of 8’ Africa. ' Our tasks are to build a solidarity movement which corresponds to this-objective development that is ; the creation of a Southern Africa Solidarity Committee. Unfortunately, the work on this field has been ; almost totally hegemonised by the Stalinists who : will.attempt to block this project and therefore the ' building of such an organisation will probably ‘have to go through a whole series of manovevres within and alongside the Stalinist-dominated - committees, , , : li is clear that our own ranks aré ill-prepared ; at present for this task. A first priority must be fo overcome this immediately after the conference.

This must take the form of national and regional schools and internal education material. In addition we must aid our tasks by the production of a series of pamphlets outlining the dymanics of the struggle ‘in the various countries in the region and detailing the tasks of solidarity, Finally, we have specific responsibilities for the -” building of the Fi in Africe through the large number -of African people resident in Britain, The production of Africa in Struggle is a major gain for the Fl in “relation to this task and already our first nucleus have ,been won. The IMG must however see its major task .~ :to develop this work and te-give resources and cadre icommensurate with this work. « (xi) Other anti-impertalist tasks es Given the imperialist past of Britainwe see both : Reactionary regimes and the existence of large immigrant ‘ communities from these countries. There are a whole Series of other inti-imperialist campaigns that we will have | ta-support over the next year. These are essentially ‘ around India, Hong Kong and Iran. ; | Phe excellent initiative taken by supporters of . the FI to launch the CRIPP now meiins that there ‘exists a solidarity body which hus a real poicatial of mobilising forces in Britain outside the contrat of the Stalinists. Support should be mobilised for the CRIPP demo called on the anniversary of the imposition of the state of emergency, on June26th as ; _.well as allocating comrades to work consistently L__in the CRIPP, ~ :

This work by the IMG is absolutely vital if we are to win forces out of the present crisis of the Stalinists, on the one hand, and the Maoists on the other inside the Indian community. The possibility of doing this are excellent given the existence of the Asian Socialist Fotum, its newsletter and the Asian Marxist Review. All this must be sonsciously used by the IMG to help win cadre from the indian sub continent to the IMG.

To aid this process the ranks of the IMG must be prepared through specific educational material, IRAN The situation in Iran exhibits large scale repression, There ~ are over 40,000 political prisoners of whome many have been subjected to torture and 350 prisoners and militants killed in the last three years. Democratic rights, including trade union rights are surpressed.

Despite this the British government has maintained close diplomatic and trade links with Iran which are supported by the Tribunites, amongst.others, This is com: pounded by the role that the SAVAK is allowed to play in Britain with the passive if not active support of the Brit- te ish security forces in its attempts to intimidate the 40,000 Iranians living in this country. ., oe in the wake of the success of the campaign around the Iranian 21, it is now realistic te project the winningto activity in oppositon to this state of affairs by.the student and a layer of the workers vanguard, in collaboration with forces from the lranian community, Specifically we should set ourselves the priect of establishing an ongoing campaign in defence of political prisoners which attempts to draw in forces from these mikeus, Along with other anti-imperialist tasks of this character, this mush be prepared for inside the IMG by the preparation of effective educational activity.

CARRIBEAN - AS we point out above, the breaking into the Carribean Community in this country demands that we supplement . our work around racism and fascism with specific activity and campaigns which take up*the political situation in the Carribean. _ The super exploitation of these countries by imperialism, the consequent depth of the economic crisis, the lack of stable social bases for the regimes produces extremely repressive situations inside the Carribean.

The IMG’s aim in Carribean solidarity, anti-repressive work is two-fold, First to attempt to broaden‘out the s sparodic and sectatian groups engaged in solidarity work here eg. Free Desmond Trotter campaign which has remained based on a very narrow layer and refused all: our proposals fo broaden it into the TU’s. Secondly, to give an analysis and critques of difference forces involved in the Carribean which will clarify and take forward struggie in a way. which the Stalinists (and 1S) are incapable of doing.

The fulfillment of this combined task should resuit in. the winning of our first nucleii inside-the Carribean communities. The points about educational work to prepare ’ the IMG apply here too,

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_ Y. BUILDING A REVOLUTIONARY POLE Infracuction ~ our tactics for buildiny the nariv &4 WE While the struggle for a united front of the mass org, anisations, including with left reformists, is indispensible. task in taking the working class forward it poses evident Soran ate nets “awakening to political lifé in this period. -These™ means are not sufficient in themselves to-peoject a revolutionary poll. We have to seize all the other more powerful levers which lead to differentiation and clarification of differences within united action to wider lavers of the working class and its vanguard. pendent presence, a full political programme, and how to . carry out a struggle against the left reformists within unit- ‘ed action. Here. we must note for examiple the criticisms of Trotsky of the British CP in the early 1920s in its relations with the lefts, and in a different order, the relation - of the SWP with. pro-Rooseveltian trade unionists in the 1930s. In each.case Trotsky stated that such a united front was both correct and indeed compulsory but that the organisations had a tendency to liquidate themselves | into this front... The more we find ourselves in united action with. left reformists and militants still with pronounced illusions in the Labour Party, something which will occur increasingly the more we are able to develop Serious trends towards a-class struggle left wing, the more important it will be to find ways to project a clear independenct revolutionary position and profile: (i) Propaganda and the Lefts (Gur Press) _ “7 . 8 The first pre-requisite for maintaining @ clear independence within a united front and united action is of course a Clear characterisation of the forces:which are in the front and an intensive campaign of propaganda against their ideas, vacillations, confusions, and betrayais.

The peaple to whom such labels are attached today 7 Scargill, Maynard et al — are absolutely no qualitatively > different, indeed in most cases are consderably tc the right of, all the lefts such as Cook, Purcell and Hicks whom Trotsky savaged in the early 1920s. Trotsky insisted on the compulsory nature of unity with such elements but rejected ail attempts to characterise them in ways other than left reformists and to breed illusions in them, We enter alliances with particular sets of bureaucrats not because one set is preferable to the others, indeed from the point of view of resolution and moral superiority the rights are generally superior as they serve their class (i.e. the capitalist class, with fervour an (i.e. the capitalist class}, with fervour and decision whereas the lefts are generally composed of place seekers anc _ and careerists, but because these bureaucrats still command the support of the masses and on occasion are forced by the pressure of these masses, and only in order to betray them better another day, to break with the day to day interests of. the bourgeoisie. We have preferences for none of the bureauctats, we have contempt for them all and regard them without exception merely as traitors who _differ only in the ways they will betray, but we are pre prepared in the interests of the working class to enter into united action with them in the interests of the working class. We must continually educate the working class in the utter unreliability of ai? these elements without excéption and a powerful development of propaganda, newspaper articles etc must increase all the more we find ourselves in united action with such elements. ’ However newspaper articles, pamphiets and explanations at best reach a few thousands of the workers who are ~ - centralisation of the partial and fragmented ex pressions _ of opposition to the policies of the Government, We : _ should consistently expose through our press every single The situation at the present time can give rise to pos. 7 | ‘itions in the IMG where the importance of the social dem- { _ocratic left is iminimised.. Such a line could run as follows:) “The lefts only turn left when under the direct stimulus | of the mass struggie, The. raass struggle at the present time is patently at its lowest ebb since 1968. Therefore the lefts will make a right turn, the possibilities for joint initiatives are nil, Therefore we should make an orientation away from the lefts to those forces who are organis- — ing the left workers.at the present time, the far left”. .

Such a view is mechanistic and one-sided, The crisis inside the organisation. of the working class, is not merely generated by the direct action of the class, particularly when the leadership of the Labour Party is in power. The character of the combined upsurge has merely changed in form, the determination feature now being the failure of perspective of the traditional leaderships inside the warking class. This no less than the mass action of the class. generates a crisis within the left social democracy.

Our tactics towards the left social democracy, s should not therefore rediuce themselves to using the lefts asa way of demonstrating the superierity- of our programme by demanding primarily that they implement it.

Neither should. we demand that they fight forthe imple- | mentation of their own programme, ‘not. because they don’t have one, for-they.do, but because we judge such demands on the basis of the objective relation between __ |; the classes — including the consciousness of the working class, : cos ; We should Isunch campaigns through both the Labour Party and the trade unions, to comit them to opposing, both in Parliament and out, the specific attacks being -made on the working class, whether on the question of the cuts, unemployment, incomes policy, women’s “rights or freland. We should advance stich demands in the context of our orientation to proletarian democracy also . proposing that they organise forms of centralised discus- ~ sion which are accessible to the working class, localand : national conferences; demonstrations, etc, In other words ' | the attitude we have to the lefts should be part and parcel | of our efforts to build a class struggle left wing — the © fo. mone instance of cases where the lefts have ignored Labour Party or their sponsoring trade.unions policy, te firmly ee ' convince those workers not to place trust in these leaders | ", and at the same time to: encourage those who have not . broken with their illusions in these figures to renew their ‘ efforts to commit these people to those policies decided _ by the mass organisations of thé class which constitute “a break with Wilson: ’ For those lefis who remain in:the government our line should be absolutely clear. They should resign and lead a fight against the policies of this government in the Labour Party and the trade unions. ae [oremeresnearmcerneneannranneenat oe team othe rvpennynabampunin

[page 30]

in carrying out the systematic struggle for the needs of the working class and in the struggle against the lefts the most important instrumert of our propaganda is of course the newspaper. In the pst however, reflecting the origins of the paper, the composition of the organisation, and evident problems of reorientation as a result of downturn in the’ ’ direct. and open struggle of the working class after the tremendous events of the struggle against the Tory government, the paper has @aé been seen - primarily as a method of discussion with contacts and so reinforces the circle spirit which in.its turn has. its effect onthe content and style of the paper.

If we are to make a tum.to the mass organisations, the centrifugal pressures on the Organisation will be immense as our comrades face new problems ‘ outside their previous experience. Only the paper can centralise all these experiences and provide the basis for building the organisation under these conditions. The paper has.t be placed at the centre _ of our work in the next period—not merely in the mind but in our activity. In order to carry this project out, the leadership must inject a proletarian attitude to the selling and organisation around the paper.

The fundamental use of the paper should be the creation of readers groups whose basic committment should be the sale and financial support of the paper: and to attending discussion s on key issues carried in it, The paper itself should reflect this task. The improvement in the paper over the past year, noticed universally by comrades, has come about asa result _of the conscious policy of organising the paper’s material around the central political questions of | the class struggle, thus leading the organisation, rather than an eclectic combination of reports on tl e initiatives of the [MG and ‘analytical’ articles, which in. practise tails the organisation and attracts no one outside those already in contact with the IMG. However, the paper still does not reflect the issues being fought out inside the trade unions except in a ‘scholastic’ way. This must be the major. political project of the editorial staff, along with changes in style, planned but overdue.

If the paper is to be the chief centraliser of our work, then the paper itself must be centralised. The ‘quota’sys- - tem which operates in most branches both encourages the non selling of the paper and is totally unsuited to the type of work we are about to engage in, Instead the selling of the paper should immediately be changed to an assignments basis, both to drive the paper into the class by specifying area of sales and to keep an accurate record of the success of this project in terms of circulation and the response that the paper receives in different milieux. The main aim of contact rounds should he an untemmitting fight to centrise such contacts into readers groups. To facilitate ‘the new tasks of the paper in the mass organisations it should be renamed Socialist Challenge , and readers groups Challenge Groups. The first task of the incoming leader- — ship should be to work out a campaign leading up to the launching of the new paper.

However there are other tasks with a certain autonomy for our press. The fragmentation of the far left _ is becoming a major obstacle td the building of the IMG.

The paper cannot consistently carry out a debate with the far left and encourage coxtributions with its present format. We should establish a monthly polemical and theoretical supplement adequate to these needs to be varried in the paper under the control of the editorial staff and tle National Secretary. Such a supplement should have as its main task analysis of the debates raised on the left today with the objective of establishing itself as a constant pole of reference for those groups who claim adherence to Trotskyism, in accord- - ‘ance with the strategy put forward previously in this -document, ; ; The underdevelopment of theory. in the IMG should be fought with our contribution to the English language theoretical journal. Much of the weighty analytical articles at present printed in the paper on international events, need not be carried if we vigorously promote Inprecorr. The necessary pamhiets for our campaigns should be produced under the editorial control of the paper, although written largely by the commissions.

If we look at these projects in terms of the resources needed and the weight of material taken out of the paper by the diversification of our press, we can say that the move to 4 16 page paper, while desirable, must be preceded by the.accomplishment of the bulk of the above tasks. However the need to strengthen the editorial and technical side of-the paper remains unchanged and vital. '

[page 31]

V. BUILDING A REVOLUTIONARY POLE Introduction - our tactics for building the party A Wa . While the struggle fora united front of the mass org: , anisations, including with left reforrists, is indispensible. task in taking the working class forward it poses evident acute probiems of how to continue te project an independent presence, a full political programme, and how to _ carry out a struggie against the left reformists within unit- ‘ed action. Here we must note for example the criticisms of Trotsky of the British CP in the early 1920s in its relations with the lefts, and in a different order, the relation _ of the SWP with pro-Rooseveltian trade unionists in the 1930s. In each.case Trotsky stated that such a united . front was both correct and indeed compuisory but that . the organisations bad a tendency to liquidate themselves into this front... Tke more we find ourselves in united action with left réformists and militants still with pronounced illusions in the Labour Party, something which . will occur increasingly the more we are able to develop serious trends towards a class struggle left wing, the more - important it will be to find ways to project a clear independenct revolutionary position and profile. (i) Prepaganda and the Lefts (Our Press) .

TO . . : @R The first pre-requisite for maintaining 4 clear inde-. . pendence within a united front and united action is of course a clear characterisation of the forces: which are in the front and an intensive campaign of propaganda agatast their ideas, vacillations, confusions, and betrayais. ‘ The people to. whom such labels are attached today - Scargill, Maynard et al — are absolutely no qualitatively ” different, indeed in most cases are consderably to the right of, all the lefts such as Cook, Purcell and Hicks _ whom Trotsky savaged in the early 1920s. Trotsky insisted on the compulsory nature of unity with such elements but rejected al! attempts to characterise them in ways other than left reformists and to breed illusions in them.

We enter alliances with particular sets of bureaucrats not because one set is preferable to the others, indeed from the point of view of resolution and moral superiority the rights are generaily superior as they serve their class (i.e. the capitalist class, with fervour an (Le. the capitalist class), with fervour and decision whereas the lefts are generally composed of place seekers anc _and careerists, but because these bureaucrats still command the support of the masses and on occasion are forced by the pressure of these masses, and only in order to betray them better another day, to break with the day to day interests of. the bourgeoisie, We have preferences for none of the bureauctats, we have contempt for them al! and regard them without exception merely as traitors who differ only in the ways they will betray, bui we are pre prepared in the interests of the working class to enter into united action with them in the interests of the working class, We must continually educate the working class in the utter unretiability of al? these elements without excéption and a powerful development of propaganda, newspaper articles etc must increase all the more we find ourselves in united action with such elements.

However newspaper articles, pamphlets and explana- ~¢ions'at best reach a few thousands of the workers who are ~ “awakening to political life in this period. “These means ere not sufficient in themselves to-project ‘grevolus tionary poll. We have to seize all the other more powerful levers which lead to differentiation and clarification _of differences within united action to wider layers of the working class and its vanguard.

The situation at the present time can give rise to pas- | itions in the IMG where the importance of the social dem- ¢ . ocratic left is iminimised, Such a line could run as follows:} “The lefts only turn left when under the direct stimulus of the mass struggle. The mass struggle at the present time is patently at its lowest ebb since 1968, Therefore the lefts will make a right turn, the possibilities for joint initiatives are nil, Therefore we should make an orientation away from the lefts to these forces who are organising the left workers at the present time, the far left”. \ ; Such a view is mechanistic and one-sided. The crisis inside the organisation.of the working class, is not merely generated by the direct action of the class, particularly when the leadership of the Labour Party is in power. The character of the combined upsurge has merely changed in form, the determination feature now being the failure _of perspective of the traditional leaderships inside the working class, This mo less than the mass action of the class generates a crisis within the left social democracy.

Our tactics towards the left social democracy, $ should not therefore reduce themselves to using the lefts aga way of demonstrating the superierity of.our prograrame by demanding primarily that they implement it, Neither should. we demand that they fight for the implementation of their own programme, not. because they don’t have one, for:they.do, but because we judge such demands on the basis of the objective relation between. | the classes ~— including the consciousness of the working ‘ class, ; .

We should launch campaigns through both the Labour | Party and the trade unions, to comit them to. opposing, both in Parliament and out, the specific attacks being ‘made on the working class, whether on the question of the cuts, unemployment, incomes policy, women’s -yights or Ireland. We should advance stich demands in the | context of our orientation to proletarian democracy also . proposing that they otganise forms of centralised discus- -sion which are accessible to the working class, local and . national conferences, demonstrations, ete. In other words | the attitude we have to the lefts should be part and parcel ' of our efforts to build a class struggle left wing —- the- “ centralisation of the partial and fragmented expressions of opposition to-the policies of the Government. We should consistently expose through our press every single instance of cases where the lefts have ignored Labour Party or their sponsoring trade-unions policy, to firmly | convince thase workers not to place trust.in these leaders - ‘and at the same time to encourage those who have not . - broker: with their illusions in these figures to renew their efforts to commit. these people to those policies decided | by the mass organisations of the class which constitute a break with Wilson: ; Bor those lefts who remain inthe government onr line - should be absolutely clear, They should resign and lead a fight against the policies of this government in the Labour Party and the trade unions, _ we mee

[page 32]

In carrying out the systematic struggle for the - needs of the working class and in the struggle against the lefts the most important instrument of our propaganda is of course the newspaper. fn the pst however, reflecting the origins of the paper, the composition of the organisation, and evident probtems of reorientation as a result of downturn in the’ ’ direct and open struggle of the working class after the tremendous events of the struggle against the Tory government, the paper has @aé been seen - primarily as a method of discussion with contacts _and so reinforces the circle spirit which in:its turn has.its effect on the content and style of the paper. if we are to make a turn to the mass organisations, the centrifugal pressures on the organisation will be immense as our comrades face new problems ’ outside their previous experience. Only the paper can centralise all these experiences and provide the basis for building the organisation under these conditions. The paper has.t be placed at the centre . _ of our work in the next period-not merely in the mind but in our activity. In order to carry this project out, the leadership must inject a proletarian attitude to the selling and organisation around the paper. * Phe fundamental use of the paper should be the creation of readers groups whose basic committment should be the sale and financial support of the paper: and to attending discussion s on Key issues carried in it, The paper itself should reflect this task: The improvement in the paper over tHe past year, noticed -universally by comrades, has come about as a result _of the conscious policy of organising the paper's material around the central political questions of the class struggle, thus leading the organisation, rather than an eclectic combination of reperts on tle initiatives of the IMG and ‘analytical’ articles, whicl: in practise tails the organisation and attracts no one outside those already in contact with the IMG. However, the paper still does not reflect the issues being fought out inside the trade unions except in-a ‘scholastic’ way. This must be the major political project of the editorial staff, along with changes in style, planned but overdue. if the paper is to be the chief centraliser of our work, then the paper itself must be centralised. The ‘quota’system which operates in most branches both encourages the non selling of the paper and is totally unsuited to the type of work we are about to engage in. Instead the seiling of the paper should immediately be changed to an assignments basis, both to drive the paper into the class by specifying area of sales and to keep an accurate record of the success of this project in terms of circulation and the response that the paper receives in different milieux. The main aim of contact rounds should be an unremmitting fight to centrise such contacts into readers groups. To facilitate the new tasks of the paper in the mass organisations it should be renamed Socialist Challenge , and readers groups Challenge Groups. The first task of the incoming leadership should be to work out a campaign leading up to the launching of the new paper.

However there are. other tasks with a certain autonomy for our press. The fragmentation of the far left is becoming a major obstacle t6 the building of the IMG.

The paper cannot consistently carry out a debate with the far left and encourage contributions with its present format. We should establish a monthly polemical and theoretical supplement adequate to these heeds to be. carried in the paper under the control of the editorial staff and tLe National Secretary. Such asupplement should have as its main task analysis of the debates raised on the left today with the objective of estab!ishing itself as a constant pole of reference for those groups who claim adherence to Trotskyism, in accord- - F ance with the strategy put forward previously in this. document. , .

The underdevelopment of theory. in the IMG should be fought with our contribution to the English language theoretical journal. Much of the weighty analytical articles at present printed in the paper _ on international events, need not be carried if we vigorously promote Inprecorr, The necessary pamhlets for our campaigns should be produced under the editorial control of the paper, although written largely by the commissions. : : if we Icok at these projects in terms of the resources needed and the weight of material taken out of the paper by the diversification of our press, we can say that the move to 4 16 page paper, while desirable, must be preceded by the.accomplishment of the bulk of the above tasks. However the need to strengthen the editorial and technical side of the paper remains unchanged and vital, oF , spurpmncannseeantnweert ee snaNsnoummnnns west ns tanscseuus Unie ome cen e828 WUAERSBEM er RASA TE nena MSE stteonsntietryreay en nsiVAAMtin bese ONAN ANI retreating é 4

[page 33]

(ii} Labour. M ovement Elections “72. :

A The first area in which ¢ even ‘today revolutionary forces are able to gain significant support amongst workers in opposition even to the left reformists is elections in. the labour movement -- in the trade unions in particular.

In general of course revolutionary forces remain a distinct minority and in all cases we avoid the ultraleftism of not voting for the left reformists against the right — we clearly vote for Wright against Boyd, the Broad left against the tight, Heffer against Healey, the Tribunites against the tight wing etc -- although even here we demand they clarify their positions, conimit themselves to definite demands and so on. However we must also clearly seek. _ those areas where a meaningful — either because of the . forces it can attract or the importance of the issues in- - volved — revolutionary or calss struggle candidates supporting major parts of our action programme put forward independently of the left reformist machines or blocs. The examples of our cdes, standing in the NUT, of supporting a Slate against the Ryder plan in British Leyland, of voting for IS or WSL supported candidates in the AUEW have to be massively developed as an integral part of showing what we mean by the fight to create a new leadership for the dJabour movement at every level, such candidates must of course clearly project key parts of our action programme and fight for the fullest workers democracy. Thisis also.a crucial part of revolutionaries clearly coming for forward as part of the leadership of a class struggle left wing, such candidacies are a vital part of organising not merely a class struggle current but organisations of revolutionary left supporters in the unions, It is on this terrain undoubtedly that for a considerable period we will make much more dramatic gains than in bourgeois elections. (iii) Bourgeois elections. zg . a intervention in elections serves a dual role for revolutionaries. On the one hand it involves revolutionaries in the complicated task of simultaneously urging a vote for the Labour Party -- for the obvious reasons of avoiding demoralisation of the masses, under certain circumstances Stimulating the struggle of the masses, exposing the reformists, exacerbating the crisis of the social democrats etc ~— while explaining that we disagree with the programme of the Labour Party and presenting the laternative in terms of demands, line of action etc. Given that in the present period there is not the potential for creating. an alternative for the masses to the Labour Party we will continue ‘this activity and in any general election call for a Labour vote and a Labour Government.

The second element which blections can play is that of an instrument in organising the vanguard which is breaking with illusions in the Labour Party. In rejecting ultra-left concepts of the relation of forces that it is possible in this period to defeat Labour in elections ~ ‘break its monopoly of electoral representation’ — the organisation has however seriously neglected the possibilities which such electoral intervention do creat for clarifying and organising 74 (Hi The precise form which preparation of an electoral “intervention will take in this period is affected by the gen- + erally developing political conditions -- towards a crisis in the mass organisations and also towards a Labour electoral defeat. Under these circumstarices it is not likely that even vanguard militants will be particularly respon- _ The same considerations will apply in considering a vote ‘own. ALL SUCH DECISIONS TO BE MADE BY NATsive to electoral developments which either appear t6 ~ threaten in a light minded fashion to defeat Labdour or which flow merely from the development of revolutionar currents unconnected to the crises within the labour mv movement and the issues which agitate them. On the con: trary the most effective electoral interventions will be pre: cisely those which flow from these crises and the evident and demonstrated failure of the official Labour elements to respond ia any way whatever to the situation, The first step in building class struggle candidacy is therefore to launch a systematic campaign in the Labour movement and Labour Party itself for the adoption of candidates pledged to a clear series of class struggle demands. In unions and where we have supporters in the Labour Party we must demand local councillors pledged not to implement the cuts, resolutions calling for the replacement of all councillors whe do vote for the cuts, ‘demanding an MP who opposes the £6 limit, the cuts and the government’s unemployment policies, voted against | the re-establishment of the select committee on abortion and for open campaign on these policies. Such campaigns must be widely known. Furthermore evidently such a campaign is not in the slightest sense a manoeuvre ~— if MPs or councillors did pledge to openly campaign on.th these policies this would be a far bigger impact than an independent candidate who would receive a small vote and did not have the sounding board of the labour movement, ie. ‘Labour Farty rejects councillors who voted for cuts’, ‘Labour candidate in Coventry. slams Chrysler deal’, campaigns to reject the £6 limit would be a much bigger impac in getting across vital demands in this period than ‘Class struggle candidates {806 votes) denounces £6 ‘limit. If however, as will be the case on the overwhelming number of occasions, such a fight is unsuccessful it will however both have demonstrated clearly the issues for which it is necessary to have a candidate and, hopefully, organised certain forces. ‘By organising such forces we vill best lay the ground for | ’ the Labour candidate, involving beth sympathisers in the LP and trade union contacts made through such a broad t i ’ either running a critical minority aampaign for support of , ‘| " campaign, or for standing class struggle candidate against . the official labour candidate. The basis for determining which is the cortect course must be which will most a effectively contribute to the building of a class struggle opposition to the labour leadership. Specific criteria which must be taken into account whether such a candidate will be seen by the mass of the class as contributing : to an electoral defeat of the Labour candidate whether such a candidate is ‘right’ or ‘left’, the class composition | af the constituency involes and its realtion te building a class struggle opposition and the IMG, the character record and programme of such a class struggle cndidate. for any revolutionary candidate including standing our TONAL LEADING BODIES OF THE ORGANISATION,’ i i i rf i j t : 3 penaperseiribantnasannnnrinrainabeare sete ee?

[page 34]

(iv) A Revolutionary Bloc 17 , . ww While forces which can be won to a revolutionary pole in this period are by no means confined to those organ organised in the revolufionary left organisations, nevertheless these formations do both contain several thousand of the inost militant forces and influence much wider layers.

While certain of the differences between them, although by no means ail, do justify the existence of independent organisations there is both a huge overlap of programnie on many questions and no doubt that what appear to even the workers vanguard as tiny differences on tactics impair the winning of workers to crucial demands — at conferences and in trade unions it is ridiculous for exam~ ple that.three or four different resolutions come forward calling for the sliding scale of wages with tiny, or no diffz at all, between them.

It is from this situation that flows the necessity of , a revolutionary bloc i.e. not merely unity in action and a question of united front but of agreement to coordin- ‘ ate activity to fight for certain precise programmatic agreement — nothing could be more pathetic and mystifying j i than tiny revolutionary groups covering over real differ- ' ences in order to appear more ‘credible’ in the eyes of the | workers. Furthermore neither is such a bloc the frame- ' work within which we primarily develop united front ac activity of the class — that must be the struggle for a united front with the mass organisations and their leaderships, 1 means that within the framework of the fight for real workers united front we undertake co-ordination to avoid absurd clashes in motions, agreements to produce ‘certain join( propaganda material on basic. demands, praciical agreements on putting forward candidates in labour movement and bourgeois elections, agreement to certain united platform public meetings on questions of agreement etc, A task of the IMG in the coming year is to strengthen and develop. initiatives already taken in this direction into a4 systematic campaign designed both to clarify with whom and on what basis such a bloc can be . formed. A particular project within this framework must be the holding of a workers conference jointly built by the workers cadre of the various revolutionary groups : which agree on the most basic demands of our action programme. —~ Kv) Principled regroupment of the revolutionary left 79 | The present period of both the European and the British class struggle is creating a tremendous crisis and recomposition of the revolutionary left, as the previous positions held by svide sectors of the revolutionary vanguard are found to be inadequate for the needs of the working class. Furthermore this crisis now no longer affects tiny organisations of a few tens of members but currents of a few hundreds, or even thousands of members, some of which include a significant number. of workers leaders. Under these circumstances-we see: (i) A tremendous crisis of the sectarian Heaiyite cl current. Confronted no longer with tiny handfuls of opponents but a revolutionary vanguard of thousands on the one hand and a revival of left social democracy on the other, this current is unable to relate to any of the social and political processes forming the new vanguard: It lurches continually further into sectarian, and even aberrant, concepts and actions and loses increasingly its influence and cadres. (ii) A more consistant development, and crisis of, the " ultra-left syndicalist current —- notably the IS. Having decided that the political dominance of the Labour Party was dying or dead and that the masses could be won by syndicalist policies and militant forms of struggle, it is . unable to deal with the increasing centrality of the Labour Party and the mass organisations in the class struggle. Its sole method of attenipting to deal with this is the adoption of a more and more ultra-left and sectarian course in practice coupled with continuing programmatic tailism ~ which finds reinforcement in its strengthened association with more consistently ultra-left and non-Trotskyist forces in Europe (PRP, Avanguardia Operia, Revolution). | The result of this is a severe loss of membership and influence -- particularly with its workers cadre and worker periphery.

Gii) A certain strengthening reflecting the crisis of the Labour Patty of those forces who are committed wholly to work within the Labour Party -- notably the Militant but also the emergence of Lambartists. This present development must not be underestimated and has brought about a definite change in the relation of forces on the extreme left in favour of these currents and at the expense - of the ultra-left syndicalist ones, but nevertheless it too contains seeds of a real crisis. The prolonged adaption to work in the Labour Party and its rhythems has led both to open revisionism (Enabling Act etc.), failure to relate to the. most radical sections of the youth in the particular, and an inability to grasp the practical consequences of the ’ fact that in the present period it is the mass social struggles which are the driving force of the crisis in the Labour Party and not vica versa, and that the crisis of the LP reflects, although not mechanically and in a one to one fashion, the development of these struggies. The present dominance of this Militant current reflects. not its intrinsic strength by the fact that there itil/ exists a big gap between the rythem and concern of the mass organisations and the needs of the class struggle. The overcoming of this gap through the rise of the class struggle will create a clear basis for defeating this current. — (iv) A current which, from conscious analysis or created by the crisis of other perspectives, attempts to grasp the crucial need of the present period of basing . activity on the dirent struggle of the masses but attempting to confront at every level the.develop ments of the crisis in the Labour Party. This current is of course by no means homogenous ~- it includes in addition tothe IMG _ forces still marked by a rightist rebound from the ultraleftism of 1S (Workers League) entryism (the Chartists), sectarian Healyism (WSL), traditional British sectarianism (ICL) — but it is the current which most closely approximates the Hine which is necessary in the present situation in Britian and the European class struggle.

While in a strategic sense it remains the 1S, and ina long-term sense the Militant which are the chief poles which have to be defeated within the revolutionary left, it is from this last current that we will be able to take the first steps towards revolutionary regroupment and create a real poll able to challenge first the JS and then the Militant. .

[page 35]

(ii} Labour. Movement Elections “F 2... a .

A The first area in which even today revolutionary forces are able to gain significant support amongst workers in opposition even to the left reformists is elections in the labour movement — in the trade unions in particular, In general of course revolutionary forces. remain a distinct minority and in all cases we avoid the ultra-leftisra of not voting for the left reformists against the right — we clearly vote for Wright against Boyd, the Broad left against the right, Heffer against Healey, the Tribunites against the right wing etc ~ although even here we demand they clarify their positions, commit themselves to definite demands and so on. However we must also clearly seek. those areas where a meaningful — either because of the forces it can atiract or the importance of the issues involved -- revolutiofiary of calss struggle candidates supporting major parts of our action programme put forward independently of the left reformist machines or blocs. The examples of our cdes. standing in the NUT, of supporting a slate against the Ryder plan in British Leyland, of voting for lS or WSL supported candidates in the AUEW have to be massively developed as an integral part of showing what we mean by the fight to create 2 new leadershin for the labour movement at every level, such candidates must of course clearly project key parts of our action programme and fight for the fullest workers democracy. This is also a crucial part of revolutionaries clearly coming for forward as part of the leadership of a class struggie left wing, such candidacies are a vital part of organising not merely a class struggle current but organisations of revolutionary left supporters in the unions. It is on this terrain undoubtedly that for a considerable period we will make much more dramatic gains than in bourgeois elections. {iii} Bourgeois elections. aa e % : a intervention in elections serves a dual role for revolutionaries. On the one hand it involves revolutionaries in the complicated task of simultancously urging a vote for the Labour Party — for the obvious reasons of avoiding demoralisation of the masses, under certain circumstances Stimulating the struggle of the masses, exposing the reformists, exacerbating the crisis of the social democrats etc — while explaining that we disagree with the programme of the Labour Party and presenting the laternative in terms of demands, line of action etc. Given that in the present . period there is not the potential for creating an alternative for the masses to the Labour Party we will continue this activity and in any general election call fora Labour vote and a Labour Government. ; _ The second element which blections can play is that of an instrument in organising the vanguard which is breaking with illusions.in-the:Labour Party. In rejecting ultra-left concepts of the relation of forces that it is possible in this period to defeat Labour in elections ~ ‘break its monopoly of electoral representation® — the organisation has however seriously neglected the possibilities which such electoral intervention do creat for clarifying and organising : ’ campaign, or for standing class struggle candidate against ' The same considerations will apply in considering a vote ‘own. ALL SUCH DECISIONS TO BE MADE BY NATsive to electoral developments which either appear 16 7 threaten in a light minded fashion to defeat Labdour or which flaw merely from the development of revolutionar: currents unconnected to the crises within the labour mv movement and the issues which agitate them. On the con trary the most effective electoral interventions will be pre cisely those which flow from these crises and the evident -and demonstrated failure of the official Labour elements to respond in any way whatever to the situation.

The first step in building class struggle candidacy is therefore to launch a systematic campaign in the Labour movement and Labour Party itself for the adoption of candidates pledged to 4 clear series of class struggle demands. In unions and where we have supporters in the Labour Party we must demand local councillors pledged noi to implement the cuts, resolutions calling for the replacement of all counciliors who do. vote for the cuts, demanding an MP who opposes the £6 limit, the cuts and the government’s unemployment policies, voted against the re-establishment of the sélect committee on abortion and for open campaign on these policies. Such campaigns must be widely known. Furthermore evidently such a campaign is not in the slightest sense a manoeuvre — if MPs or councillors did pledge to openly campaign on ith these policies this would be a far bigger impact than an independent candidate who would receive a smali vote and did not have the sounding board of the labour movement, i.e. ‘Labour Party rejects councillors who voted for cuts’, “Labour candidate in Coventry slams Chrysler deal’, campaigns to reject the £6 limit would be a much bigger impac in getting across vital demands in this period than ‘Class struggle candidates (806 votes) denounces £6 ‘Hmit. If however, as will be the case on the overwhelming number of occasions, such a fight is unsuccessful it will however both have demonstrated clearly the issues for which it is necessary to have a candidate’and, hopefully, organised certain forces. bs ‘By. organising such forces we will best lay the ground for either running a critical minority aampaign for support of the Labour candidate, involving both sympathisers in the LP and trade union contacts made through such a broad + i g the official labour candidate. The basis for determining which is the cortect course must be which will most effectively contribute to the building of a class struggle opposition to the labour leadership. Specific criteria i which must be taken into account whether such acan- | didate will be seen by the mass of the class as contributing i. to an electoral defeat of the Labour candidate whether such a candidate is ‘right’ or ‘left’, the class composition Gf the constituency involes.and its realtion to building a class struggle opposition and the IMG, the character record and programme of such a class struggle endidate. cscs sen intestate Shine ne MEMES i i for any revolutionary candidate including standing our ONAL LEADING BODIES OF THE ORGANISATION.” sa rnessnncs eens yronsanMe tee ayes 74- $B The precise form which preparation of an electoral intervention will take in this period is affected by the gen- « erally developing political conditions -- towards a crisis in the mass organisations and also towards a Labour electoral defeat. Under these circumstances it is not likely that even vanguard militants will be particularly respon- * senwenibcomertestseunamunseefwnsnes teNtenana irae eodt

[page 36]

(iv) A Revolutionary Bloc TF wa While forces which can be won to a revolutionary pole in this period.are by no means confined to those organ organised in the revolutionary left organisations, nevertheless these formations do both contain several thousand of the most militant forces and influence much wider layers.

While certain of the differences between them, although by no means afl, do justify the existence of independent organisalions there is both a huge overlap of programnie on many questions and no doubt that what appear to even the workers vanguard as tiny differences on tactics impair the winning of workers to crucial demands — at conferences and in trade unions it is ridiculous for exam-~ ple that three or four different resolutions come forward calling for the sliding scale of wages with tiny, or no diffgncesiat all, between them. a It is from this situation that flows the necessity of ;a revolutionary bloc i.e. not merely unity in action and ‘a question of united front but of agreement to coordin- ‘ate activity to fight for certain precise programmatic agree- ; ment — nothing ‘could be more pathetic and mystifying ; than tiny revolutionary groups covering over real differt ences in order to appear more ‘credible’ in the eyes of the workers. Furthermore neither is such a bloc the framei work within which we primarily develop united front ac . activity of the class — that must be the struggle for a ’ united front with the mass organisations and their leaderships. H means that within the framework ‘of the fight for real workers united front we undertake co-ordination to avoid absurd clashes in motions, agreements to produce ‘certain joint propaganda material on basic demands, practical agreements on putting forward candidates in labour _ movement and bourgeois elections, agreement to certain f united platform public meetings on questions of agreement etc. ‘A task of the IMG in the coming year is ta > Strengthen and develop initiatives already taken in this ’ direction into a systematic campaign designed both to _ clarify with whom and on what basis such.a biec can be : formed. A particular project within this framework must be the holding ofa workers conference jointly built by .ithe workers cadre of the various revolutionary groups : which agree onthe most basic demands of our action programme. — kv) Principled regroupment of the revolutionary left 79 | 4 The present period of both the European and the British class struggle is creating a tremendous crisis and recomposition of the revolutionary left, as the previous positions held by svide sectors of the revolutionary vanguard are found to be inadequate for the needs of the working class. Furthermore this crisis now no longer affects tiny organisations of a few tens of members but currents of a few hundreds, or even thousands of members, some of which include a significant number. of workers Jeaders. Under these circumstances we see:

Ms, (i) A tremendous crisis of the sectarian Healyite current. Confronted no longer with tiny handfuls of opponents but a revolutionary vanguard of thousands on the: one hand and a revival of left social democracy onthe other, this current is unable to relate to any of the social and political processes forming the new. vanguard. It lurches continually further into sectarian, and even aberrant, concepts and actions and loses increasingly its influence and cadres. (ii} A more consistant development, and crisis of, the " ultra-left syndicalist current -- notably the IS. Having decided that the political dominance of the Labour Party was dying or dead and that the masses could be won by syndicalist policies and militant forms of struggle, it is . unable to deal with the increasing centrality of the Labour Party and the mass organisations in the class struggle. Its sole method of attenipting to deal with this is the adoption of a more and more ultra-left and sectarian course in practice coupled with continuing programmatic tailism ~ which finds reinforcement in its strengthened association with more consistently ultra-left and non-Trotskyist forces in Europe (PRP, Avanguardia Operia, Revolution). — The resuit of this is a severe loss of membership and influence -- particularly with its workers cadre and worker periphery.

Git) A certain strengthening reflecting the crisis of the Labour Party of those forces who are committed wholly to work within the Labour Party — notably the Militant but also the emergence of Lambartists. This present development must net be underestimated and has brought about a definite change in the relation of forces on the ~ extreme left in favour of these currents and at the expense - of the ultra-left syndicalist ones, but nevertheless it too contains seeds of a real crisis. The prolonged adaption to work in the Labour Party and its rhythems has led both to open revisionism (Enabling Act etc.), failure to relate to the most radical sections of the youth in the particular, and an inability to grasp the practical consequences of the ’ fact that in the present period it is the mass social struggles which are the driving force of the crisis in the Labour Party and not vica versa, and that the crisis of the LP reflects, although not mechanically and in a one to one fashion, the development of these struggles. The present dominance of this Militant current reflects not its intrinsic strength by the fact that there irifl exists a big gap between the rythem and concern.of the mass organisations and the needs of the class struggic. The overcoming of this gap through the rise of the class struggle will create a clear basis for defeating this current. (iv} A current which, from conscious analysis or created by the crisis of other perspectives, attempts to grasp the crucial need of the present period of basing . activity on the dirent struggle of the masses but attempting to confront at every level the. develop ments of the’ crisis in the Labour Party: This current is of course By no means homogenous -- it includes in addition to the IMG _ forces stil] marked by-a rightist rebound from the ultraleftism of IS (Workers League) entryism (the Chartists), sectarian Healyism (WSL), traditional British sectarianism (CL) but it is the current which most closely approxi mates the fine which is necessary in the present situation _ in Britian and the European class struggle.

Whilc in a strategic sense it remains the IS, and ina Jong-term sense the Militant which are the chief poles which have to be defeated within the revolutionary left, it is from this last current that we will be able to take the first steps towards revolutionary regroupment and create a real poll able te challenge first the IS and then the Militant. *

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$e @® The present stage of relations with these currents of " the revolutionary left, and the general theoretical quest- : ions, indicates that the struggle for principled revolutioni ary unification i in this period must involve three main | axes, i (i) Continual polemic. and political struggle on crucial ; dividing lines of revolutionary marxism and the chief tasks ,; confronting revolutionaries today in Britain and inter- ! nationally and in particular establishing the IMG as the poll of Trotskyism in Britain. (ii) A consistant fight for coordination of revolutionary , activity and a revolutioanry bloc. (iii) A fight, which must invalve one concerning the _ norms of the IMG and the Fourth International, concerning the essential principles on which splits and | fusions take place, the differences between faction and ' Party, the logic of attempting to build separate organisations on partial or tactical differences, Leninist conceptions of Democratic Confratism etc.

Both general considerations and our practical experiences in discussion, or attempts to get discussion, with . the forces of the revolutionary left show that the question of revolutionary unification will not be solved over night and it would be unwise to speculate in who will and who will not be involved in it in the final analysis. We must issue-as an urgent priority a clear IMG statement on the need for principled revolutionary unity and conceive of this as a struggle of several years duration. Nevertheless the situation tte IMG has established for itself. in the past period, not excluding the fact that it is the only organisation not to have suffered a major split ia the past period, the crisis of the other currents, the intensification of the class struggie ail mean that the possibilities of principled revolutionary regroupment are better today than they have been for a considerable period. | i i 1 i VI STRENGTHENING THE IMG 3 OS Over the past year we have made important steps in ensuring a more professional method in the IMG. Without _ the continuation of a serious approach to fiances and financial targets this development cannot continue., We are building a leninist combat party, but of a iype geared to conquering hegemony in a mass vanguard by fighting in { the specific areas where if links its concerns with those of the masses and’figttts the bureacracy. We are not building an organisation orientated toward deep entrism or recruiting and regrouping with other eft tendencies- although this Jatler is important. Our internal organisation ‘must reflect our political perspectives. Here we have advanced the analysisthat the main battles will develop inside the mass organisations- the trade unions and Labour Party.

This means a much greater emphasis on fraction organisation within these organisations, as opposed to a main emphasis on direct work towards the factories and shop- ‘stewards committees. Clearly we don’t exclude the latter, but we place our main emphasis of developing our trade union and Labour Party fractions of sitpporters and the servicing and leadership of these, In saying this we are aserting the view that it will be the effectiveness of our overall programme in these areas which will be instrumental in winning over the best worker militants to the IMG. But in order to win them over to our ranks a furter condition must be fulfilled.

We must illustrate in practise our organisational capacity in open battles, Our implantation in the working class at this stage is structured almost entirely through. the trade unions anu ‘the LP with bonty a tiny industrial . ‘base, Only in certain white collar unions do we have a a national intervéntion, Our major orientation in © building the IMG must be to develop national fractions in all those trade unions where we have comrades and of our supporters in the Labour Party.. through systematic campaigns and initiatives in action on the central questions facing tlie working class, In the major industral unions our weakness dictates that such a project will be essentially carried out through propaganda.

This means that we must allocate our resources ‘ according to the following priorities; Trade Union and Labour Party work, the newspaper and press, our : campaigns. | We must create an apparatus whic= h has sufficient i flexibility to be able to seize on whexpected openings } and carry then through. This means more fulltimers. —s ~ i Such: a project essentially gravitates around our ability to carry our campaigns inte the mass orga nisations.. j Hence our full tine structure would look something - { like the following; i - Two trade union organisers oe i ~ Labour Party specialist _ i - Student and Youth organiser ' - National Organiser, to service the branches and provide ( the link with the decisions of the national leadership. - National Secretary, to publicly represent the IMG, pre- . pare leadership meetings and continually appraise through the leading bodies the overall progress of our campaigns and the priorisation of our resources between various initiatives. . - Full time organisers for work on ireland and womens oppression, plus two internatiinal organisers to head 2n international department, ; i | i _t The National Office has been greatly improved over the last year. Clearly however there are still grave problems, particularly in the field of internai bulletins my and the wastage of the time of the office manager and thenational fund raiser on routine tasks. We must ensure that after the conference we have a trained technical . secretary in order to ensure effective internal communication distribution of internal material and so on, A reorganised national office should look like the following; ~ Organisational secretary/office manager to ensure effect- — ive technical implementation of leadership decisions, to snsure efficient communication between the branches and national office, minutes of leadership meetings etc. ~ Fund raiser whose full time activity concentrates solely on organising the EMG to raise funds, preparation of rallies, production of saleable material (badges etc), and ensuring the coordination of local and national fund raising activity. Building of a sraall efficient. . . team of comrades whose political work is devoted - . to raising money. : - Technical secretary to produce documents for leading bodies, produce minutes write leéters, keep the books and oversee dues payments. - Document producer, full time negaged in the production of internal bulletins for the membership. - Printer fuil time engagesl in the production of leaflets, short run pamphlets and educational bulletins, under the direction of the EB and tae ae ec tease ONAN ASTCR Hpac Ee en rere venERUAINPOTON tr LAOL RON TNORLTNrES YY mest tampa tpt Pettny—re tation rn Poutanen wee eaten * preroean rntesto\ (vi nnceussneslnarettenusiessNunannnne uth tos oe rcnareshenstaneyisre tne REteaT ALASOM RAIA pes stn tbateaeetain wee ssn ntntar st SCAN Nese eens ethene SEPA ANS SPST TEN SIA BISCO A ESHEE EASY CAED "Prurercerumvtoniene

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i) Fi inances The basis of our political work and therefore of our organ- _isation rests on its finances. This has now seeped through “the consciousness of the organisation and its leadership. ¢ The raising of funds is a political task to which resources nationally and locally have to be committed. A financial committment is part and parcel of conditions of membership and should be drilled into all new recruits to the org- ‘anisation. ~ The past period has seen two major advances for the — ‘sorganisation on this front. First the stabilisation of the. durs payments to the centre, and the successful fight for the fund drive. However, a fund drive is a condition of life or death for even the continuing work of the organisation let alone expanding our activity. The dues at present only bring in 3/Sths of our expenditure. Moreover, in additon to this, the IMG cenirally is having to subsidise the RW (given the failure to build the fighting fund). This will be a continual draw on our resourcés unless we overcome this in future.

There are three main areas that we should look for funds over the next period: 1, The launching of an Autumn fund drive for £10,000 2. The stabilisation of the RW fighting fund at £1,500 per quarter (£6,000 per. year). 3. The establishment of a system of pledges i in addition ‘to dues at the rate of £5 per branch per month netting approx £2,500 per year. . he-execution of all these tasks should be carried out by a fund drive committee (see below).

EDUCATION &3 _Education still remains a big problern inside the organisa- _ tion. This is not to say that there has not been steps forward since the last conference. ; ~* We aye goed a series of national schools on: - Tbe - Abortion ~ freland — History of the FI We organised a highly successful national summer school .

None the téss ongoing educational work at the branch level is stilian unresolved problem. We have produced an educational programme, based on the questions raised by the developments of the Portuguese revolution. But the implementation of this is very uneven., Even our preliminary balance sheet should re-affirm the approach embodied in this educational programme. .

However, we should note that we are still recruiting essentially politically unformed youth. There is therefore a burning need to supplement this with a programme of basic educational material for new recruits. The production of such an educational series based on the themes of the transitional programme and on the classic texts must - be the first priority of the education commission.

The summer schooi this year should be a week long and ‘based on the questions of ‘revolutionary crisis It should be seen as a culmination of the education work _ around the ‘Portuguel’ bulletin. The next year should also see reinstatement of:a series of cadre schoals for our leading figures inside the TU’s.

Finally, our first weekend national school should be | around the question of the colonial revolution. with sessions on our major anti-imperialist campaigns ie S. Africa, India, Hong Kong and fran. “on the criterion of heving e . tary’s main function.

PRESS BQDisS LEADERSHI ea The NCI is formally, the sovereign leade ership outside of the national conference. The ability of the NC to function over the past few years hes been seriously impaired by the factional situation inside the organisation.. Much of the worst features oi this have now. been overcome.

However, this very positive develonment hae brough to the fore the inadequacies of the NC. The NC is still toa much a body of individucis, Our attempts te overcome this by including onto the NC a lecse number of new cdes ctively contribute to develid net work out. The more correct oping the rolitical ine _ criterion is the inclusion of these edes in the forefront of the IMG’s work.

The only collective’ experience w on our national camps? organisation. Con our. campaigns which hich we have is based é which centralise the rely itis the Q political evaination of @ the corse of the NC’s discus-. sion. But this means th at the NC must be made up of those cdes at the ts of our intervention into the class.

This cannot he understood ¢ gsostiphically. (Except for where the geographical rifferences aera v effect the poliical debate. ie, Scotiand}. The core of the NC must therefore be made tip from the lcecers of our ‘factions (TU and COOP). These are the best edes to evaluate politically the problems/success/development of our comprigans, and ‘therefore our Hin Clearly, this evsi the face of a line we: the NC will best func the PC. x ded ae a the PC that crucizi axis of POLITICAL CO ae ; Ce IThe PC is the lynch ctu oft to at once prepare the oltic (through Com f docs, rano from commissions) 2 a organisations work, the re framework of the Me decisi of its members to t) work (comsi $80 tion, admini must be the rere c tioning political tour amongst are ite organisation, [thas cussions on the NC and resolutions ure the centralication of the a of % within the Throvzh the allocation ‘newspe pez, educanaiidlities} it and a funeion of lab- Jabour must 2C to ensure that * areas of development of F tie Grganisa tious word, The last year a tioning PC. The PC has con our campaigns and hes effect Furthermore it has begs repare politically the NC for mefor siatemea nis of line. tit has failed to do is really to focus any fens ention on our work inside the mass org: anisatioz ang consider politically the yo: nme tionally, This letter is cese PC's have becom previous fesy v:

The national socretar ¥ tr preparing ! POs., which sho vaulorly fancng Te aoe discussions of ised our pricrities.

Ey 4 5 ths mein problem free d to spend more time. 2. National Secread gd PC SUB-COM Executive Berens The ihe organisation. is to adequately ov work towards a time. In the mean all fulltime PC rae i scope of work of >t be regular enough work, W is should “This body wil have the f function of itoplementing the decisions of the PC ara NC. li should g0 without says

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ing however, that all executive actions are political and no clear dividing line can be drawn beiween-tcciding on~ political Ene and executing it. But in so far as it is possible the EB should only take those decisions that the PC cannot decide on for whatever reason, or are too minor to be sent to higher bodies. Clearly, the latter is a matter of judgement. Whether such judgement is exercised correctly or not can only be judged over a period of time, OF course, EB minutes and discussion should continue to be available for branch organisers and NC members. The othe main functions of the EB will be to discuss Weekly prioritisation of work and ime for NTO and Red Weekly.

Administrative sub-committes (ASC) to be compesed of national secretary, organisation secretary and other full timers based i in office to sort out administrative questions, e Campaigns Commissions Commissions should continue to be organised around our most important campaigns. These commissions are “baseti on pohtical issues not on sectors.

They will be sub-cominittees of the PC and service the PC in drawing Op political nerspectives for the NC. The commissions should concentrate on the overall development.of our canipaions and the providing of political documents on research in relation to that, The formation of an headed by full timers, is essential international department, i i for the proper coordination and priocitisation of work in this area. , ; ; TU and C@CP Cems his shofild include national organiser coop organisati n, oF U fraction organiser, student and youth orgeniser.end other cdes bescd in London to facilitate the taking of cur major campaigns into the mass organisations. And initiating campaigns related to democracy in the mass organisations. Our trade union fractions will be directly responsible to the TU and Coap Commission.

STRUCTUE! ES A At TRE BASE a6 local structures too mist reflect cur organisationat tasks. We need structures which at once.al low Us ic ; service our intervention into the mass organ 2hors ang on the other centralise our sectors info our campaign in- ‘itiatives. This requires a loca 1 organisational sirnctt which is based on units of intervention — fraction, cauc Cus and cells -- and, has a strong central le adership. When units have reached a certain orgeniseticnal threshold in terms of size and implantati on which should reject the move to decentralisation of branch struciures, Our essential division cf labour should be via s sector not geographic units. This should be supplemen vied witht frequent aggregate mectins which discuss the central questions of the cay, our campaigns and their prioritication, ; TOWARDS DISTRI uu crs Within this framework we ould have a serspective of moving towards linkies the Toca al branches by district corresponding to the structures of the workers movemert.

However, our level of implantation at the moment is so_ weak that this is not an immediate perspective. Consequently, we should concentrate on creating 4 leadership which is politically centralised by the construction of area ‘ jeaderships and ageregates whose function cannot te fo discuss common work, but nolitical discussion around leadership décisions — esuecially following eack NC. E For this purpose the following areas should be const ituted:

Scotland, Yorkshire, NW, ! NE; Sw, SS Gacluding Bast nglia}, London. 3 : . “ en the most serious is scussion to be had on the IMG, is the question of the proleta jsation. This will be an essential factor running through the discussions to be had at the conference on such matters as candidate membership, the constitution, janisation of the organ- SMR MAAR RRS AEC MERIT RAMI IR TI CA BORE DEI itRSS ENR TSS ink BAND tA Sema oarvaWal ORR nan AE ETE a “SRNR PARI ARERR Epc A ETRE rR RR AINE ITO MACRO eI TETE NE TRDIAE saan eb an REY A ATPASES ARON SMAI UO I RE CORONA LER ELAN RUN CELA ROMA ESI ONG Sh ER RERSOA AMENDMENTS PASSED BY N.C. BUT NOT NSERTED IN TEXT IN ORDER FOR PASTE UP REASONS Ifisert ina para 30 after ‘right wing sections of the bureaucracy’.

Meera cence nee nee ‘AS pre viously noted, ‘the offensive of the. right i is not merely carried though at the level of policy but also on the the level of attack sgainst workers democracy, This marks * exception of Scotland, ifa wh a chanve in the form of the atiack.on the demacratic rights of the working class.® Phe Industrial Relations Act marked an offensive against the trade union movement as a whole, including the priveleges of the bureaucracy. The’ atteck on de nocratic rishts today is continuation of this attack int he field of picizets, the right to occupy ete, | but mainly aimed &t the rank and file and unofficial action, iIn-same cases with the direct bollaboration of “the bureancracy. “Ths fight for democratic rights tedmy involves the " atrugsle for workers democracy i inside the mass organisations. We must launch a long term. and consistent campaign on this question inside the trade anions, This campaign must be of an offensive character. We shouid ot limit ourselves to opposing the initiatives of the right ‘oH postal ballots, but put forward voting at-trade union oranchss held in works time at the companies expense.

We should mersly oppose the TUC ¢ sponsorship of that e pert of the preposed amendthents { the Ciiminal Trespass Law essinst undfficial occurations, but demand that the right to cecupy og supported in all: ‘instances by the trade tS this right i in es hts to the rights of trade unionists, we ‘acs conduct a relatively. autonomous e rade unions around ghis issue, as part of and to fight for our full @ labour movement, « E Set & cad £28 ty as Zo aw p aud otner 23 and rerumaber exist ing para 28 hs accordingly. ¢ i4 oa which exists within the class today indicates clear- -7 9 proclaim or create 16 type or scale of the 5 1920s ot the C10 in the Unit- The class s tregsie i is still at too CUO Wek, the reformists not yet sufficiently divided with layers forced to turn to limited ‘ mobiliesticns of the nasces, for such a development to occur immediztely, Instea d what ex xists, with the partial te seriss of much more partial movements in-pazticular unions, in part ticular areas, on specific issues, It will clearly nead a powerful catalyst — a qualitative development — of the vanguard, a sharp turn in the rolitical situation, an open split within the bureaucracy on the split w find ¢ the byreaucracy on the Bevan model ete — before cuch elements crystallise into a really organised class struggis left wing with any high degree of coherence and hk -omogeneity in programme and organisations Neverthelegs it is precisely such partial and limited developments, in the context of a mounting class strugale, which alw: “ys previde the ferment preceeding the creatio; of a real class struccle Jeft wing. Just as the huinorliy Klovement was preceeded by the shop stewards struggics of the first world war: the strikes of 1919, 1921 and 1922: the reform movernants in industrial unions; by tervention in Russia ete, — % fast British ic the striv , and the CLO by the Minesppotis and Toledo strikes, the’ movement of the unemployed; the black struggles.of the 1930s she student, sirike against war and many other developments On leadership and demend ¢ their comunittment to estab- Yee LEANN EERE NE HEEL ENE ng NE MEA SOERNENE NBN nsner anes needa = crn ne pverpenan NARS chet tawny estas San hfearmannnei-itimwrnenrihninya ne dot esranganeir inane sb eNleren eH HtsTaS Aiton enCR an UF GREOnOVONAE hel OREN TUbNAaNT TANS Pacem