Political Resolution: For a Labour Government but Fight to Build a Socialist Alternative

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POLITICAL RESOLUTION : FOR A LABOUR GOVERNMENT BUT FIGHT TO BUILD A SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE.

Introduction In the winter of 1973 and the early months of 1974 the working class in Britain won its most important victory since 1945 in bringing down the Heath Govt.

Virtually every section of society believed that this victory would be followed by further major,class struggles and.steps forward - probably following an igitial ” lull under Labour illusions. for the bourgeoisie this perspective was the cause of grave concern. -with important debates taking plce on such questions as coalition governments, radical overhaul of the electoral system etc. For the left wing of the workers moverant it was the cause of debate on how to go forward. Within the ING the debate centred on the form this step forward would take.

In the event however the class struggle took a turn which neither the bourgeisie nor the left reformists, nor anyone in the IMG had predicted. ‘Not one single person came forward with what turned out to be the correct position ~ that the predicted lull following the return of the Labour government was succeeded not by an advance but a major setback forthe working class in which living standards could be cut more rapidly than for a century, unemployment double, and major cuts in the welfare state be made without meeting major struggles of resistance by the working class in any way comparable to thos of 1966-74. (Indeed with days lost in strikes in 1976 for example falling to the lowest levels since the 1950s) :

Such a course of the class struggle which invoolved a clear change to the situation of the preceeding years poses major questions for revolutionaries. What were the causes of this setback? What were the qualitiative depths and limits of the defeats? How. much of a recovery is represented by the evident present increase in the nunber of struggles but simultaneously af outcomes such as those of Grunwicks, the fineworkers, and -the NUM? What is now the correct line of intervention of revolutionaries? ; These issues are posed all the more clearly in a situation leading to the political issue of a new general election Is there a major upturn in the economy in prospect which would have profound effects on the political situation? Has the Labouur Government:so demoralised the masses that the retum of a strong’ Tory government is inevitabel, or on the contrary is it now certian that Labour will be returned to office, or is neither of these outcomes in prospect? What should be the attitude to the Lib-Lab pact? Aer revolutionaries in favour of a returm of a Labour government, and if so how are they to combine this with their own activity in struggle against the line of the Labour governrent?

The task of this Political Resolution is to examine these basic questions. The task of the Tactics ; -Resolution is to indicate the means whereby rev olutionarie come to grips with the needs of this objective situation.

The conclusions of the analysis of this Political Resolution may be sunmarised in six basic points: 1. Intemational and Sritish capitlaism has entered a situation ofstagnation of the productive forces, In such a situation no improvement of even defence of the living standards of the masses is possible, without beginning to make systematic inroads into the capitalist domination of the productive forces.

At the same time the sustained mobilisation of the masses necessary to achieve’ any political goals cannot be achieved without bringing real material gains to the working class and oppressed and this is still at present the decisive field of amass struggle determining the class relation of forces. An integral part of the fight to relaunch the economic struggles af the masses is therfore the putting forward of a orogranme of Ualitative demands capable of beggining to defend the masses against the effects of the conomic crisis and and beginning to break up the capitalist domaation of the economy. The objective necessities of this strugeple are beginning to be reflected within the consciousness of at least sone vanguard sections af the working class with the consequence that there is now an audience for such demands which 1s Significantly Barger than the existing left wing proups. 2. The combination of the economic stagnation with the social transformation brought about by the previous expansion of. capitalism have created not merely an economic . but 4 Bneeralising crisis of all social relations, This cpens up huge opportunities for the working class to break oppressed strata from the hegemony of the bourgeiosie and instead to organise them around the leadership of the proletariat. At the sane time it also creates potential great dangers for the working class in the capacity of the ruling class tc use this crisis to exacerbate divisions in the masses and mobilise backward strata behind campaigns of the bourgeiosie. In consequence it is increasingly impossibie in this period for the working class to defend itselt or go forward without advancing a programme capabel — of confronting the global social crisis and shawin The wa Fonieed in stringle sesinet all fae oF ex Toitation and oppression, Ihe reflection of this. exacerbatin Sects Crisis within the consclousness * th loited and o d i! i of the exp ressed opens up an increasing audience for such a PrOopranrre » 3. Following the major setback of the Tary Party in - February 1974 the ruling tlass has succeeded in recomposing its own parties to some extent through utilising the . demoralisation created by the Labour government. and: through taking the initiative in a number of reactionary ae political campaigns. Oespite these undoubted gains. ~ however the Tory Party has not succeeded in recementing® its old blocs and support; the liberal Party cannot... provided 4 serious strategy for the: ruling class; " the’: split between the Tories and the SNP and the: issie of...

Seotlands realtion to the British state weakens the’... bourgeiosies and the situation in the north of Ireland: remains at @ point where no form of government can be. >: instituted. OGespite particular ruling class: gains ~’ of the past period there reamins a crisis of political arties oF the hourgeoisie which has in the ates the sotenttat ta develop into a4 crisis of state institubions.

Such a crisis cannot have a positive gutcome for the. working class without it putting forward 4 clear cae political perspective for the masses. ~ ep 4. The continued weakness of the political parties of the bourgeoisie, and problems of certain of its state institutions, dtermines the decisive element in the. relation between the classes in this period. Virtually none of the most important struugles of the past period were — won, or could have been won, by the SasEIEGEions oF the ruling class itself, in every case ~ Grunwicks, ase clsion, fireworkers strike, role was played directly by the Labour bureaucracy. oe The crucial element in detinmining the class. relationof.-..°" - Forces has not been the action of the institutions oF re Pe the bourgeiosie: but the role of the labour bureaucracy. uo Flowing. from this situation of the relation between the: : classes is the fact that the most decisive struggle in.. the next period is that within the labour movement against the policy of the bureaucracy. This poses as ~ Cis Sentinh sthatecic nese of the working class in the next period the building of a class struggle opposition to the line of the labour leadership. a a Z : 5. The last period of the class struggle has seen a further deterioration of the situatuin of imperielism = in particular in relation to e new rise in/strugglé in. °-/.

Southern Africa. This poses major tasks of international. solidarity. The most significant intemmational. 1° - ; development of all In the last period however has been a new qualitative step in the crisis of Stalinsim represented by the rise of Euroconmunism. In Europe this poses significant changes in the political situation.

In Britain it opens up new possibilities for achieving the strategic goal of building a revolutionary party in this period - the task of replacing the Communist Party by the revolutionary left as the chief force of attraction for workers moving leftwards te break with the line of the Labour bureaucracy. 6 The chief characterisi‘stics of the present period determine the political dynamics and possibilities within the working class and oppressed. The Labour government and bureaucracy are the decisive arop of the bourg. eoisie in this.period and directly tied to~ even the tactical moves of the ruling class. The Labour left and Communist Party are totally unwilling to and incapable of mounting any serious offensive te the policies of the Labour government without the support of the trade union bureaucracy, and that ' bureaucracy, far from supcorting the lefts, is today the chief prop of Callagan. In_consequence no serious opposition to the policies of the Labour eovernment is te be expectec from the left reformists In the seriod eading to the next Generai Elettien, The scle serisus resistance tc be expected is that cf sections of che masses going into struggle and the crganisations of the revolutionary left.

This alignment of forces within the workers movement determines the tactics of revolutionaries in the next period. There is no passibility of any section of the masses breaking with reformism or with Labour to the left in the next period, gevolutionaries have no option but to continue tc call for the formation ef a Labour = the cecisiver::. } 7 / I Jt 4 3 “a | i i

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€ government at the next election, but what does exist however: is the possibility to build a powerful organisation of the vanguard, The tactics for building such an organisation in the present period demand the maximun , readiness to take Satter indepencently of any section of the bureaucracy, direct the building of fraction and united fronts in the trade unions, support: for all : moverents of the: oppressed, and electoral intervention, and a direct axis towrds the regrouprent of Peveawiorety forces, ; The conclusions of these six points may be: sunmarised: as For a Labour Government but fight to build a socialist altemative « ns 1 THE THREE SECTORS OF THE WORLD REVOLUTION AND THEIR INTERRELATION IN THE BRITISH STATE. 1. “The historic decline and crisis af the international capitelist and imperialist system has in the past period developed along three chief axes.

The recessian of 1973-5 represented a qualitative turning point for the world capitalist economy.

Whereas in’the previous post-war period conjunctural recessions represented only temporary breaks in the underlying expansion of the productive forces, the situation following the 1973-5 recession’in that in all major imperialist countries production remains little higher than, and in some cases has not reachieved, the levels at the highest point of the post war expansion, investrrent and capital accumulation are at low levelss basic industries such as steel and constriction remain in pronounced depressions; unsnpleyerent is at levels qualitativaly exceeding those beforer the recession in 1973-53; and the strongest imperialist country the US has. encountered problems of capital investment, inflation and trade deficit ata far earlier stage of recovery from recession than in any previous post war period.

This new situation.of the international economy, reflecting the profound crisis. of the rate of profit which exists in all the 'ieperiilis& powers. manifests itself not only in a crisis in the home economies of the capitalist states but also ina heightening of .inter-imperialist competition in particular in reletion to Japan s incréased interimperialist strains within the EEC, and in extreme pressure . on weaker imperialist economies such as Italy, Spain and Portugal. It has also provided: the background to political shifts within the chief previous area of relative ad imperialist stability, North America, by creating the first moves of new struggle by the US labour moverent, and weakening the situation of the Canadian imperialist state in front of the rise of the national struggle of the Quebec people and the first signs of major national resistance to economic attacks by the Quebec and Canadian working class.

The present crisis of the international capitalist economy has’ exacerbated the contradictions facing both imperialism and the ruling class of the colonial and nee~colonial states. Following the "oil crisis” of 1973 the imperialist. powers restored their international position in relation to other economic sectors primarily at the expense of the nonpetroleum producing colonial countries. This checked the growth, and destabilised the situation, of those neocolonial regimes, such as Brazil which had achieved relative gains in the preceeding period, and has combined with ‘the political developments to exacerbate the situation in such important countries as India, Egypt and Zambia. © The basic characterisitic of the international capitalist economy in the current period may be summarised as those of a situation of stagnation of the productive forces.

This stagnation will not be followed by a new period of expansion but at a later date by. an actual decline of the capitalist productive forces, The most impoertant development for the situation of the colonial revolution in the last period has been the ramifying effects of the defeat of US imperialism in Indochina. In particular the US felt unable to intervene. militarily against the upsurge of revolutionary struggles in Southern Africa’- most importantly in the Angolan _ civil war. The defeats suffered in consequence by South Africa and the US and by their most direct neo-colonial puppets, has finleashed 3 major crisis in Sauthern Africa. - with effects extending throughout the rest of that continent, The effects of the intemational capitalist recession, and of the defeat of the US in Indochina, has been to reverse the trend of imperialist victories agaisnt the colonial revolution of the early 1970s. A new deterioration and destabilisation of the international situattion of imperialism has set in - one with particularly prolonged and major effects in relation to the situation in Southem Africa Despite relative ebbs end flows the baurgeoisie has since 1958 only succeeded in one major country of capitalist Europe, west Germany, in fundamentally checking the rise of the class struggle. In all countries of capitalist Europe basic props of post war stability - full emploment, welfare statim, steadily rising living standards - continue to be uncermined by the imperialist economic situation, and all are faced with a generalising crisis. of social relations. In four countries, Portugal, Spain, Italy and France - this so-cial destablisisation has passed to the POint of political crisis having gone through or having the potential to arrive at a prerevolutionary crisis in this period, This political instability has been further heightened by the possibility of the coming to government of blocs containing the Communist Parties: of those countries. :

The situation fo heightened class tension and plltical instability in capitalist Europe continues to weaken the position of intemational imperialism It furbhermore increasingly puts ta the test ., and tends towards a crisis within, the mass reforriis workers parties of Western Europe. 2. haveloping in combination with the deterioration of the situation of imperialism, and acquiring a qualitative new dimension since the mid seventies has been the crisis of Stalinism. This crisis has in particular devloped two interrelated expression in this period. Oespite intensified repression inside the Soviet Union itself, and despite the relative successes af the eoonomies of the deformed workers states compared to international capitalism, the Soviet bureaucracy has not succeeded in restablising the situation in Eastern Europe on the basis existing prior to 1968. In Poland in particular important struggles. have been won by the masses and the relation of forces has allowed, for the first time on a prolonged scale in any workers state since the 1920s, the creation of an organised, even if small, political Current to the left of the bureaucracy. In Czechslovekia, despite ‘the huge purge of the Communist Party and -* genral repression, various currents of opposition continue to operate, Morer politically limited oppositional struggles have occured in other European countries.

While the conditions of repression in the countries dominated by the Stalinist bureaucracy mean that strugzles frequently assure sudden and explosive forms afar to predict in advance, it is clear that the political ‘contradictions of Easter Europe, together with economic problems inevitabel from the strategic orientation of their bureaucracies to collaboration with capitalism - rather than overthrowing it, means that opposition and social struggles can only itensify in the coming period.

The rise of the class struggle, and reinforcement of left wing forces in the workers movement hostile to the bureaucratic repression bn Easter Europe, together with the insistence by the bourgeiosie of clear guarantees in relation. to breaks with the Soviet Union as a condition for the West European CPs to enter governemnt, has combined with the increasing conflicts and contradictions within Eastern Europe and the USSR to produce the major rift in intemational Stalinism represented. by Euroconmmunism While having the most: immediatley profound effects in Italy, Spain and France, the development of this increased crisis within the Stalinist movement has important direct implication even in countries where there are not réally major Communist Parties, fven where they do not enjoy political support of sections of the masses, the Conmunist Parties organised substantial numbers of the most combative and advanced workers and have provided the traditional altemative within the working class for such forces to the social democrats. The increasingly direct collaboration. with the bourgeosie of Eurocormunism will more clearly’bring the CPs into conflict with thse militant forces in the workers movement and squgeze the CP between the social democrats on the one side and the centrist and revolutionary left on the other, In particualar under conditions where they enter government explosive contradictions will exist between the base of the Communist Party and their leaderships. The whoel thrust of Eurocomminism has the dynamic to the most drastic weakening and losses of the Communist: Parties since the "Thitd Period” and the most serious crisis of West Eurpean Stalinsim since its creation 3. While not having assumed a significance in the general international relation of class forces comparable to the struggle in Southern Africa or capitalist Europe, the situation in Ireland continues to be of major weight for British imperialism, Following its major defeats in the periad leading to the fall of Stormont , the British state launched a major drive to stablise the situation in the North of Ireland, inflict a decisive defaet on the Republican population , and prevent any

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spilling of the struggle in Ireland over into connecting with radicalisation in the rest of the British state.

This involved not merely an offensive in Ireland itself but the utilisation of a whole series of such measures as the "Prevention of Terrorism” Act within the rest of the British state. Victory in this campaign would allow the bourgeoisie to reconsolidate the Unionist bloc in the North of Treland on an even nore reactionary basis, recreate the link of this bloc to the Tory Party, increase the proportion of North of Ireland bigot seats in parliament, and provide a mass base for the most extreme right wing forces in British politics.

Despite undoubted gains in this campaign in the past period establishment of close collaboration with the repressive forces in the Souch , some restablisation of the Unionist bloc around forces more closely tied to British imperialism security successes in the military campaign apgaisnt the Provisionals, a wearing down of the mass moverent canpared.to the heigths of the late 1960s and erly 70s no qualitative British victory has occured in the North of Ireland. Oespite the downtums, and the impasse .of the strategy of the Provisionals and other leaderships, the Republican population has showed it maintains a capacity for mobilisation around the issues of prisoners @nd repression, the "Peace” movement was isolated and _ defeated despite massive bourgeois supports the Provisional military. apparatus, a-though considerably weakened, still remains in effective existences. above all, no stabel : Form of government has been able to be erected in the North, This continued crisis in the North of Ireland remains an intractable problem for British imperialism. The upsurge of the Republican masses weakened the power of the Sritish state and helped break up.oné of the traditional ruling class blecs: incorporated in the Tory party. It ties down a large part of the repressive apparatus of the bourgeoisie. it provided 4 continued element of political instability for the British state.

At the same time however the measures -used by the ruling class to attempt to resolve the crisis ~ militaty . and police terror, torute, imprisonemt without trial, directly political role. and decisions :of the amy, banning of political demonstrations and activity, utilisation of the most right-wing poliitcal forces within the British and Irish states - represent the qualitatively most advanced outpost of British ruling class reaction in this period.

This dyal character ‘of the crisis in-the North of Ireland, its capacity to result either in a major step forward for the proletariat or for creating a new and more powerful base of reaction in the North, is and will continue to be of basic significance for the Irish working class and that of England, Scotland and Wales.

A successful struggle to throw the Brifish out of the North of Ireland, and the unification of the cauntry Would remove the single biggest bloc to the development of the Irish working class, massively strengthen revolutionary forces in that country, and mean for the working class on the British stat& a massive blow dealt. ii . against its ruling class. A defeat of the struggle in the North would mean the cementing of the division of the Irish working class, the continued existence of one of the most powerful basis for bourgeois reaction in the South, and a permanent right wing dagger pointed at the heart of the British labour moverent itself. No matter what uncounted successes the ruling class may have made in isloating and grinding down forces within the British state campaigning for solidarity with the struggle inthe North, nevertheless building a moverent for total British withdrawal from Irleand is one that will continue to face the working class as long as the Unionist state exists. 4, the interrelated crisis of imperialism and =talinism tend in this period to assume a particularly concentrated form in the crisis of the organisation of the workiers moverent itself- a crisis assuming an increasingly internationalised form. The stagnation of the productive forces, the generalising social crisis, the heightened ‘national political tensions, increasingly remove the base of classical reformism by rendering impossible any combination of granting conceisions to the working class while at the same time pursuing direct collaboration with the bourgeosie. Increasingly the only choice for the workers movement is between turning to open and direct attacks on the masses or adoption of at least rhetorical "leftist" positions aimed at maintaining the aupport of the bureaucracy within the rising working class struggle.

This has particualrly direct implications in those countries where movement towards government of blocs contéining amajor and "left" oriented Socialsit Parties has been posed. In the present period the formation of such governments cannot inaugurate a period of reforms by which the social democrats and Communist Parties consolidate the masses around them while at the same time maintaining their direct collaboration with the bourgeosie. On the contrary within a short period . of time such governments will be forced to chose between Cr making radical inroads into the power of the ruling class or turning to direct and savage attacks on the masses.

The whole structure history and policies of the reformist parties make it clear that their poldcy will be of collaboration with the bourgoisie ‘ but in this pericd this can only be at the expense of a major internal crisis of these parties and erosion of their grip on the masses.

This situation of recomposition and incipient ar open crisis in the mass reformist parties tends in this period to a recompositiaon of the workers moverent:. Within the social demcracy the dominant right.wing trend represented by Schmidt/ Callaghan/. Soares has a minority opposotion of Ceres/Papandreou. within the Commtnist Parties the politically more complex differentiation of "Italian" and "Russian® roads has the possibility. with the increasingly open attacks on the working class, ~ by major parties such as the PCI and PCE, to begin to ; Find a certain, clear pelezisgharaneeiradadhenygesine Within the “extreme left” the complete inability of. either ultra left infantilism, (in rejection of the united front with reformist parties) or opportunist ; adaptation to the bureaucracy Jin rejecting soviet power . | and workers democracy) to give an answer either to the objective capitalist crisis or to be able to intervene in the crisis of the mass workers parties forces a. much clearer differentiation between clear centrism on the . one hand and revolutionary marxism on. the other. whiel in the present situation the main determinants of the class rlation of forces within the British state lie in the conomic, social amd politieab -crisis of Brigish imperialism itself , nevertheless the developrent of the main trends of the international class struggle not mererly profoundly affects the underlying objective situation - in particular in the stagnation of the capitalist economy, and pose major tasks of intemationa? solidarity - in relation to Southem Africa and Ireland especially, but provides a major groung of shaping and . developing the vanguard of the working class. The ; consequences af the policies of the German SPO and the French Socialist Party for the Social Derecrats; the successes and failures of the Italian, Spanish and Portugese and Greek Communist Parties; the utter © debacles of the Portugese and Italisn centrists and the. ability or otherwise of the sections of the FI ts ; transform themselves into powerful organisations for © the centrist and revolutionary left, will all. have profound implications for the development. of the vanguard of the working class, Not "national reads te socialsim” but intemationalisation of the class struggle and internationalisation of the debate amd consequences of working class strategy will develop throughout the: coming period. Without grasping this trend, without bringing to bear on it the full resources of the FI and internaticnal revolutionary movement, the IMG cannot undertake its international reponsibilities and cannot develop as a powerful organisation in Britain itself. 2. THE ECONOMIC CRISIS OF SRIFISH TIMPERTALTS™ 5. Within the context sf the stagnation of th al capitalist economy the situation of Sriti has been of particular economics acuteness. period since summer 1975 has seen the strongest ru class offensive since the 1930s, the underlying co of the British economy has undergone no qualitative improverent, Oespite certain qualitative gains, no nn recompositicn of the rate of profit sufficient tc relaunch a major expansion of production nas heen achievec. j The stagnation of the international economy prercluces the prospect of any major expansion of production basec on exports. The effects of North Sea oil, while bringing improvements in the balance of peyments and therfore 4 marginally greater room for manguvre, are insufficient to provide any base for the revitalisation of the economy and threaten long term deterioration ; competitive situation of British industry. expansions of the economy are solely Pought at the expense af decreases of working class living stancercs and are unsustainable without thems It is within this uncerlying framewerk that the inmezicte prospects of "economic recovery” must be Situated. interrelation of the world economic situation and the decline in the living standards of the masses creates the conditions for a conjunctural increase in capitalist industrial preduction in 1978, This however will take the econemy to a level of output only marginally exceeding that af 1970, Investrent will remain at 2 Jevel below that of the early 1979s. The falling

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inflation of 1977-8 will be replaced by a renewed wave of prise increases from mid 1978 onwards. In short, the uptum of 1978 will be of limited conjunctural character in no way altering the fundamental situation of the economy. While not excluding this expansion having significant temporary effects its duration will be extremely limited and will be followed by renewed crisis, The present and future position of British capitalism is fundamentally characterised by stagnation of the productive forces, Not even serious temporary re-expansion of production can take place without making drastic inroads into capitalsit domination of the economy. 6. The onset of a situation of stagnatio of the productive forces has since 1975 had profound and immediate consequences for the comomic condition of the masses the period of sometimes interrupted but basic development of the productive forces: in the post war boom created the basis within capitalism for a steady improvement in the real weges of the masses. These gains could be achieved through the mechanism of normal trade union strugg les - in the 50s and 60s aminly through section by section or factory by factory struggle and in the 70s chiefly by national industry wide action. A situation of stanation stagnation of the productive forces however eliminates the possibility within capitalism of any systematic or sustained rise in wages. Far from allowing concessions to the masses the necessity of capitalism to attempt to arrest the declining rate of profit, and relaunch the expansion of the productive forces, creates continual assaults on real wages. The 123% fall in real wages since winter 74/75, the driving of real income back balow the level of 1970, represents not a once and for all loss which will be avercome in a further expansion’ df Production, but on the contrary is merlay the beginning of a sustained drive which no matter what temporary fluctuation occur, has as its necessary aim to force down the living conditiond of the masses, The period of expansion of the productive forces fram 1948 onwards created a continual demand on expanded labour forces. Although unenploymrent increased in the latter part of the boom, the greater part of mass unemployment was cyclical with most of those layers pushed out of work in the recession reabsorbed into erploymet in the ensuing period of expansion.

Unemployment . -lev'els remai- 2d at low absolute levels’ in comparison to the pre-war period.

With the entry into a situation of stagnation: of the productive forces, unerployment becomes mas#, permanent Structural and increasing. There are no epriods of expansion of production sufficient to absorb into employrent workers made redundant in the recessions.

The drive to increased productivity , rationalisation, and other measures to increase the rate of surplus value accentuates redundancies and lay-offs. Unemployment furhter increases and accumulates with each conjunctural downturn.

The stagnation of the productive forces has direct and inmediate consequences in the fields of social. public and welfare expenditure. Although granted for polit ical reasons as part ot a post war concessions necessary to gain acquiescence of the masses in the continued existence of capitalism, the "welfare state” waser _ + ecomomically acceptabel to capitalism as long as its Le productive forces continues to expand. with stagnation of the productive forces however, the bourgeoisie of ‘ necessity is forced toattempt to drive. up the rate-of profit through measures of dimantling lag rge sections ‘of public expenditure, making alterations to taxation Systems to ensure whatever social services continue to exist are solely financed by the working class, and to attempt to restrict social benifits and concessions to those layers of the population closest to the ruling class whom the bourgeiosie aims by such means to organise more closely around the defence of capitalism, The entry of capitalism into a period of stagnation of the productive forces noe merely eliminates the possibility of serious and sustained concessions being made by the ruling class but necessitates a drive by the capitalist class to drive down the living standards, recompose the reserve army of labour, and remove the major part of even the limited concessions in social expenditure made to the masses in the post war boom, This drive wiil continue throughout the entire coming period in Britain, ?. The consequences far the dynamic and form of the class struggle of the entry of British imperialism into a Situation of stagnation of the productive forces will be clearly seen in 1978/9, Despite the fact the 1978 will see a phase of industrial upturn compared to the preceeding and succeeding years, nevertheless this upturn will not suffice to make up the fall in real wages of the past two years and will be followed by further pressure to decrease working class incomes “in 1978/9, no prospect of any expansion of production Sufficient to . reduce unemployment seriously below its present ‘level exists not merely in 1978(€ but throughout the entire period coming of capitalismyno plan to replacethe savage cuts in the welfare’state either exists or could be carried out by capitalism, The conjunctural upturn of 1978 will only provide a certain temporary relief in the attack on the living standards of the masses, While this temporarily more favourabel ecanomic situation can have important consequeneces for being used to ; extract concessions on real wages, redundancies and cuts,and to aid in the relaunching of the ecomomic struggles of the masses, its objective role, without major working class victories, will be chiefly to achievefor the ruling class a certian room for . concessions to buy off the most militant and strongly organised sections of the working class, and for manouvres by the bureaucracy aimed at securing the electoral retum to office of the Labour government. For quite significant sections of the working class even during -. 1978, and for the whoel of the working class following it, there will be no serious improvement in living standards, employmen: and social expenditure provisions whatsoever. Whatever gains are made during that year by any section of the masses will come under rapid future attack. ; These conditions of economic :<dgnation and crisis have immediate implications at the political level. In‘ the present relation of forces between the classes, with individual employers unable to defeat in struggle strongly organised sections of the working class, centralisation of bourgeois forces at the level of government policy and the state is a necessary condition for any attempt to control and froce down wages - the wage controls of 1975-7 were not an isolated and tenporary impostion -evelspime-t 2ut part of a permanent drive of the ruling class in this period to the imposition of incomes policy. In conditions of crisis of the rate of profit — and mass unenployment every major decision conceming redundancy directly implicates the state and government- Chrysler, Leyland, Crax B, the steel industry, the | Polish shipbuilding order are merely links in a long, chain of basic political decisions on unemployment the huge expansion of the social and public sector during the post war period means that not merely hasic decisions on social expenditure affecting the whoel of the masses, but determination of the pay and job prospects of a major section of the working class is directly in the hands of the government and state the crisis on cuts and 19% norm in the public sector in the coming period are merely the precursors af - 4 whole series of collisions in the future. The entire development of the present situation gives to making all major U1 economic decisions directly plitical issues, Whatever government is retumed at the next election has no option within capitalism but to turn to a new and intensified assault on living conditions. .Siven the . decisive character for both classes of the question of the living conditiond of the masses and atterpts to raise the rate of profit, the single most important political field of the class struggle throughout the coming period will continue to be in relation to the basic economic policies of the state government. & The profcund economic impasse of Sritish imperialisre has major conseauences not rerely for the objective : situation af society but for the conscious ress of the working class ang the tasks and possibilities of revelutionaries. While it'was the political situation facing the working class which above all created the basis far the defeats since summer 1975, there is no doubt that the very depth of the economic crisi had an initial traumatic disorientating and demoralising effect on wide layers of the masses, whereas in the post war period, including in 1368-74, struggles around straight forward wage increases had a permanent effect in criving up real income, the gains in real wages of 1974 were more than totally eliminated within a period of 12 months; while in previous periods of conjunctural increased unenployment, including 1979-2, militant forms of factory based struggle against redundancy hac a serspective in helding on until a new economic uptum, fram 1976 on the huge scope of the increase in umemployment, and the lack of any possibility of it falling again, appeared tobloc« any way forward -cr struggle against clasures and layoffs by traditional ~eans; whereas previous scst war attacks on the welfare state, such as prescription charges and school meals costs,has been relatively small, anc could be canpaignec agaisnt by pressure actions, the turn tc vast general cuts could not be met simply by protest actions, and the way forward to defend Social expenditure seemed blacked, Above all huge elements of the economic crisis ~ the inflation, the rate of profit, the money supply, the rate of exchange,the investment collapse ~ appeared overwhelming, colossal, and completely outside any control by action of the working class (as

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professional, technical managerial, academic and other strata who were more capable of adopting a ’liberal’ orientation.

These objective social changes were accompanied by equally profound shifts in the conciousness of wide layers of socistys The fact that the period of post-war expansion of the productive forces took place not in a period of ruling class confidence and victory but in a period when the international and internal class relation of forces was shifting against the bourgeoisie prevented concessions organising the oppressed tightly around the capitalist class. The enty into struggle of first the forces of the colonial revolution and the black masses of the United States, and than the workers of the advanced capitalist countries lead whole layers of the oppressed to look for solutions to their crises not in reliance on capitalist reforms from above but in their own struggle, in their alliance with other layers of the oppressed, and through their linking to the organisations of the working class.” The huge increase in the number of women joining the trade unions, the decline in the working class voting for the parties of the bourgecisiey the-formation and impact of the movement for women’s liberationy the change of the black ~ masses from relatively crushed immobility in the face of racist oppression to the fight for civil rights, black nationalism, and black conciousness, the shift in the conciousness of huge layars of students from active support of | the ruling class to active or potential championing of the _ struggie oF the working class; the increased confidence and conbativity of gayss the decline in the hold of religion an «. and other reactionary ideologies, represented the most widestread social changes to take place in the imperialist countries throughout the post-war. periods oan cae OPS None of the social shifts produced by the post-war boom in any way represented an overcoming of the qualitative bases of social oppressicn built into the basis of the productive relations, family and imperialist expansion in capitalist society. Nor were they the product of some basically pro-~ gressive wing within the bourgeoisie. The fact that direct steps were not taken to try to break up profound changes ta taking place in the consciousness of the oppressed repre~ sented not a new enlightment but merely the- social relation « af forces and the fact that the ruling class considered tha that such shifts could be contained-in a period in which . capitalist society as a whole appeared to be going forward. a Despite these limitations however the post-war boom was a period in which the oppressed layers were abie’ to gain certain concessions from capitalism, whensthey could organise and increase their strength without meeting savage. resistance from the ruling class, and when'’a whole series...” of oppressed and intermediate strata semi-spontaneously | gravitated towards alliance with the labour moverent. 41. In contrast to the relative liberalism and moderation of the bourgecisie within its own states in.the period of post-war boom, the entry into the situation of stagnaticnof the productive forces brings to the fore the qualitative aspects of social oppression and barbaric reaction built into the foundations of capitalism and imperialism.

Cocessions acceptable to capitalism in a period of expansjon ane economically impossible to sustain and must be taken back, in a period of stagnation. Changes in conciousness containable by reform in a period when the bourgeoisie is going forward, become a threat to capitalist stability and rule ina period of economic, social, and political crisis. To reverse not only the material concessions but the transformations in the conciousness of the oppressed becomes: a major nécessity of the ruling class. It is to this task of social reaction that the bourgeoisie and its political institutions: have increasingly turned in the past period. . * In the direct process of production the shedding from employment of the reserve army of labour has increased unemployment among women workers at @ rate double even: that of the adult male. workforce, the sharp decline in real wages, in. conditions of the appressive relations of the family, has reduced income available to women, and the children for whose upbringing they continue to bear the main responsibility, even more rapidly than for the working class as a whole; the black labour force required for a period of capitalist expansion is: increasingly unnecessary for the ruling class in a period of stagnation, and black unemployment, particularly among youth, has risen at a level qualitatively above that of the white working class; racist oppression in employment confines even those blacks in work to the lowest’ paid jobs most hit by low pay, increased taxation and. other moves to depress living standardss cuts and speed up in the public sector particularly strike at the low paid workers concentrated in this area. .

Struggle of oppressed layers have been continually sabotaged by lack of support by the labour movement. Under such conditions, the bourgeoisie has been able to make considerable’ inroads both into the degree to which the oppressed look to \ the working class as an ally in their struggle and the degree to which the struggles of the working class are suppor~ ‘ted by all the oppressed. Sy utilising the betrayals of the bureaucracy to divide the masses among themselves, the bourgeoisie has succeeded in considerably isolating the most militant fighters for the interests of the oppressed. and proletariat, from broader bases of social support. The entire experience. since 1974-75 decisively re-affimms that the oppressed masses will not and cannot continue to Inevitable ‘and gravitate y and indefinitely towards a Sociatiet solution to the crist unless the working class and its vanguard ¢ early and consciously puts forward a programme oe struggle’ _capable of answering the needs “entire crisis of every layer of society. 13. Although the ruling class has been able to launch a major attack in the last pariod on a whole series of layers of the oppressed and exploited, and score indisputable victories, it is nevertheless the case that this offensive has met resistance. A series of struggles and developments show that the potential exists for a fightback in conditions where ways can be found to overcome the resistance of the bureaucracy. oo —_ sppbespite the policies of the union leacerships, woren work~ “ers have continued to join the trade unions in large nurbers throughout the last:period and played a leading role in struggles such. as cuts, Grunwick, and in. a whole series of. ' fights on-équal pays despite the offensive of anti-abortion . forces the Government. has not felt able to take the risk of openly overturning the 19657 Act and, while sabotaging any effective struggle, the TUC and Labour Party conferences feltthat the relationship of forces dictated that they give : vertaladherance to the position of free abortion on demands the fascist attacks. of 1976 mat a considerable mobilisation from the black community even although a considerable crisis of leadership exists there, despite a mjor Tory push among student, the supporters of organisations of the working class continue to hold’a majority with the NUS; although fascists and racists have undoubtedly gained a certain res- _onance among school students there has also been a wider _politicisation of this layer and the establishing of some left-wing nuclei; While undoubtedly the. campaigns of bourgeois reaction have placed the oppressed layers of society on the defnsive there has. been as yet no qualitiative defeat and change in tha relation of forces.

Within this qulitative social relationship of forces a continued development: of. vanguard active against particular, or all, social oppresssios has*continued to develop. The - Women's Liberation Movement has organised significant nurbers of woren, has an.impact going far beyond its structured mem- -- bership, has gone through inportant political discussions, has been able to playa key role in actions against sexist oppression, and: has had a major impact on all organiations of the lefts relatively. significant vanguard forces have been involved in actions against racism and fascism such as .. Lewisham, Ladywood and other areas; considerable support ~ for socialist solutions to the crisis continuas to sxist among students and the vanguard has been able to recompose itself in the SSA; there has been an impact of the’ struggies and movements of the oppressed within the workers’ movement in incrasing consciousness of questions of women’s liberation, and in posing the necessity to toake up the struggle against racism in the face of the rapid initial ‘successes of the fascists. Although the bourgeoisie continues to hold the offensive in the situation of the masses a significant increase in the understanding among the vanguard of the working-class and:.oppressed to take up the struggle around aspects of the social crisis has o ccured and has the potential to‘be-further developed in the coming period.

Both the possibilities and the dangers of the generalising ‘sacial crisis will intensify throughout the coming period.

Without gaining acquiescence by women of their own oppressiony without intimidating the black population into non~ resistance to the racis onslaughtss without once more winning consciously to its side the student layersy without stopping all major threats to the ideological hegemony of its social realtions, the capitlaist class cannot secure the stability of its rule and provide the sociel base with which to maintain bourgeois ceomination. For its part, if the working class does not-come forward with any struggle for a solution to the general crisis facing society then the present quantitative gains of the ruling class can be turned into a real success by the bourgeoisie, and in the first place by the Tory Party, in organising increasingly wice layers of the population around its solutions to the crisis and thereby isolate the most militatn sections of the working, class to celiver severe blows against them.

Although the vast social weight and organisation of the working class in Britain give it major advantages to wage a prolonged struggle against ‘the borugsoisie, nevertheless the traditions of economism, racism, nationalism, and sexism which are the product of eaptilist domeination over the masses,. which are continually reinforced bythe bureaucracy, H { i j

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indsed they were on the iine of the bureaucracy). The key qualitative demands and forms of struggle necessary to” begin to give an answer te the crisis were supported by <only a tiny handful of militants and the consciousness of wider layers lagged behind the. objective needs of the situation. The sole generat, and therefore apparently workable, ,way out of the crisis which was known to the masses was that supported by the. bureaucracy of reducing Ss : incomes in ordsr to prepare the way for a promised new upturn of the economy. Under such. conditions, where thare appears no way out other than the capitalist solution, sconomic crisis, as always, producas not radicalisation but demoralisation and apathy. The very depth of the economic crisis in conditions of blockage. of perspective by the bureaucracy, became a major element producing a downturn in resistance and struggles.

Despite tha initial colossal impact of the economic crisis, and the political offensive of the bourgeoisie, and despite undoubted major defeats represented in a 12} per cant fall in real wages, doubling of unemployment, and savage cuts in social expenditure being met with days lost in strikes falling to their.lowest levels since the 1950s, — ack | : E} es ished in 2 Cid not take place in “+l. :

Gugh unemployment continued to mount rapidly throughout the post-1974 period, and despite major political defeats, the trade unions continued to grow in size-- a fact significant not only in the numerical terms but also in indicating that the masses continued to look to the organisations of the working class as part of the solution to the crisis confronting them; the bourgeoisie continusd to have no confidence,in its ability with its own forces: to “take on and defeat in struggle any major strongly organised section of the working class) despite considerable disorientation and major particular defeats the rank and file leacerships created in the post - 1968 period remained essentially intact: the continued stagnation and crisis of the economy revealed increasingly that sacrifices by the masses tc capitalist policy would not produce a way out. furthermore while it was increasingly dificult for the working class *e struggle on the old basis it was not at all impossible to. fight ~ despite the mass downtum indivincslly Shportant. workers struggles continued throughout 7975 and 1976 gn unionisation, equal pay, cuts and other questions. 9. The outcome of this combination of econontic crisis and major but not qualitative defeats for thé-working class was that. from the beginning of 1977 a definite turn in the consciousness of the working class, and the struggle of the. masses began ta take placa. * Within the masses a clear shift against wage controls oc~ Cured which was reflected in the summer 1977 union con ferences. Larger sections of workers than in the previous period were prepared to engage in struggles to defend _ living standards - days lost in strikes in 1977 quadrupled compared with 1976 even before the firefighters strike, Despite undoubtedly defeats and setbacks the strike’ figures continued to rise throughout the year. This tum in the situation and the fact that the slight economic upturn of ‘next year will create more favourable conditions for action means that trade union struggies are going to continue to increases in the coming period, although this rise is likely te continue to be extremely uneven and periodically. interrupted by quite major defeats occuring - particularly in | » the. public sector. * Within the vanguard significantly increased interest in and support for qualitative demands capable of beginning to provide some answer to the crisis has developed. Although Yapidly rapidly blocked by the bureaucracy and as yet not deeply penstrated into the consciousness of the masses, Such developments as the inclusion of tha demand for automatic cost of living increases in the Ford's, Vauxhall's, NUPE’s and other claims; the significant minority support for the same policy at the TGWU conferences the support in the public sector for the demand for automatic increases in social expenditure to compensate. for inflation, represented a definite change to the situation that existed two years Previously when such damands were the property of only tiny handfuls of individual militants.

While still supported by only a small minority within the working class, such demands now receive a hearing among layers of workers which are significantly larger than the extreme Ieft organisations, These developments within the working class and oppressed pose major tasks for revolutionary socialists. The fight aver the effects of the economic crisis for the bourgeoisie and for the masses continues to be in this period the most decisive field on which the class relation of forces is determined. While it would be false to expect a rapid tum to the scale of clashes of 1968 - 74, nevertheless each struggle which coes take place is of major political sig- _ nificance, Within this new upturm of struggle significantly ' Wider opportunities exist for winning working class mili- : tants to new qualitative demands necessary for beginning to ; find an outcome to the crisis. Utilising these increased Opportunities for recruiting a nuclei of working class ' militants to these demands (qualitative), organising to fight for tham in the mass organisations, attempting to get them taken up by sactions of the working class in struggle, is not a sectarian task but one objectively corresponding t to the needs of the present situation. Participating in the coming trade union struggles, organising solidarity activity, winning a Mucleus. of revolutionary militants in industry, organising opposition in the trace union to the Policy of the bureaucracy, are the most important mass tasks . facing revolutionaries in the coming period. 3. THE SOCIAL CRISIS 10. The entry of intematianal and British imperialism into a situation of stagnation of the productive forces has consequsnces which extend beyond those of simple ecovcaefomic impasse inta a generalising social crisis. The entire structure of British imperialist society has in profound aspects been modified and shaped by the prolonged post-war. expansion of capitalism. * The possibility of concassions to the oppressed masses in a pariod of capitalist boom, and the necessity of important transformation in the nature of the labour force, created a tremendous extension and revolution in all forms of social expenditure and care. Massive provision of council housing, old age pensions, a relatively free health service provision and many other fields profoundly affected vir tually the whole of the population, * Thea necessity for capitalism in a prolonged periad of sxpansion to create a major increase in the labour force - tagether with the major revolution in the technical base’ of the productive forces involved in the post-war period created significant changes in the insertion of the relations of the capitalist family into the rest of the social framework. A major increase in the number of women ‘ in the labour forces the expansion of the number of waren in education so as to be able to have a workforce most Suitable for advanced forme of capitalist exploitation, utilisation of the productive resources of capitalism to create effective safe methods of contraception and many other changes, created conditions which could be utilised by women and other victims of sexist oppression to gain cartain concessions from the bourgeiosie. . The bourgeoisie partially ‘recognised’ in order to attempt to channel within a framework acceptable to capitalism, these gains in legal concessions allegedly ‘guaranteeing’ bourgeois eaquality(Sex Hiscrimination Act, Equal Pay Act), some limited social measures (1967 Abortion Act, steps on nurseries), and certain cosmetic changes on the most open manifestations of sexist oppression. The weakening of the complete ideological acceptance of the bourgeois family produced by the struggles and gaing mace by women created the’ conditions for action by others suffering sexist oppression, in particular, gays. i * The post-war period of expansion af the productive forces required for British imperialism a major influx of black and inmigrant workers.in order to increase the labour «force, Furthermore while no steps against the qualitative bases of racism built into the foundations of capitalism and inperialiam were or could be taken by the bourgeoisie, nevertheless in order to secure this labour. The ruling elass required a certain discretion and restraint over the most open and blatent racist manifestation. Premature attempts at pograms, such as Notting Hill in 1958, and too open incitement and canpaigning by racist and fascist organisations, such as Mosley in 1960, had to he restrained.

Certain minimal social conditions of housing, education and health necessary for the maintainance of the black lahour force had to be provided. : * The nature of capitalist expansion in the post-war period based not merely on a quantitative increase in the produc tive forces but a revotution in.their technological character, required a vast development of the education: system. The extention of the system of secondary schools, the huge increase in higher education, the necessity of greatly increased resources’ for producing trained teaching staff, and a whole series of other developments reflecting the’ vast training and retraining of labour necessary to cope with the advanced conditions of production of late capitalism - the shifts in the concentration of capital brought about in the post war boom lead to a yet greater decline of the traditional petty-bowrgeoisie, which has been. a. backbone of reaction within British society, and instead recomposed the 'middle classes’ in favour of

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which penetrates the entire history and every level of the labour movement, and which will only be overcome through an entire series of traumatic shocks and struggles have in this period more than ever given trmedous political. openings to the ruling class. For revolutionaries ‘to confine themselves in this period to only etonomic and trade union agitation would be more than ever to betray not merely the oppressed but the entire neads of the working class. The present period demands a fight around a total solution taking up al ers aspects of social oppression. he dan ased by the Massive ruling ciass offensive on the social field, the id FT f continue t=Back against that attack, make it more possible than for @ ton period te gain a hearing for such a progranme and struggle. : 4, THE POLITICAL OFFENSIVE OF THE RULING CLASS AND ITS 14, The combination of deepening economic and social contradictions with the mass working class upsurge of 1966- 74 had profound repercussions not merely for the economic and social order of British imperialism but for the traditional political forms of government within its state.

For nearly forty years in the period since the First World War governmental office was held by the Tory Party. This combination under the hegemony of fimance capital of the chief sections of the bourgecisie, ‘middie classes’, landowners, military hierarchy, Northern Ireland bourgeoisie, Protestant-Unionist working class, and a considerable part of the English proletariat is the oldast and most successful bourgeois Party in the world - the "natural Party of government*. The material base making possible its particularform of governrental organisation was the huge international investment, revenus and operation of British inperjalism which provided the possibility of the cheap food, high exchange rate, and general ’paternalist’ policies of the traditional Tory Party, and which alone enabled it to simultaneously give vant to the nationalist, chauvinist, and overt racist aspirations of the petty-bourgeoisie, and backward sections of the working class, while at the same time avoiding a decisive confrontation with the labour mvoement, and being able to give sufficient concessions to maintain the mass electoral working class base without which it could not maitain itself in office.

The historic decline of British imperialism would in all circumstances have created major problems for this traditional bloc. The defeat of the Heath government at the hands of the trades unions, combined withother struggles and policies imposed an that government by the economic and social crisis, provided the impetus in 1974 to at least temporarily fragment this traditional Tory bloc into © various if its component parts, oO * The impact of the collision with the labour movement, and~ the reattionary policies of the Heath Government, propelled a major part of the tradtional Tory working class vote away + from that Party - resulting in a qualitiative decline in its vote, particularly among women, in the working class areas in 1974, : . * The inability of the tradtional chief bourgeeis party’ to to defeat the working class, simultaneously with the leadership of the labour moverent failing to put forward any policy capable of leading society out of its impasse, resulted in a mass desertion of middie class votes: from the Tories to a Liberal Party which previously throughout the post-war period had succeeded only in attempting to couple ‘progressive’ protests votes of the petty bourgeoisie with the most advanced policies of big industrial capital. * In Scotland, the conditions of advanced economic and socfal crisis, existence of the national question, and a split in the ruling class over North Sea Oil Revenues combined with the inability of the Tory Party to defeat the labour movement to produce a shift of small sections of the bourg~soisie, the quasi-totality of the petty-bourgeoisie, and certain layers of the working class to support for the SNP. * In the north of Ireland, ceveloping primarily out of the national struggle in that country and not out of the trace union struggle in Britain, the inability of the Tories to impose a crushing defeat on the Catholic Repulibean population resulted in a break with the Tory Party by the majority of the Orange bloc and the eleminantion of the official Unionists as a force at Westminster.

The result of these processes of fragmentation of the traditional bourgeois political bloc was to create significant political redefinition within the ruling class. Following the experience of 1968-70 the capitlaist class did not have confidence in the ability of the Labour Government to con- . tain the struggle of the masses - a fact reflected in the unanimous call of all major sections of the ruling class for a return of 4 Tory government in the two elections of 1974 and apparently confirmed by the successful strike of the AUEW against theNIRC in the sumer of that year. A situation whereby the Tory Party had both been defeated in mass struggle by the working class, and had seen its vote fall to the lowest proportion this centruy appeared to rule out * the perspective of a strong altemative government of bourgecis parties to Labour. Finding itself in an apparaent impasse the period folliwng the Tory defeat saw insignificant sections of the ruling class canvassing important changes in traditiional forms of government in Britain ~ in particular the call for coalition “government and demands ’ for major overhauls of the electoral system to ensure Labour remained a permanent minority. These shifts were reflected in different forms both in a wide range of ‘bourgeois mouthpieces and in the electoral platforms of the Tory and Liberal Parties in Uctober, 1974. _ 45. While important institutions, and in particular the political parties, of the bourgeoisie were considerably |. weakened in the period up to and following Februar 1974, | the situation among the working class and.oppressed Masses was much less advanced. The militancy and capac- ity for struggle of the period of 1968-74 had been - . authentic and deep and brought real gains for the masses.

However this militancy had also been limited in the range of issues taken up - four-fifths of days lost in strikes in 1986~74 were on wages issuesy while certain fights over redundancy such as UCS had developed into major political questicns there had not been a generalised movement against unemployment, the major political mobilisations had*continued to be limited essentially to those: around incomes policy or attacks on union rights, na section of the masses had broken leftwards from or was on the verge of breaking . with the political hold of the labour bureaucracy. It was this combination of shaking of the political parties of the bourgecisie, but no equivalen weakening of the political grip of the labour bureaucracy over the masses which dat~ armined the dynamics of the lass struggle in the situation following February 1974.— ; * In the period inmediately folloiwng the defeat of the:

Tories, the Labour Government found itself in a relationship. _of forces where it was.unable, including for reasons of securing its own return to office, ta take on and directly confront the working class. The initial policy of the =~ Labour governnent, while safeguarding the fundarental interasts of the bourgeoisie, was therefore to control and break down the impatus of any mass struggles or political - ‘tensions by allowing certain limited but genuine concessions to be gained by the working class ~ one. year rent freeze, eight per cent increase in real wages ina year-to’ the. highest point in the entire post-war period, unemployment rising more slowly than in other inperialist countries, dismantling of the overtly anti-union laws of the Tories.

The role of these concessions for the Govemment was to contain and absorb the impact of the. prvious working class struggles, secure certain. major ruling class goals such . as reaffirmation of membership of the EEC, and. integrate the trace union leaderships firmly inte the policy of the government - thereby heading off any possibility of a serious inter-bureaucratic split- when a turn was mace to openly anti-working class policies. * By Summer, 1975, the political prerequisites to turn toa major attack on the working class had been achieved by the Labour Government. The worsening of the economic: situation and fall: in working class living standards from the begining of. the year, had demonstrated the ineffectuality of any alternative strategy to the government’s based solely on wages militancys the Labour left had been politically defeatedthrough the bankruptcy of its chauvinist campaign on the EEC - and the removal of Benn from the Industry Ministry.had shown that the trade union bureaucracy would back the government in e clash with the lefts the goal of re-affirming membership of the EEL had been achieved. The government from the introduction of incomes policy in surmer 1975 tumed to direct head-on attack on positions of the working class and oppressed, The depth of the economic - erpisis dictated that this attack - with 123% fall in real living standards, doubling of unemployment, and majer cutbacks in social expenditure - would be the most serious since the Second World War. * This full-scale offensive of the Labour bureaucracy agains against the mass determined the reZation of the government to the basic classes of society. Popularity of the Labour government among the working class, which in the peiod following February 1974 had remained at relatively high jelvels, plunged to the lowest levels of Labour support sinc sinca the 1930s. The most important sections of the bourgecisie, finding unexpectedly that the bureaucracy could in fact contain and defeat the masses, turned sharply from the support for the Tory Party expressed in 1974 to a position of maintaining the Labour Government in office ~ a policy

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oe Aer as teams pein ' continued up to, and clearly shown by, the epposition of al all decisive sections of the ruling class to Thatcher’s attempt to bring down the government in the Spring of 1976 and their support for the Lib-Lab pact formed to maintain Callaghan in office. a From Summer 1975, there is no doubt that the preferred govemment for the ruling class has been the Labour Party.

Given ths continued contradiction and weakness of the parti parties of the bourgeoisie the ruling class is likely to continue its support for a Labour Government for as long as the bureaucracy is able to control the masses, 18. Although since Summer 1975 the bourgeoisie has seen as its most direct instrument of rule the Labour government, this has in no way been contradictory to developing other instruments of bourgeais domination. Behind the defence of capitalist interests erected by the labour bureaucracy the baurgecisie has been able to recharge, where necessary stabilise, and turn on to the offensive its own institutions and organisations, * The weakening of the parties of the bourgeoisie following February. 1974 has lead to a more central political and prepressive role being played by the state apparatus itself.

Although since the debacle of the Industrial Relations Act the ruling class has been forced to withdraw legislation openly confronting the labour moverent, nevertheless the state apparatus in the last period has played an important role in eliniating any minor concessions made by the Labour Government to the working class and in attempting to convince the most oppressed sections of the population that they cannot be protected by the working class and that it is therefore pointiess to look for solutions to.their crisis in mass struggle. Steps such as the sabotage of union recognition. procedures of ACAS, the extensive use of Consp~ iracy charges, the cecision on Gay News, the.use of the Public Order Act and riot shields and batons. against blacks have played a significant political role for.the ruling class in the past.period. They have been aided by direct Steps of the labour bureaucracy, Such as the introduction of the Prevention of Terrorism and Criminal Trespass Acts, and have been clearly linked to the Tory Party via the activity of NAFF, “Deprived by the economic decline of British imperialism of the possibility of recomposing its lost support by ‘naternalist’ or progressive policies, important sections of the Tory Party have attempted to recompose their base through exploiting and developing the most right-wing, chauvinist, sexist and xenophobic sentiments within the middle class and most backward sections of the masses, there: is no. doubt that the vigorous campaigning of Thatcher and Joseph and the rest of their apparatus has succeeded in the last period in reconsolidating major sections of the Tory Party on a new and more reactionary basis. This shift has been consolidated. and institutionalised through the creation of organisations such as the Centre for Policy Studies and the National Association for Freedom, The Party leadership has also sought to find new ways of bringing the political power of the bourgeoisie to bear against the labour movement - notably through Thatcher’s proposal of a referendum on any major future industrial struggles. * The strategic goal of the Liberal Party since 1945 has been to institutionalise coalition government through securing of Proportional Representation and to weaken the Labour Party by splitting off its Jenkinsite wing. The Lib-Lab pact aimed both at meeting immediate tactical needs of the ruling class, placing further reactionary pressure behind the bureaucracy, and breaking down Labour opposition to coalitionism in order to prepare the way for future permanent collaboration with parties of the bourgeoisie. * The SNP has utilised the right-wing anti-working class Policies of the government to continue to attempt to break the hold of Labour over the mass working class vote in Sootland, Its particular use of the demand for an Assembly is designed te allow it to accumulate the forces to deliver a decisive blow against Labour and thereby gain increased weight for extracting concessions in the intra-ruling class struggle with the Tories. " ‘he Linionists have utilised the utter reactionary policy ot the Labour bureaucracy on Ireland to attempt to gain significant concessions for the bigot forces. Their aim in sustaining the Labour Government in office in the last neriod has included attempting to gain substantially increased Orange seats in the Westminster Parliament, thereby increasing their bargaining power with any government, and allowing them to extract even more repressive oolicies in the North of Ireland. * deyond even the activity of the state apparatus and the ‘official’ bourgeois parties has been the increased _ activity of the extreme racists and fascist organisations.

These have drawn on the immense reserves of racism and backwardness built into the foundation of British capitalist society and have exploited openings within ‘respectable’ bourgeois politics, to heighten and intensify the situation of racism and intimidation of blacks, gays an and other oppressed groups. The have served as a probe to test how far the bourgeoisie can go in promoting openly reactionary policies without meeting mass resistance, There is no doubt that in the period since. 1975 the ruling class has been able to carry through a very major political offensive against the working class and oppressed. The situation where all perspectives other than a capitalist one appears blocked has produced depoliticisation and apathy among considerable layers of the masses. The bourgeoisie has established a position whereby, regardless of whether it is able to carry through a succsssful confrontation with the working class, any future Tory government will have the most reactionary policies on social questions and democratic rights seen sicne the 1930s. Far more than on the economic and social fields the working class and oppressed have suffered severe setbacks in ts crucial realm of politics, his defeat has isolated the militant Sections of the working class and allowed the bourgeoisie to appeal directly over their heads to the masses who have been demoralised and cepoliticised by the betrayals of the bureaucracy. , ‘ 47. Although the ruling class in the past period has made major gains in its political assualts on the masses and in strengthening its own instutions, it is nevertheless also. clear the limits of this process and above all what continues to be the chief form assumed by bourgeois rule in the present situation, * fespite the gains made by the Tory Party through its ~’ reactionary campaigns of the past period this means of reconsolidating itself still fac es important problems and contradictions in a situation where the relation of class forces precludes a decisive confrontation with a labour moverent which is both the chief problem canfronting the ruling class and the ultimate target of all reactionary forces. Discussions with the trade union bureaucracy, equivecation on the closed shop, continual declarations that the Tory Party is not an enemy of the trade unions, weaken the mobilising power of the Tory Party as a rightwing alternative. Thatcher’s attempt tc bring the political powere of the bourgecisie mre directly to bear on trade union struggles via referenda etc. is both difficult to put into effect; runs serious risks of politicising every major industrial struggle, and is uncertain in its outcome, * Despite its termporary electoral gains in 1974, and its present important tactical role for the ruling class via the Lib-Lab pact, the Liberal Party: cannot provide any ser~ious perspective for the ruling class and itself faces sericus internal contradictions. The post-1968 situation of intensified class struggle, and the deterioration in the world economy in 1973-5, seriously undermined the bases of the Liberal Party's combination of espousal of progressive aspirations of the petty-bourgecisie and pursuit of advanced policies.of the capitalist class. - a nolicy. which made gains in a previous period in building the Young Liberals and in the vote of 1974. The Lib-Lab pact has further exacerbated these contradictions by even more clearly tying the party into the economic line of big capital. The traditonal petty-bourgeois base of the Liberal Party demands in the present circumstances more radical solutions, to the crisis - thereby either breaking with the Party to the Tory right or moving to policies which lead to association with the organised labour moverent. The pact has therefore bought disastorous electoral results for tie Liberals. Furthermore they face a major campaign from the Tories exercised around the Thorpe scandal in particular, to weaken the Liberal Party. * The division of the parties of the bourgeoisie in Scotland into Tories and SNP creates important problems for the ruling class. Although having recovered some of its electoral strength, and being supported by the chief sections of the capitalist class, the Tory Party in Scotland is weak and based on the least dynamic sectors of society of that country. The SNP, although a dynamic. bourgeois party capable of posing a serious threat to Labour’s hold over the working class, is supported only by sectoral interests within the ruling class. While for the SNP leadership itself the demand for an Assembly corresponds only to @ struggle within t e ruling class, nevertheless the whole dynamic of the demand for 'self-government’ poses grave long-term risks for the bourgeoisie as a whole of precipitating slashes leading to the break-up of the British state.

The project af the SNP is therefore unacceptable to the chief sections of the ruling class. * In the North of Ireland while the repression, and the lack of vialbe perspective by the Provisionals, has undoubtedly resulted in major gains for imperialism nevertheless the situation is by no means stabilised. The policy of the Unionists af a return to a Stormont situation

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‘could only be carried through on the basis of total defeat of the Republican masses having yet achieved a strategy ms capable’ of bringing victory, no stable form of government has been created in tha North. ’ * Proposals for major changes in the form of bourgeois dem Ceratic state faca considerable obstacles. The substitution of proportional representation for the present electorat system means huge changes in 4 governmental and state system whose rejection of coalition, ‘non-political’ state apparatus, monarchy ‘above’ politics, permanent Tory House of Lords, etc, is preised on the alternation in office of strong, stable bourgeois govemments. Furthermore, the chief result of such a change in the short term would probably be a nore rapid splinteringof parties of the bourgeoi-~ sie than of the Labour Party. a ; * while the reinforcement of state attacks and repression undoubtedly has a serious effect in defeating weaker sections of the masses most openly betrayed by the bureacracy, and in turning them away from a labour movement which appsars unable to protect them, heightened repression in itself cannot provide a solution for the bourgeoisie in theis Period. . .* while particular policies of the fascists, above ali racism, enjoy widaspread resonance within the masses, and while demands for a radical solution from the petty-bourg~ Sois. and demorelisation in the remks of the working class - Saused by the labour government have created favourable Conditions far activity of organisations such as the Nat~ional Front, nevertheless any possibility of the fascists laying a major rola in ruling class policy in this period As excluded.

These political contradictions within the institutions of the bourgeoisie dictate clearly the chief prop of the ruling class in this period and the chief obstacle confronting the. working class. Daspite the gains made by the ruling class in the last pariod in recomposing its own institutions there is no doubt that the most important struggle s of tha last period could not have been won by the ogganisa~ tions of the ruling class itself.Only in one significant Struggle, :that of the power workers, were the bourgedisie able to achieve victory using essentially their own instruments. In all other cases - Grunwicks, the miners, the firefighters strike - either the power of the masses directly involved, or the widaspread support their struggle generat~ ed, were sufficient to have won the struggle. This was clearly shown not only in the initial degree of success ach ieved in these struggles but the degrees to which they intinr idated of divided tha ruling class. In each case it was not the institutions ‘of the bourgeoisie TtselFf but the burea- ' 8Pacy of the labour movennt whic Succeeded in achisving victory for the ruling class. The Gecisive figh Tch datermines the outcome a struggle in this period, and the Class.relation of forces, 18 not the clash between the work- Ing class and the Institutions of the bourgeoisie but the Fipht within the labour sevanent batucen the working class a the bureacracy- The orientation of the labour bureacracy itself remains clear; Since Summer 1975 the Labour Governemt has utilised ‘both its own attacks on the masses and the weakness of the Tory Party to attempt to secure ite return to office with direct support of the ruling class. This orientation.iand not the Lib-Lab Pact, is the fundamental element in the situation. Such @ policy demands head on opposition to every struggle of the masses and concessions to every reactionary force in socisty. The period up to and including the next General Election will be dominated not by the confrontation of Labour and Tory, or the utilisation of the Lib-Lab Pact, but by the confrontation of every militant struggle and © development of the working class with the policies of the Labour government and its supporters. 18. In the struggle within and outside the workers movement around the policies of the ruling class the decisive role in carrying through the attacks of the government has been played not merely by the labour bureacracy in general but above all by the trade union bureacracy. * in politics it was the trade union bureacracy which decis~ ively pushed through the line that acceptance of wage controls was the only way to keep the Tories out, which ensured that the left in the Labour Party supported the government, which proposed the form and content of the £6 phase 1 the §27.50 + 4 per cent phase 2, which salvaged phase 3 at the September TUC Congress after it had been rejected at the summer union conferences, and which blocked any opp- * esition to the Lib-Lab Pact. * In the social crisis the bureacracy by its very nature orients itself to the relatively privileged layers and betr ays the interests of the most oppressed even more systematically than the rest of the masses. The rejection by the tracks union leadership of - any campaign against low pay, _-its complicity: in oppression of blacks at every level...from the opsn racism of local officials to the support for immi- _i gration laws ‘and tougher quotas on foreign workers by the TUC, the deal organised between the trade union leadership - and the government to allow thorugh restrictive laws on abortion, and the other policies af the bureacracy have open ed the way for the bourgeoisie to deepen divisons within the masses and encouraged the most vicious enemies of the - workers movement. 8 . * in economic and other struggles the bureaeracy has played a decisive role in preventing the victories that would have lead to reversal of the tide of the class struggle in favour of the working class. The breaking of the toolmakers “strike, the calling off of the mass pickets at Grunwicks: at _ the point where they were on the point of forcing. the’ defeat of the companys. the preventing by the FBU bureacracy of any carpaign. to organise the massive public support at the beginning of the firefighters strike, and then the TUC decision to isolate that struggles the initiative.of the — .

NUM bureacracy to overturn the ballot against. the product~» ivity deal, were the decisive steps in the last period in preventing a major defeat of government policy, * In carrying through this role of chief support of governmant and bourgeois policy the trade union bureacracy is of | necessity forced to take major steps against any attempt ta challenge its position within the labour movement. The ~:~ period since summer 1975 has therfore seen an unprecedsnted and escalating attack on unien democracy in the trade unions. At the TUC level the chief direct attack was throug imposition of Rule 14. Within unions such as the NUT this attack was through such policies as the rule banning unofficial action. In the industrial unions the culminating paints were the flagrant violation of union decision at the TUC by _the executive of the ALEW, tha reverse of conference decisions of the TGWU on the 12: month rule, the overturning by the NUM executive of the conference -decisions and ballot vote on productivity. * This assault on union democracy has been paralleled by active pursuit af collaboration in establishing participation and productivity schemes. This corresponds both to the int~eresta'’fo the ruling class in integreting the labour movement into capitalist rationalisation and to the labour bureacracy’s nead to safeguard and wicen its base through increasing the | layers engaged in direct collaboration with the bourgecisie.

This is the role of participation schemes, developed in their most advanced form in the assaults in British Leyland and Chrysler, which aim to draw not merely bureacratic but shop steward and other layers out of contact with the working class and into direct collaboration with the appropriate layer of management and state organisation. ” The role of the trade union bureacracy defines both the chief obstacles and the chief tasks cont rontin the labour movement and revolutionaries. the present gavernment is based on the structural incorporattion of the ab union lsacership into ave FuncEtonct elicy. the union bureacracy has shawn both In this period and in the struggle agains ath, that it wi atte’ QO prevent any serious mobilijsations against ruling class policies or a + Uture Tory gavernentn. Bullding an opp~ osition within the trade unions based on a class struggle altg@imative to the policies of the bureacracy is the Bote ; . Strategic need confronting the class today. 5 THE CRISIS OF THE*LEFT’ 18. A situation of a labour governmet pursuing a directly antiworking class policy with apparent success defeating working class resistance, in particular in a period following the major working class struggles of 1968-74, has inevitably created a re~ Composition of all organisations and currents claiming to oppose collaboration with capitalsim. The period since 1975 has there- ' fore seen a major crisis and questioning of all organisations of the left wing of the workers moverent..

The current thrown into deepest crisis and discredit by the _ Situation since summer 1975 has undoubtedly been the left socital cemecracy. In the period from 1970 to 1975, reflecting the pressure on the bureacracy of the upsurge of the masses, a certain undoubted strengthening of the Labour left in comparison to tha preceding period occured. Labour Party membership, which had plummeted in 1964-70, rose somewhat in 1970-73, with a fairly. sharp increase in the LPYS, and remained steady in the first year of the Labour governemtns; more left-wing sou nding policies in 1974 Manifesto, and some genuine limited concessions immediately following the February elections, encouraged hopes that this Labour governrent would bring at least certain _gains. compared to the debacle of that of 1964-70. An apparent focus for opposition to the leadership emerged in the figure of Benn. In the period up to and inmediately following the el- @ction of the Labour governemtn there is no doubt that a significant number of militant workers, while not expecting full socialsit policies, nevertheless looked to the left wing of the Labour Party to bring some solutions to the crisis. )

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however revealed dramatically the character and base of the left wing of the Labour Party in this period. The decline of ‘the constituency parties during the 1950s and 1960s had rem . .oved the base of pressure on the old Bevanite and Tribunite " left. The forces which reflected a radicalisation primarily exp?essed through the constituency Labaur Parties and which resisted © in even a token way the governments policies were reduced to a tiny handful of Skinner, Maynard, Wise and a few i ‘others. The overwhelming majority of the Tribunite left, incl- } uding its previous leaders such as Foot, Heffer, Ore etc collapsed into acceptance, and in many cases direct execution, of the government's policies. | : The situation following the imposition of the incomes policy | 1 | The swolution of the Benn section of the bureacracy was equally clear. This wing had become the dominant element within the left social democracy, supercaeding the Tribunites, by basing itself not on the constituencies but on the sections of the trade union bureacracy who had moved to the left under the pressura af the masses in 1968-74. As long as that bureaeracy continued to have at least tactical conflicts with the central leadership of the Labour Party itself then the Benn~ iteshad significant room for manouevre and presentingleftist rhetoric - a policy shown in such issues as the'worker coopsratives’, the EEC campaign, the ’25 monopolies’ debate etc.

With the complete integration of the trade union leadership into the anti-working class policies of the government from summer 1975 onwards however the Bannites by their nature collapsed into capitulation before Callaghan and the bourgeoisie.

The longer term evolution of the Labour left depends upon the development of the class struggle itself - and in particular on the degres to which the trade union bureacracy ig able to carry through its present policies, A Labour bureacracy by its very nature cannot confront mass working class struggles in a homogengous way without intemal differentiation - with the role of the lefts being to attempt to retain thier position at the head of the masses, and thereby attempt to limit the seope of the struggles and openly betray them at the point of any: decisive clash with the capitalist class. Any major future- upturn of struggle of the masses will: therefore inevitably sea moves to recomposition of a left bureacracy. No matter what the longer term caveloprents of the left social democracy howaver the situation of the labour movement today is that of ' @ Labour goveammetn based on the direct collaboration with the capitalist class,-supported by decisive sections of the trade union -sureacracy, and maintained in office purely because the -hourgséisie:. considers it is controlling the masses. Any upsurge . : -of-the working class sufficient to provoke a serious split: in f . “the burpacracy would alnost immediately lead to a ruling class move to bring an end to the:Labour government. Under such cire cumstances the emergence of a/serious Labour left. bureacractic. . . current 'is precluded before the fall of. the Labour government, .” The remaining period.of the Labour governretn will see essentdally ‘clashes. batween the amsses and a bureacracy almost en- | . .“ttrely-homagensous in its openly pro~capitalist line. . 20. Novalternative. to ths -bakrupt~line of the Labour left-.is © tobe, found:in the policy of the: Conmunist Party, Strategically. ~ the.-conmitment of the Comninist Party. to socialism in one 70"... country, to’ the position. that the capitalist state can be peace~” fully ‘reformad :out of existence, and -to-strategic collaboration... “with ‘sections. of .the -bourgecisie-in 'anti-monopoly/oroad: eno “oratic’ alliance; dad‘ the working .class into a bloody massacre -thebourgedisie ‘which will differ froma civil. war only“in C her Conti ist Parties: paralyse them.from forthe: objective':neads.of the working class ‘and fre-. gn. them ~ the policies of the ruling oreea, the CPCB and:other Communist Parties. not merely. ir 10. prograéima capable -of fundamentally beginning to: * : “bourgeois. domination ofthe productive forces. But, | — sh: acceptanos’.of Tiniting:- their: policies ‘to those operating th italsim, turn: increasingly. to open collaboration in conomicattabks: on ‘the working class, The austerity policies and.wage contrels adopted by»mass Conmunist Parties such as the PCI and: PCE. represent. pot. individual aberations but the inevit- ©. sable\Mogic of a political. strategy. based on collaboration with | ‘sections. of the bourgeoisie and on the utopian conception that. “dn thé period following the: recession of. 1973-75 the productive . ’ forges.can bé further’ developed on a capitalist basis. The . smaller CPGB, not faced with the possibility of medium term en- “try into government: and ‘confronted with a large social democracy ~ and significant centrist and revolutionary forces, has not been -able to pass so far along the road of acceptance of the logic of :capitalism-(although this is advocated by the most consistent within its ranks) but is driven by its position to reject. not | merely demands such as sliding scale of wages, stiding scale of hours, and major measures of nationalisation which are necessary to deal with the present crisis, aut also to basing its economic. strategy on the reactionary utopian demand of import con trols which divide the proletariat internationally, provide no answer to the ecomonic impasse of capitalsim, and would create even further depression of the living standards of the masses. . . : 10 ‘the bourgeoisie. ‘confinement of the struggle of the proletariat and oppresse »~ masses within capitalist i 3 “vastly ‘greater military support for a prolonged period to the. . bourgeois regime of gypt than to the Vietnanese workers staet ‘engaged in revolutionary war, the cemobilising of the anti-inper- .: lation of the proletariat from its’ sole real allies, and from “ The-sole mass Soross capable with the proletariat of wagin “tRe-class struggle, a oF sihordi nation Of the interests of “the eeploited and oppressed to the hegemony and dominaiton oF the bourgeoisie. the ErTiorencs In strategy between the Euro- —Gamniste and. pro~Moscow wing is. solely over whether this sub-_ “ordination should. be -carried’aut directly through collaboration , with ‘the. British bourgeoisie. or indirectly via the following of the ‘dictates of the. Soviet bureacracy. ; * The strategy of the CPs in economic policy has its logical counterpart in their betrayal of the struggle of the oppressad. tayers of capitalsit society. Despite all talk of*alliances* the policy of the Communist Party in fact stands as an insuper~ able barrier to either the unification of the working clase intemally or to the working class forming alliances with any other layers of the oppressed masses and gaining hegemony in the struggle in society. The CP’s support of Sritish nationalicm and the policies flowing from this, stand as a parmanant.barrier te alliance of the working class with workers and oppressed massas of other countries, the CP’s support for immigration control stands as:a direct obstacle to the unification of the working class against racist division, the policies of the Italian and ~ Spanish Communist Parties, not to mantion the [PG8’s positicn — on measures such as the ALRA abortion bill, and rejection of . building a socialsit current in the Women’s Liberation Movement show that any CP is prepared to abandon serious daamds for wom en's liberation in favour of subordination.to the bourgeoisias the CP’s refusal to. advocate policies breaking up the capit-< alist domination of the economy, with other CPs directly part~ icipating in austerity programmes, batryas the lowest paid and weakast evan more decisively than the rest of the working class, the CPs failure to advance a pregrenme leading to a socialist way out of the crisis cements the intermediate strata of society around the bourgeoisie. The Commmnist.Parties sole real: alliance are not those of the working class. with the oppressed against ; the bourgeoisie but of the Communist Parties with the bourgeoisie against the oppressed. ge nr ae * Politically the CPGB gives verbal support to tha position that the decisive slement in the struggle against the capitalist crisis, and for socialsim, is the action and mobilisation of the masees, In reality however this vertially correct position iq = ~ rendered totally inoperative by its subordination to the ‘broad democratic allianca’ strategy in relation to the left labour bur- ®acracy, and various petty-bourgeois and bourgeois political forces, whose political line is entirely based not on mobilising _ the masses but on confining them within the framework of pressure and protest on the ruling class, This policy of subordination of _the action of the masses to allianca with bourgeois and-bureacr«aticforces, shown most clearly in the policies of the major mass CPs, was clearly revealed once again in the policy of the CPEB _ towards actions such as the toolmakers, and Heathrow struggles | against wagés policy, and the complete inactivity by the LCDTU throughout the last period. Such a line weakens. the possiblity. of action by the masses and thereby strengehens the position OF * “Internationally the position of both thé Eurocommunists and Overtly pro-Moscow forces is based on the strategy of ‘peaceful co-egistenceydetente’ whose logic is revealed in tactics aimed’ at ‘easing international class. tensions’, *third ways between capitalism and socialism’, and ‘non~alignment', The outcome -_ Of such policies, which see peace not as the outcome of successfull class struggle but the campiagn for’peace’ as requiring the d imits, may be seen in the Soviet Union’s talist,sovement against the Vietnam war by Moscow and Peking’s: ” * @cceptance of visits by Nixon at the height of the 1972 bombing | of the North, :and-in such.terrible disasters for the oppressed ses as the ‘massacre of half.a million Communists by the ‘sétni-capitalist and semi-socialist’. state of Indonesai. the policy of the Communist:

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b 24. While hot involving fundamental differences of atrategy. “oe with . pro-Moscow forces, and while both wings base themselves. », on collaboration with the beurgecisie,-tha emergence of Euro - ’ communism corbinas with the direct ramifications of its policy of *antd -monopoly/broad cerocratic alliance’ in Bri- _ tain in a period of massive retreat bt the left social demo- ’ cratic bureaucracy to ctreate a crisis which has begun to "work itself out at. all levels of the CPGB. ’ * In terme of theoretical developrient ; the adoption of Euro’ communiam ha led the CP to take a major atsp towards. clas- - gical social-democratic positions with the pace being set in _.the debate by forces well to the right of the most left wing forces in the Labour Party.” ; * In politics the shift to the right has becone particularly accented amongst CP forces within the trads union bureau- cracy, those engaged in participation schemas, and among students and other layars in education. * Socially the CP has continued to stagnate and loose industrial working class forces, with a virtual completecollapse of the YCL, and a confinamant of its growth te layers of academics, students, and the one area of important ad- vance, in. the women’s movement.

The result of thass developments has been that the Communist | Party has frequently been outflanked in struggle in the last ' period by forcas of the centrist and revolutionary left. — ‘This has been particularly trua in the struggle against . racism, where the CP was marginalised by the revolutionaries but has also begun to occur in cartain sactors of the trade - “unions where actions such as the CPs open sabotage of the ‘toplrocm and Swan Hunter struggles, together with the crisis. of its Broad Left/LCDTU formations ina period of retreat by~ ‘the left social-derecrats, has meant that the criticiams of . the CP by the extreme left organisations have had a sharp and direct relevance for trade union militants. The ¢P has lost a significant number of Jeading industrial militants, the NCP split, while lead.by pro-Moscow hacks, removed a definite ~ -number of activists, electorally, despite a11 its afforts’ and its peaceful road, the CP is isss strong than the revelutionary left, tha Moming Star remains in extreme crisis and is faced with @-real threat of collapse. Daspite its present problems the crisis of the CP is not at an end but. rarely at its. beginning. The whole political trend of the international and national class struggle in the next period will not be working for but against the. Cormmunist Party. - revival of the class struggle in Britain, given the present line of the CP, will lead only to a reinforcament of the left forces within the Labour Party and the cantrist and revolutionary organisations outside it. The present situation cannot banefit a Communist Party which has a line’ no further to the left than the left social demecratic bureaucracy, which suffers in comparison to that social democracy in that it is totally tainted by Stalinism and the policy of the Soviet bureaucracy and where an active revolutionary left opsrates which is capable of benefitting from the crisis of reformism and bidding to become an alternative poll of attraction to the CP for workers in the left social democracy. ; - the policy of Euroconmunism.cf differentiating itself from Moscow, while at the same time avoiding a clean break with the ‘Soviet bursaucracy, is only a viable one to maintain any credibility on the perspsctive of the emargence of a left reforming wing of the bureaucracy of the Dubcek type ~ which is why the CPGB and other parties continually stress this _ experienca. In reality, however, the situation in Eastern Europe is not to serious reform, Dut to struggles batween the masses and the bureaucracy and towards political revolution.

Any new Dubesk experimant in an East Europe: state would” be even mors unstable that the original Czech one. Far from finding a liberal reforming wing of tha bureaucracy, endorse- ~ meant of whose policies would give stability to the Eurocenmmunists line of ‘democratisation’ but rejection of a break with the Soviet leadership, the CP will be increasingly diractly forced to choose between support of the East European working class and acquiescence in the repression carried out by the bureaucracy. Unable to core down definitively on either side the Eurocormunists will find themselves further crushed betwaen the social democrats and extreme left on ong side and the acolytes of Moscow on the other. - the international class struggle in the next period is not at all going to be axed around the theres of ‘detente’, easing of international class tensions’, and ‘peace’ which provide the common ground of both Euroconmumists and prosMoscow forces. On the contrary the sharpening crisis of imperialism increasingly forces puppet, ned-colonial regimes from "non-alignment’ into the camp of imperialism or lead to ,akpr amto-colonial struggles such as in Southern Africa. ~above all the next period will see immense defeats and setbacks for the entire Eurocommunist trend. The electoral losses being faced by the PCI, the evident outflanking of the PCE by the Socialist Party, the relative stagnation of the PCF in the face of the hugs growth of the SP, already “provide the foretaste of the disasters which lie ahead;” ~The sole CPs which in the past period have made significant gains, the Portugese CP and the Greek Exterior CP, are | the sole major European Conmunist Parties. which have held. out against the Eurocommunist trend but which are. trapped .in a political ghetto by their overt pro-Stalinist line.

The entry of any major Eurocommunist (P.into government in ‘pursuit of its policy of collaboration with the bourgeoisie, with at bast the collosal loss of. Support which “would result and at worst the episode ending in a bloody coup. and defeat, would exacerbate the crisis of the CPGB still further. Intensified clashes between Euroconmunists and pro-~ Moscow forces, splits, and intensified attraction of mambers te social democracy, the extrema left, and Stalinist sects together with the crisis of the Party as a wiple, is the sole future facing the Communist Party. .

The entry of the Communist Party. into a whole period of crisis and decline opens up major opportunitias for the revolutionary left. At the level of simple recruitment. . €he Communist Party contains forces winnable to revolutionary politics and in particular a core of working class militants ' qualitatively larger and stronger than that of the revolutionary and centrist left.

Above all however the Communist Party has historically been. the chief defender of the position of the labour bureaucracy within thw working class. Its role has been to channel working class militants. back under the hegemony of reformism whenever significant sections of them have begun ta shift te the left. ° The crisis. of the Communist Party: opens up greatly increased 5 possibilities to achieve the Basic Qualitative Btep in party ul LOLA, ich can achieved in iS pericco o e@ ciass .struggie - to replace the Communis e chief poll of attraction for workers movin Tettwar away from the hold of the Labour bureaucracy. ; . 22. The character of the Labour government, the integration into it of the trace union and left labour bureaucracy, . the crisis of the Communist Party, define the chief political dynamics of this period within the working class move- . ‘ment, Any section of the masses going into struggle find themselves in direct head on confrontation with the bureaucracy . At least until tha fall of the Labour govern- © ment no sericus left reformist poll exists. There is no -.” prospect cf a reinfocement of forces within the Labour _, Party. The tasks which are brought to the fore are those . of the independent building of a revolutionary organisation “In “open activity. This dictates activity In campaigning ; openly on all issues of the class sthigels direct aie atives to wweatss ion oO Orcas in a tre unions, . esiectoral intervention, an regroupmen as @ mos central : a Of tne Tactics of revolutionarmes. ese activities lO not cut acress or substitute for the class struggle But , u on the contrary are the most affective ways of Pro une it: 0 08 he ac rom such action Dy ties to sectilans o ie . bureaucracy, or the ms of activity o Gur Party, would be to abandon whole fields of the class struggle. the deciSive issue and how to comine 1f with tactics of united action with those forces coming into action. with the new rise _of mass struggles, , 6. FORCES TO THE LEFT OF THE LABOUR BUREAUCRACY AND COMMUNIST PARTY 23. .Osspite the ‘opportunities opening iw for building @ more _- powerful revolutionary organisation in this period it would be faise to believe that the vanguard emerging out-of the economic, social, and political struggles can in a uniliear and spontaneous fashion cavelop into an instrument capable of meeting the needs of the class struggle and huilding a revolutionary party. Already internationally the complete . dabacle of the Portugese and Italian centrist and ultre-left organisations shows that without a successful fight for a revolutionary line the 'extreme left’ cannot spontaneously explicit the opportunities of even exceptionally favourable | circumstances. Economist, semi-apolitical, ultra-left, and opportunist lines are simply smashed to pieces by manouvres of the bourgeoisie and mass reformist parties.

In Britain, even well before the class struggle has ' reached 4 point qualitatively comparable to Italy or Portugal, the beginning of a crisis in the most left wing . sections of the workers movement can already be seer. The situation where only eighteen months after the bringing down of a Tory government by the threat of extra-parliamentary action tha bourgeoisie and bureaucracy have been able to impose major setbacks and gefeats on the working class; the conpiets bankruptcy of the reformist left; the posing of major international developments such as Euroconmunismy the lessons of the debacle of Portugal and Italy, the rise of new questions in ‘internal’ politics such as the. questioning of the long-term unity of the British state, all inevitably shake up the Marxist left - in particular’a left with : the profoundly economist, sectarian, and national centred traditions of. the one in Britain. Since summer 1975 not merely

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the Labour an discussions and choices at che Tevel of programme, Strategy the reformists but all currents standing to the lett of ommunist Parties have besn faced with major and tactics. = at the level of progranma the qualitative transformation of the economic. situation ta one of stagnation of the productive forces, the development of a crisis embracing not merely the economy but the whole of social relations, the entry into a situation of crisis of traditional parties and future threat of a crisis of state structures, have posed programmatic issues bafors the working class and oppressed in a sharp fashion. Questions such as the relation of rights’ and institutions of bourgeois democracy tc the struggle for socialism; whether the decisive goal of revolutionaries should be ths construction of mass organs of workers democracy finally capable of assuming state power, or whether these fit within a framework of maintaining Parliamentary supremacy, the centrality to any revolution of the struggles against the oppression of women; the attitude to take to black nationalism and self-organisation; the nead to fight a demagogic bourgeois nationalist SNP, and the necessity to take a clear position on whether to stand for the right of self-dstermination of Scotland and Wales; development of the struggle against the oppression of gays; all pose major issuss of programme which cannot be dealt with by mere combination of minimalist economic agigtation with propaganda for the socialist millenium. - at the level of strategy the decisive qusstion of the relation of revolutionaries to the organisations of the working class and oppressed has been posed by the interr national and-national experience of tha class struggle. Basic questions of whether to consider that the framework of trade unions and partis is adequate for the struggle for socialism or whether other organisations of. the oppressed such as @ women’s movement, black formations, community organisations, and in the future workers councils and soviets ~ must be built; whether to attempt to build an opposition within the trade unions or attempt essentially under whatever to support and stand for building the Women’s Liberation Movement or to attempt to build a * communist woman’s moverent’ formed around a revolutionary organisation, whether to support building a socialist current within the Women’s Liberation Movemant or to see such a current as an obstacte to the ‘broad democrat alliance’, whather to support black self’organisation or to see it as "racist division’ of the masses, whether to stand for building a gay movensnt or not, these and a whole series of similar basic strategic questions have confronted revolutionaries. - in tactics the decisive quastion of the relation of revolutionaries to the bureaucracy of the workers movement, and of united action of themselves, has bsen posed. In a situation of total retreat by the reformist left all forces in the workars movement wers faced with the choice of aiding with the direct struggle of the masses, at the ex- ~ pense of totally breaking with the buraucracy even at a tactical level, or maintaining an orientation te the bureavcracy at the expense of refusing to make any fight for the needs of the working class and oppressed. Willingness to break completely with the burssucracy and act independently of it was once again shown as a decisive issue for ability to take the side of the working class - a test miserably failed by the Labaur left and Communist Party. Did this however, and the disgusting betrayals of the refomist leacers, mean that revolutionaries should now reject on principle the tactics of the united front or should they still be prepared to enter into wited action even with sections of the bureaucracy where this takes forward the struggle of the working class; within a united front orientation to the mass organisations what role is played by the united action of revolutionaries; is standing for elections ‘breaking the workers united front’ or an important chance for propaganda by revolutionaries; is forming blocs with other revolutionaries in elections on ‘obstacle to building the party’ or on the contrary one of the ways of taxing forward the class struggle and laying the basis to construct a really powerful revolutionary organisation?

Finally these programmatic, strategic, and tactical questions in themselves posed the issue of the type of organisation revolutionaries are attempting to construct, Can a revolutionary party be built out of a monolithic sect built around some particular tactic, or built round a *leader’ or can it only be built out of an crganisation treated around a definite revolutionary progranme but within which major debates and differences on strategy and tactics are bound to exist? Can revolutionaries consider only their own organisation as revolutionary in the real sense, with all others as centrist, ora re there other genuine revolutionaries with whom they should seek to unite?

Flowing from both these is internal cemocracy and debate a luxury which ’puts off workers’ or is it the sole means by which correct policies can be arrived at?

No organisation the left of the Labour bureaucracy and Communist Party has in the last period been able to avoid giving an answer to absolutely basic questions of revolutionary 12 mae politics. 24; The posing of major questions bsfors. all currents standing on the left wing of tha workers reverent inevitably creates not only discussion but the ,necassity to draw out more consistently the conclusions of political positions or to correct previous errors. Even within healthy trends such a process involves struggles. In dagenerating, sectarian, or administrative currents it involves crises and splits. The. last period has thersfore bsen one of the clarification and recomposition of all trends and organisations claiming to Marxism. ~ a current whose character has been particularly clearly revealed in the tests posed by the class struggle in the last peried has bean the centrist forces within the Labour Party who lead the Institute for Workers Control/Spokesperson publications. While prepared uncer certain conditions te engage in united action between the left bureaucracy and the nesds of the working class, this current has clearly shown cnce again that the decisive question for it is the tie to the left bureaucrats. Forced to chose between the needs of the masses and the line of the bureaucracy it has chosen tha bureaucracy. While verbally cenceming the government’s policies, for nearly two years following the imposition of incomes policy the IWC conference disappeared from sight. -When it re-emerged it did not take up the developing struggles against the government on wages but tried to tie forces to the bureaucracy in a ’campaign’ on unemployment which the trace union leadsarship rot merely consciously counterposed to the fight against incomes policy, thereby sabotaging the struggles actually taking placa, but on which it did not have the intention of taking one single step of serious action.

In an attempt ot cover up the bankruptcy of its policies this currént has in the last period intensified its polemics against the revolutionary left and tries to constitute itsslf on a more cohsrantly theoretical cantrist basis. The economic policies based on reflation, planning agreements, and limited measures of nationalisation, the political positions based an concepts of combining Parliamentary soversignty with sovietss; the economist strategies of achieving workers control but without overturning the mechanisms of the bourgeois statey and the varicus other concepts in left and right variants in the writings of Holland, Hodggon, Coates et al, together with the associated left-ceantrist views of Milliband, represent a much more classical type of centrism than that which has existed for a considerable period in Britain. It furthermore has an international connection in relation to the currents represented within the Socialist Parties by Papandreou, CERES, Cardesa, and others, and has a convergence with the ‘strategy’ of conceiving it possible to achieve hegemony in civil socisty while leaving political power in the hands of the bourgeoisie which is represented within Euroconmunism by Carrillc, Berlinguer, ‘Ellenstein at 41 and which has its most consistent advocates within the CPGB in Purdy, Prior, Roberts et al. Therefora while small in numbers this current has significant political impact and poses important tasks of debate. - the current of national economist sectarianism represented most clearly by the Militant group has also baen isolated in virtual total inactivity in the last period. Although seperated by its line and tactics from many key struggies this current had gained, in particular in 1973-76, from the growth of the Labour Party, and even more the LPYS, and from the entry into the LP of forces attracted to activity in the mass organisations of the working class but not having any great illusions in their bureaucracies. From the defeats of summer 1975 however this organisation, with no answer to the social or political crisis, and tied in its activity to the bureaucracy, found itself in sharp stagnation. The Militant represents a national economist centrist current standing as an obstacle to the building of a revolutionary party. : - The othar chief component of the national economist sectarian current, the WRP, has degenarted still further in the past period on the basis of ultra-leftism in Britain ("Bown with the Labour Governrent’) and capitulation to the Libyan bourgeois nationalism internationally. While in a struggle against a Tory government this current may regain soma forces as an organiation the WRP has no potential to play a progressive role in the class struggle, Ite gangster methods of falsification and slander however continue to provide a tool for opponents of Trotskyism, The most globally unfavourable development for the revolutionary left in the last pariod has undoubtedly baen thea evolution of the International Socialists/Socialist Workers Party. Not merely is this the largest organisation to the left of the Labour and Communist Parties, with the biggest base in the working class, but in the period from the mid- 1960s orwards this organisation moved sharply closer to revolutionary Marxism and the interests of tha working class compared to previous positions - clear support for victory of the forces represented by the NLF in Vistnam in contrast to earlier abstention in the Korean war and China-India war of 1962, movement from simple concantration on trace union

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struggles to greater emphasis and support for actions of all the oppressed, shift from attempting to revive centrist concepts of organisation under the guise of 'Luxemburgism’ to at least theoretical support for building a Leninist organisation etc, . .

Unfortunately however, despite these favourable shifts, the SWP continued to contain also in its politics the elements of the economist, syndicalist, sectarian line derived from its origins and the particular variant of its state capitalist theories. Given a democratic internal regime the contradictions between the revolutionary positions and continuing centrist elements could possibly have been resolved in a favourable direction. Instead however the jeadership of the IS/SWP attempted to suppress the contradictions through expulsions and suppression of internal democracy in the belief that by astute tactical moves they could outwit the basic historical processes of building a party. The result was that although the SWP went through a significant numerical growth, and played.a positive role in campaigns such as against the fascists, it lost a major part of its cadres, erroced its base in the working class, and found itself heading into a sectarian impasse from which, no matter ‘how much it recruited in the short term, it could never build a revolutionary party. The result was - an isolation of its ‘rank and file’ organisations in various sectors, rejection of the Women’s Liberation Moverent, and with no internal cemocracy of the type necessary to build a party.

While the final outcome of the trajectory of the SwP is not yet decided, and revolutionaries should be prepared to unite with the SWP under conditions of genuine internal democracy, nevertheless it is clear that the initiative towards steps in building a genuine revolutionary party will not come from the SWP in this period but on the contrary will be imposed on it by changes in the relation of forces. - the sectarian degeneration of the line of the SwWP in the last period has lead to a more important role being played by other forces of the revolutionary left. In the field of political organisations the IMG has been able to move out of a situation of playing a major role primerily only in anti-imperialist campaigns and some student struggles to being able to take initiatives in a wider field; various currents have been ecpelled from or left the SwP and, while not taking major national initiatives, have been able to play a real role in local initiatives and thos in particular unions and industries; Big Flame has moved out of being almost totally a local organisation and adjusted some of its previous extreme positions on questions such as Shop Stewards organisation and international politics and been able to play an increased role in initiatives of the left. Over and above these shifts in political organisations there have been important . developments in various movements and currents - in particular in the Women’s Liberation Movement, in certain sectors of the trade unions, and in economics and other theoretical areas. While not having the same weight as the SWP, both these political organisations, and parts of the more general developments in the past period, have been able to play a role not only in particular struggles but also te some extent in more centralised and co-ordinatec role through activity around Socialist Unity, Socialist Challenge, in the women’s movement, and in some formations in the trade unions.. It is out of this last current that the most important initiatives for overcoming the problems on the revolutionary left have come in the past period, “The cevelopment of forces emerging out of these processes of recomposition and regroupment begins to raise the possibility of the creation of a new and stronger revolutionary organisation in Britain - one that can fight for the unification of all revolutionary forces. 28. Despite the objective possibilities cpening up for building a new more powerful revolutionary organisation it would false to underestimate the problems which still exist in actually bringing into existence such a formation.

The problems lie in the strengths and weaknesses cf all the revolutionary currents involved in the present perioc of class struggle. Sufficient political maturity, and a sense of historical developrent, shows the differences for what they are - problems created by smallnesses of organi aations, inevitable pressures of onesidedness, and cifferences which really represent those which should be the bases of tendencies ar currents inside a single revolutionary organisation. It should be obvicus that the best way to overcome these onesidednesses and weakenesses, and to develop and recruit to the strengths, would be to form a new united organisation which would attract new forces and provide the best basis for the most healthy ideas tc win forces to their line. Such an organisation would be not merely numerically but politically stronger than any existing current as it would aid dramatically in cver~ coming the one~sidednesses and limitations cf its initially component parts.

Unfortunately a whole series of pressures created by isolation of formations from revolutionary class struggles, IS and in particular the deeply sectarian history and traditions of the british Marxist left, still stand in ths way of the creation of the united organisation which is required.

False elevation of tactical differences into principled ones; conceptions that some particular tactic or ’style of work’ can lead to qualitative gains in relation to other organisations; failure to see that more people can be won to correct positions by joining a united revolutionary organisation with a democratic internal regime than througt. working in a small group; failure to see what will be lost if unity is not achieved, all stand as obstacles to creatsenate nei oN CMT SARNEENE IE

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ing the new revOlutionary organisation which is required.

Despite the problems taere is no doubt what the orientation of the IMG must be in the coming peried on revoiutionary unity. The fight for a new united revolutionary organisation is not one which is a sectarian Invention of our grcup bul one which corresponds to the real needs of the class struggle. This need will be increasingly felt throughout the vanguard in the coming period. in the best variant the type of organisation which is needed can actually come into existence. !f nat then the IMG can hope to. win many people to understand this need, build our own forces On a line corresponding to the objective needs of the class struggie, and to convince other organisations in the future of the need for revolutionary unity. if we beleive that other organisations fail to meet the tasks of the situation, and thereby create seeds for their own degeneration, by rejecting principled unifications then we must understand that the same applies to the IMG — including if we rejected a principled unification because it would be a minority in a new organisation. Even where we cannot bring about unification the IMG needs to understand not merely the weaknesses but the strength of others and to learn from them — justas we think we have some contributions others: could jearn fromm. The fundamental siogan of the IMG within the vanguard in the next period is FOR A NEW UNIFIED REVOLUTIONARY ORGANISATION! 7. FOR A LABOUR GOVEANMENT SUT FIGHT FOR A SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE. 26. The political dynaics of the present period of the class struggle determine the line of the revolutionaries in the period leading up to the general election. The bourgeoisie has not succeeded in qualitatively shifting the relation of forces in the economic and social fields despite its severe offensive. It has however succeeded in achieving a major series of successes in the realm of politics. While a development of the vanguard is taking plane, this is occurring in a situation of considerable political apathy and dSemoralisation of the masses. This depoliticisatio and noi the strengin of the Tory Party, is the chief cause which could iead Labour to ivse the rext election.

This relation cf forces determines the slogans of revolutionaries at the next election. it is guite false to beleive that the fall of the Labour dovernment would be a step forward for the working class and oppressed. ON the contrary not merely would a Tory government be a viciously reactionary adrainistration on a whole series of fields but, precisely for this reason among others, it would rapidly rekindle illusions in the role and nature of ihe Labour Party — as occurred in 1970-74. There is no chan in this situation either of creating any alternative for the masses to ihe Labour Party. Revolutionaries therefore must call at the next election for a return of a Labour government.

While supporting the return of a Labour administration however revolutionaries have simultaneously to fight to build an alternative to the policies of such a government. Such an alternative consists of achieving two interrelated tasks: a) Building a new unified revolutionary organisation to fight for a full answer to the capitalist crisis, for united action of the working class and Oppressed and for a socialist revolution. b)Fighiing to build a class struggte left wing of ali those prepared to struggle for the most urgent needs of the working class and oppressed.

These two constitute the socialist alternative to the policies of the Labour government — an alternative which is at present weak but which can be built and developed in the coming period. The slogan of revoiutionaries for the general election, and for this situation of the class struggle is therefore surmmarised as FOR A LABOUR GOVERN- MENT BUT FIGHT TG BUILD A SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE.

The fight for a socialist atternative to the policies of the Labour government means struggling for a programme of action capable of meeting the needs of the economic, social and political crisis. The analysis of the present situation already made shows that such a programme must centre on: “against the erosion of living standards by inflation; rejection of any form of wage timits under capitalism; no to the 12 month “vie and the 10% limit; rejection of productivity deals; restoration of real wages to the level prior to the introduction of incomes poiiicy; £63 national minimum wage, equal pay for equal work; automatic cost of living increases to compensate for inflation; immediate freeze on the price of all basic goods in the working class budget; abolition of taxatic on working class incomes: immediate nationalisation of food, oil, arc ail other industries supplying the basic necessities of working class life; for an alliance of public sector workers. * for the right to work: occupation of factories and workplaces aganinst redundancies; worksharing with no ioss of pay; immediate introduction of a 35 hour week with no loss of pay: an emergency programme of useful public works; nationalisation of all firms creating redundancy. * For the defence and extension of the social services: restoration of all public expenditure cuts; sliding scale of public expenditure; integration of all private medical practice, private schools and private child care provision into the state sector; nationalisation of the drugs, heaith supply and construction industries; build a public secotr alliance: formation of cuts committees based on the trades councils; formation of joint shop stewards committees; development of area shop stewards organisation; occupation against closure and cuts; solidarity with those fighting the cuts; national strike action against the cuts; abolition of the cash jimits system. “ For the development of a socialist plan for the reorganisation of the economy to ensure full employment and halt the decline in jiving standards: Open the books; panal taxation of all income over £10,000 per year; introduction of weaith tax; nationalisation of the banks, insurance and finance institutions; abolition of capitalist defence expenditure — not a programme of armaments but a programme of public works; take over of alf exterrnal portfolios and imposition of total exchange control: full workers contro] of industry; nationalisation of ati basic industry. * Towards the liberation of women: free abortion and contraception on demand; equal pay for equal work; free 24 hour community controtied state nurseries; implementation in full of the demands of the Workin Womens Charter; freedom of sexual preference. . * Sliding scale of grants and pensions: full pay for the unemployed; bringing of all state grants and benefits up to a living minimum. * Against the scourge of racism and fascism: abolition of the tmmigration, Pakistan, and Aliens Acts; defence of the black comunities against tacists and fascists. * for an end to the oppression of homosexuals: an end to discrimination in jobs, facifities, housing and all other areas on the grounds of sexual orientation, . . : * For the defence of democratic rights: abolition of the crime of conspiracy; repeal of the Prevention of. Terrorism and Incitement to Disaffection Acts; repeal of the Criminal Trespass Act; release of ail. potitical prisoners; disbanding of the SAS and SPG; ending of joint police-army exercises; full trade union and political rights in the army, police and civil service; abolition of the Public Order Act; for a trade union recruiting drive in the army; self-defence of working class struggles and organisations. * Self-determination for Scotland: vote Yes in the referendum on devolution; rejection of aif limitation on the powers of the Scottish Assembly; drawing up of a social and economic plan to tackle the crisis . in Scotland; united front of the workers organisations against the Tories and SNP; for an Assembly Executive of the workers parties; right of the Scottish people to decide their own retation to the British state. * Independence for treland: immediate withdrawal of all British troops from Ireland; release of alt Irish politica! prisoners; setf-determination for the Irish people; total British withdrawal from ireland. * Immediate withdrawal of alt British troops from abroad; breaking al! links with the South African racist regime; rejection of any British role in Zimbabwe; solidarity with the liberation forces of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa; withdrawal of Britain from Nato, the EEC and all other imperialist alliances; immediate release of ait political prisoners in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe; solidarity with the struggle against the Stalinist bureaucracy. * For workers democracy and a united fighting labour movement: annual elections with the right of recalt of al! union officials; no official to recieve wages greater than the average of those they represent; abolition of all bans and proscriptions in workers organisations; automatic submission to reselection of Labour MPs; election of Party leader, Prime Minister, and all ministers by the Labour Party Conference; binding character of all Labour Party conference and NEC decisions on the Parliamentary Labour Party; formation of women’s and black caucuses in the labour movement; arrangement of union branch and other labour movement meetings in work hours or at times making possible the participation of women; provisoin of crache facilities at al! labour movement meetings; buitd mass women’s, black and gay movements. * For mass democracy in struggle: election of strike committees in al! disputes; al! major decisions to be taken by mass meetings: ali negotiations to be in the hands of etected representatives of those in struggle; formation of labour movement support committees to organise solidarity; establishment of Councils of Action in major clashes between the classes. * Break with the Lib-Lab Pact; Build a class struggle left wing: For a united Revolutionary Organisation.