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CAPITALISTS — COMMON MARKET
A UNITED SOCIALIST EUROPE INTERNATIONAL MARXIST GROUP PAMPHLET PRICE fSp S7- Distributed by Red Books 97 Caledonian Rd London N1
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’ Revolution & Counter Revolution
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ssa.
NEW TEAM: The FEC Commission (clockwise from front center}: Gearge Themsen, UK.: Jean-Francois Denia, France; Sir Christopher Soames, U.K.: Wilhelm Haferkamp, West Germany: Patrick Hillery. Ireland: Albert Borschette, | haxembourg: Pierre Lardineis, Netherland~; Ralf Dabrendorf. Germany; Henri Simonet, Belgium: Carlo Searascia- Mugnesza, tialy: Francois-Xavier Orteli, France; Emile Noel. France: Altiero Spinelli, aly; Olan Gandelach, Denmark.
The debate over the Common Market is a Europe—including Britain—will be inspired crucial one for the working class. The rightto follow their example; if revolution triwing Labour leaders warn that if Britain fails umphs in Indochina or Africa the economic to enter the EEC bankruptcy and economic ‘ortunes of the British capitalists will be disaster is inevitable. The left reply that crucially affected. British capitalism is not entry will mean the end of parliamentary an island—no capitalist country is. The democracy as we know it. Trade union ruling class is acutely aware of how much leaders tell us that the EEC has increased its fortunes depend on developments elseinflation and will confront the unions with where and the working class in Britain must more powerful multi-national employers. also understand this. So what stand should workers take?
Thus the starting point for how. we judge Meanwhile, the question of Britain’s . the question of Britain’s membership of the entry into the EEC has produced some ap- EEC must be the effect of the EEC on the parently weird and confusing line-ups. working class as a whole—throughout the The bulk of the Labour Cabinet has joined world. up with the leadership of the Tory Party and The first thing we must ask is what is the the Liberals in favour of continued member- EEC? Why was.it created in the first place? ship, while the Labour ‘left’ has joined hands The Common Market is more than just a trade with the right-wing Tories to campaign bloc. The Treaty of Rome, which set up the against. Outside Parliament, we find people EEC signed in 1957 by West Germany, France like Enoch Powell speaking on platforms Italy, Belgium, Holland and Luxembourg with union bureaucrats like Clive Jenkins prescribed more than just a customs union. and Jack Jones, and the fascists of the The abolition of trade tariffs between member National Front putting forward slogans states, and the establishment of a common external tariff for trade with countries outabout ‘sovereignty’ similar to those of the side the EEC, were completed quite quickly. Communist Party and Tony Benn. What is The Treatv proposed a series of measures of the meaning and importance of all this? ‘economic harmonisation’ to bring economic At the same time, Wilson is clearly staking structures throughout the community into the future of the Government on the outline: free movement of capital and labour, a come of the referendum, lining up against common transport policy, a common fuel the whole trade union bureaucracy and the policy, a common tax system, and a uniform bulk of Labour Party activists. So what is the future of the present Government? agricultural policy.
These are a few of the questions we seek A number of institutions have grown up to answer in this pamphlet. which correspond to these developments.
Whether Britain stays in or leaves the EEC, Between them, the Council and the Com- Britain cannot become a ‘little island’ unmission—composed of ministers appointed affected by what goes on in the rest of the from the governments of the member world. If there are workers being laid off in countries—can make legally binding regula- Germany and Italy, workers will soon be laid tions on member states, economic enteroff here; if there is a socialist revolution in prises and private individuals. The logic Portugal or Spain, workers throughout of these developments leads towards the
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against Nazi rule. creation of a European super-state.
Henceforward the European economy The EEC is of course a capitalist would be moulded in the image of US i institution. Its aim is to ensure ‘free capital. American firms benefited from thecom >+tition’ throughout Europe and remove economic advantages of producing ona obstacies to the merger of big capitalist firms, larger scale than those in Europe had to which this free competition inevitably previously done. Hence the Organisation leads. In other words, it represents above all for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) the interests of the great trusts and monopoinitially set up to administer America’s lies which operate on a European-wide ‘Marshall Plan’ aid to European capitalism scale. Every trade unionist is aware of the succeeded by 1956 in freeing some 90% of threat which these multi-nationals represent.
European trade from quota restrictions. In They can transfer investment to low wage 1957, the Treaty of Rome created the areas, break strikes by shifting production framework which would allow US capital to from country to country, and play off roam freely across Europe. By 1963 in workers of one country against another. So France, for example, US firms controlled what is being contemplated is a state structure 40% of the petrol industry, 65%. of photofurthering the interests of these concerns—not film, 65% of farm machinery, 65% of just in Europe, but on a world scale.
How and why did such a development take telecommunications and 45% of synthetic place? The shape of post-war Europe is fibres. From now on, European capitalists decisively different to that of the Europe of would have to enjoy the same freedom of the ’20s and ’30s. How does this ‘new Europe’ multi-national operation in order to fit, into the world situation as a whole? Only compete effectively with US capital. by grasping this can the real significance of To buttress both economic growth and military unity against the Soviet Union the EEC be grasped. and Eastern Europe, the US sponsored a The Second World War, like the First, was whole range of European institutions, the result of competition between the major from those concerned with laying the capitalist powers for the world’s markets and foundations of economic activity, such the world’s labour force. These two wars as the European Coal and Steel Community, brought about the death of millions. But to those concerned with developing research they did something else: they aroused the which had a bearing on military projects, working class of Europe to revolution— such as Euratom. Crowning all these bodies, successfully in Russia in 1917, unsuccessfully and tied to them, was of course the NATO in Germany, France and Italy; after the alliance to which the European capitalist Second World War, capitalism was destroyed states had to make substantial economic in Eastern Europe. European capitalism was contributions. tearing itself apart.
This is not to say that there were no These two wars also saw the rise of American imperialism. It took the opportunity of antagonisms between the different European imperialist powers. France wanted to proinvading the colonial markets of the war-torn European powers, and took over much of the tect its colonies from economic invasion by military responsibility for policing capitalism the more rapidly developing German econon a world scale and preventing revolution. omy. Britain, which was still holding on to In Europe itself, US capitalism sought to its colonies and whose currency was an place its stamp, economically and politically. international standard for world trade, Not only would it dominate the European wanted to stay outside the EEC altogether. | economy, it would take the bloody ruling Furthermore, in times of crisis, each of the classes of Europe under its tutelage.
European states has, and will continue to, } US capital was bound to flood into Europe aggressively assert their own ‘national’ at the end of the war. Europe stood in ruins. economic interests. Nevertheless,. overall the EEC seeks to unify the ruling classes ' Railways, roads and bridges—the entire system of communication—had been smased; of Europe against the common internal . over 70% of Europe’s merchant marine was enemy—the working class—and the common destroyed; and even in the ‘victor’ countries external enemy—the threat of world revoluon-the continent, production had slumped to tion. A blow to this institution would weaken world imperialism as a whole. a quarter of pre-war levels. The US economy found rich pickings in ‘reconstructing’ the European economy.
Two new IMG This ‘reconstruction’ also had clear polipamphlets tical aims. Europe had to be buttressed against revolution, and it had to be harnessed to play a global role in support of American The: Ebene ify imperialism. Hence the Marshall Plan, by md Pir D calsmar varchor C capeitcallisann which American economic ‘aid’ was pumped Pika into Europe on a vast scale, went hand in hand with the construction of NATO and the fone fhe en, browbeating of the Soviet Union into heading off revolutionary movements among the AVAILABLE NOW FHOM RED BOOKS, 57 Caledowman Road, London workers of Europe—many of whom were lreland andl the NUS 1p * Sp [pe The Howevnfe and leer labor unin capitalism = =20p') Sp ipép). still armed as a result of their resistance
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For the EEC: The ruling class and the Labour Goverment capitalism came to the fore. While these new On the surface British imperialism looked economies were able to maintain high econohealthy enough after the war. After all, it mic growth in the new sectors based on had ‘won’ the war and, compared to the rest modern technology, British capitalism’s of devastated Europe, had emerged relatively lack of industrial investment and development unscathed. So, with the Empire under their belt, the British ruling class carried on with over the previous century stuck her with ‘business as usual’, as though nothing in the archaic and declining industries with low growth. With the war victors being rapidly imperialist garden had changed since the war. outpaced by the ‘vanquished’, and with the But this complacency was based on an illusion. In fact British imperialism suffered from se- Empire rapidly disappearing, it was clearly time for a fundamental reorientation of vere weaknesses which were soon to become British capital. apparent.
Because of the historical pre-eminence of The man to take on this job was none other British imperialism in the capitalist world than Harold Wilson. Promising to ‘put the white hot heat of the technological revolution’ the most profitable sectors of the economy were found in foreign investment and foreign through British industry, Wilson sought to financial operations. Unlike all other Europorient British capitalism towards the European ean imperialisms there was no deep intermarket, to move away from the alliance with American imperialism, and to strengthen the penetration of industrial and financial capital hand of the industrial-based sectors of the in Britain. In fact the financial sector was the overwhelmingly powerful sector of the ruling class. ruling class, based on banking, insurance and Throughout the whole post-war period there had been a steady rise to predominance other financial operations centred on the City of the industrial sector of the ruling class. of London. ‘ia. * Labour Government of 1964 received the The ruling class was able to build up the support of the decisive sections of big business Empire and reap huge profits through the because it promised to consolidate this shift financial sector. But these profits were made from financial to industrial capital, and at the expense of the development of domestowards the concentration and monopolisatic industry, which suffered from a disastrous tion of industry. This reorientation implied lack of investment. The anarchy of the a decisive shift away from the Commonwealth capitalist market wreaked havoc with the and Britain’s ‘independent’ role towards British economy as the ruling class fell over itself to make a quick buck in the colonies integration into the European economy and | the EEC. | and completely overlooked the necessity of The British ruling class needed more from investment in its own industry. This the Common Market than simply a larger ostrich-like obstinancy continued unabated even after the Second World War. The market for its products. With the increasing inter-imperialist competition of the ‘60s British ruling class resolved to live off the fat of Empire and rest contentedly on the British capital could only survive as part of a general link-up and merging of European enormous economic reserves built up in the period of Britain’s dominance over world capital against the American multinationals.
With the increasing development of ‘Europeconomy.
This shortsighted policy was based on two ean’ monopolies it became evident that fundamental mistakes. Firstly, it relied on there was no longer any possibility of the continuation of the Empire, or the British industry carving out an independent ‘Commonwealth’ as it was euphemistically sphere for itself. Unable to beat them, called. If Britain was to rely on the Empire British capital joined them and headed for the Common Market. then there was no need for unity with the rest of Europe, and no need to help in its Just prior to entry the bosses’ union, the economic reconstruction. Britain could Confederation of British Industry, issued a retain her independent role as one of the majpamphlet making just this point: ‘Many large firms have....reached the point at which or world powers. This view explains why the British ruling class never expressed much further national restructuring is impossible interest in the European Economic Commubecause of the present scale of the enterprise nity at its outset. However, the ‘winds of in relation to the market...1f Western change’ brought on by colonial revolts dealt Europe is to compete effectively in world serious blows to any hope of Britain mainmarkets restructuring on a sufficient and taining an independent role in the world European basis is essential. Only in this way economy and exposed the appalling weakcan it create units of the number and scale nesses of British capitalism. necessary to meet world competition.’
With the reconstruction of Britain’s major A reorientation of British capitalism toeconomic rivals in Europe and Japan, the wards Europe is therefore absolutely crucial second fundamental weakness of British for the most important sections of the British
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1g Class in order to strengthen capitalist class ruling class. Their faithfully ally, the Labour rule. While it is correct for the workers’
Government, is well aware of the importance movement to use the opportunity of the of the outcome of the referendum on the referendum on Britain’s entry to oppose the ‘renegotiated’ terms of entry to the Common creation of such a state by a ‘No’ vote, the Market. Wilson and the Labour right are eager defence of ‘democratic rights’ will not be to ensure the fulfilment of the ruling class’s carried out by defending the sovereignty needs, but whatever their subjective desire of Parliament, which is by no means the present situation in the Labour Party democratic or sovereign. makes things difficult.
The Labour left is firmly opposed to The present Labour Government came Britain’s entry into the EEC, not simply out into office with the support of no significant of a chauvinist reaction, but because section of the ruling class. It came to power Britain’s entry into the EEC will allow by default, through the collapse of the ruling Brussels to intervene against Government class parties, rather than Labour’s immediate decisions on matters such as regional policy, usefulness to the ruling class. Since the state take-overs, and investment hand-outs defeat of the Heath Government at the hands to big firms. It would thus constitute a of the miners, the whole strategy of the blow to their efforts to utilise the capitalist ruling class has been in ruins. Faced with the state to gain concessions for the working need to carry through the economic reclass through a modicum of capitalist orientation of British capital, and also with ‘economic planning’ to combat the crisis. an economic crisis of large proportions, the Undoubtedly, Wilson’s present tactic is to ruling class desperately needs a political postpone the inevitable turn to statutory instrument to inflict a big political defeat on incomes policy until, he hopes, the outcome the workers movement. The Heath Governof the referendum has smashed the left. ment tried and failed. The result is a massive Under these circumstances he could impose crisis inside the ruling class so grave that it a statutory incomes policy with the minimum may take the ruling class years to assemble damage inside the Labour Government, even a viable political alternative. if he cannot block massive working class In the meantime the ruling class has no opposition. option but to get what it can out of the The Labour left & Labour Party. But that is where the problems really start for the ruling class, for the Labour Party is itself racked by internal the C.P How not divisions, not least of which are around the Common Market.
The present Labour Government is in a very different position from that of 1964-70. to fight the Then it was still possible to make certain minimal concessions to the working class and at the same time meet the demands of Common Market the capitalists for a restructuring of the economy. This is not the case for the _ present Labour Government. Since the late The right wing of the Labour Party, led by 1960s, the bourgeoisie has demanded the Wilson, Callaghan, Healey and Jenkins, is clear strengthening of the state against the that staying in the Common Market is a matworkers’ movement in an effort to weaken ter of life and death for Britain’s crumbling its organisations, undermine its bargaining capitalist economy. Jenkins and Shirley power, and drive down its standards of Williams have even threatened to resign from living. This is an even more urgent need of the Cabinet if the vote goes against staying the ruling class today, since Heath’s Governin the EEC. But what of the opposition of ment failed to carry this out against working the Labour left and trade union bureaucracy class resistance. But the Labour Party is to the Common Market? based on the organisations of the working They find themselves caught between an class, in particular the trade union bureaucracy, and a head-on confrontation of this upsurge of the working class and the capitakind would tear it apart. list crisis, both of which increase the need of the ruling class to impose a decisive defeat Already the demands for ‘strong state’ measures by the capitalists, coupled with the and a ‘strong state’ on the working class. In rising militancy of the working class and this situation sections of the bureaucracy and capitalism’s inability to give significant econothe labour left are forced to make a certain mic concessiosn to the workers, has opened ‘left turn’ in order to maintain their base of up sharp divisions in the Labour Party. support in the workers’ movement and Entry into the EKC is itself part of the preserve any role at all in the politics of the capitalists’ attempt to construct a ‘strong capitalist state. While they are on occasions state’. The struggle against the creation prepared to break with the particular interof a centralised, European-wide capitalist ests of the ruling class at a given point in time, state is therefore part of the struggle against they are not prepared to challenge the capitathe moves of the bourgeoisie to undermine list system itself. Thus even their ‘left’ brand the hard-won democratic rights of the workof social democracy misleads the working
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colonies. At home the brutal exploitation of class as to the tasks which it must carry out labour, including child labour, contributed its to meet the crisis.
Faced with the real opposition to the Combit to making Britain a ‘sovereign nation’. mon Market of large sections of the working Imperial dominance allowed the ruling class class who see, in however confused a way, to grant limited concessions to the working that it is not in their interests, the Labour class and integrate trade union and labour left come out in opposition to British leaders into the capitalist social order. membership. But their opposition is not Blinded by the wealth, power and seeming based on a class position—an understanding omnipotence of British imperialism, the that the Common Market is an attempt at one labour leaders became in.ected by the virus and the same time to strengthen the ruling of white supremacy and national chauvinism, classes of Western Europe in relation to and mesmerised by the prospect of winning their working classes, and strengthen world seats in the capitalist parliament—the seeming imperialism as a whole. Instead they rely on source of all power. Ideas of ‘gradual change’, nationalistic and chauvinistic arguments. made possible by the ever’ increasing wealth They are not anti-capitalist but simply antiof the Empire, and the ‘fairness’ of the Common Market. More often than not this British system of government and justice amounts to extolling the virtues of ‘Little became widespread in the working class, preparing the way for the slaughter of millions England’ (which they conveniently forget to mention is also a capitalist England) against being ruled by ‘faceless bureaucrats’ in Brussels.
Tony Benn published a letter to his constituents just after Chrismas in which he made the pathetic plea that continued membership of the EEC ‘would mean the end of NVHLWN VUZa :020Ud Britain as a completely self-governing nation and the end of our democratically elected Parliament as the supreme law making body in the United Kingdom.’ He raised the ‘horrifying’ spectre of Britain losing her ‘national sovereignty’. With a Canute-like obstinacy he nostalgically revered the utopian dream of an ‘independent’ Britain resting on a ‘mixed economy’. Not once have Benn or his cohorts explained how such a Britain would remain immune from the crisis sweeping the capitalist world.
The upshot of the Labour lefts’ defence of Right-wingers rally against the Common Market ‘national sovereignty’ is their involvement in a ‘broad front’ campaign, the nationalist ‘Get of workers in the imperialist bloodbath of Britain Out Campaign’, which involves righttwo world wars. wing Tories, members of the Monday Club, The Labour left still dreams of this and even Enoch Powell, as ‘allies’ in the ‘sovereign Britain’—a Britain in which the fight to get out of the Common Market. interests of a mythical ‘national unity’ were After all, the Labour lefts’ opposition allowed to swamp the real interests of the to British membership of the Common working class. They fail to realise that it Market on the grounds of protecting is the crisis of capitalism itself which is under- ‘national sovereignty’ suggests that the workmining the traditional institutions of capitaling class has more in common with its own ist democracy, because they can only conceive of politics in terms of parliamentary domestic oppressors than with the working collaboration with the ruling class and the classes of the other Common Market councapitalist state. tries. In such a view an unprincipled alliance In fact withdrawal from the Common with a rag-bag of capitalist reactionaries becomes a principled defence of ‘Little Market will intensify, not lessen, the crisis of these institutions and the capitalist (capitalist) England’. economy. Socialists will have to fight to ‘he Labour lefts’ position appeals to all the defend the democratic rights and organisations most backward ideas which bind British workers to their own ruling class. The days of the working class whether Britain comes of a ‘sovereign’, ‘independent’ Britain rested out of or stays in the Common Market. And this defence will take place against the on Britain’s imperial heyday. This was the capitalists’ parliament, police, judiciary and time of which it has been truly said that Britain had ‘an Empire on which the sun state apparatus. To win this fight it will be never set and the blood never dried’. necessary to extend workers’ democracy, not . Britain’s industrial pre-eminence and the the power of the rotting institutions of capifinancial domination of the world by the City talist rule like Parliament. of London were made possible by the massive One of the ironies of the present split in amounts of money accumulated through the the Labour Party over the Common Market slave trade and the rutnless plunder of the is the way in which the right wing Is able to
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| his opponents as the ‘anti-German school of turn round and denounce the ‘Little England’ thought.’ By the September Conference of mentality of the left and berate them for their lack of an internationalist. outlook. the Labour Party the left—defeated as much by its own chauvinism as the campaign of the As Roy Hattersley, right wing Minister of right—lost the vote when the Woodworkers State at the Foreign Office, put it in an attack Union delegation scabbed on union policy on Benn’s Open Letter: “To turn our back on and voted for rearmament. the EEC, and pursue a Victorian chimera, The vital lesson for today is that the EEC might turn out to be the right to have the must be opposed on a class basis. So long as lowest growth rate in Western Europe and the freedom to have a Gross Domestic | the Labour left and the Communist Party lead | the workers’ movement up the blind alley of Product which averages per head of population half that of the Federal German defending ‘national sovereignty’ and Republic (Financial Times, 7 January). ‘parliamentary rule’, the fight against the There’s nothing new in this strange line-up, Common Market will be hopelessly hamstrung. in which the left tries to outdo the right by Moreover, by raising the whirlwinds of the amount of red, white and blue that it nationalism and chauvinism inside the working waves. During the big debates around German class the Labour lefts and the Communist rearmament in 1954, the Labour left and the Party will bring down the roof over their own heads, for it is the most reactionary Communist Party opposed it on the purely capitalist forces—Powell and the fascist chauvinistic grounds that Germany had twice right—who will eventually benefit from such waged war against Britain and ‘could not be reactionary ideas. trusted’. The whole coverage of Tribune, The opposition of the Communist Party to the paper of the Labour left, was presented the Common Market differs from that of the in these terms and great play was made of the Labour left only in so far as they try to find ‘justifiable fears’ of France. ‘In 1945’, screaelaborate theoretical justifications for their med the drum beating Tribune of 22 January | capitulation to chauvinism and their collabora- 1954, ‘Frenchmen, alongside British, Ameri- | tion with the enemies of the workers’ movecans and Russians, stood in the ruins of Berlin. ment. What the Communist Party, in common They swore that never again would the with the running mates they seek on the Germans be allowed to menace Europe’.
Labour left, is proposing in the fight against Just as it is doing today with the Common the Common Market is not a united front of Market, the Labour left failed to see that workers organisations, but collaboration German rearmament was a fundamental class with Liberals and Tories. It was only recently question. Behind the policy of American coidas a result of several prominent Labour lefts warrior John Foster Dulles, backed by saying they would not speak on the same Tory Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, lay platform as Enoch Powell, that the CP added the imperialists’ need to rearm the German Powell to the National Front as the only capitalists against the potential threat to persons and bodies they were not prepared to capitalism posed by the very existence of collaborate with in the anti-EEC campaign. the Soviet Union—despite its suffocating domination by the Stalinist bureaucracy.
Jack Woddis, a leading stalinist ‘theoretician’, was obliged to write a four part series Thus in 1954, under cover of the soin the Morning Star to justify the CP’s called European Defence Community—foreactivities in the Common Market campaign. runner of NATO—Dulles and Eden were quite “In essence’, he wrote, ‘we are faced with willing to give the right-wing Chancellor of two problems. First the national question. West Germany, Dr Adenauer (who had four Secondly the parliamentary question.’ ex-Nazis in his cabinet and made no secret of (Morning Star, 24 February). He then went his desire to re-unite Germany by any means to incredible lengths to justify the CP’s necessary), an army of half a million men. defence of British ‘national sovereignty’. He But their lack of internationalist class based this on the argument that the ‘real’ understanding meant that the Labour left nation is not the capitalist state of the ruling could not clearly explain what was at stake class but a mystical entity known as ‘the and could pose no real alternative—in exactly real British people.’ This idea, which the same way as they fail with regard to the | deliberately blurs the irreconcilable conflict Common Market today. Its campaign failed between the interests of the working class to crawl out of the gutter of chauvinism and and all sections of the capitalist class, even slid towards racism. (Tribune printed a excludes only the big monopolies. cartoon which showed Dulles presenting a machine gun to a gorilla dressed in German For Woddis and the Communist Party it is these monopolies which are presented as uniform). Only the Trotskyist paper Socialist Outlook (proscribed by the Labour the source of all the attacks on the democratic rights and organisations of the leadership in 1954) put forward a correct class position: no arms for the German capitaworking class. In reality it is frenzied sections lists, arms for the German workers! of small capital, ground between the mill- As a result the right wing of the Labour stones of capitalist competition and the mass Party, under the leadership of Herbert struggle of the working class, who are the Morrison, was able to make hay out of the most hysterical opponents of the workers’ left’s chauvinism. Ata private Labour movement. But because sections of small Party Conference in July 1954 he branded capital, whom the likes of Enoch Powell
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and leading them up a blind alley. and sections of the Tory Party represent, With good reason Woddis went out of his oppose the Common Market for their own way in his articles on the Common Market to reasons, the CP try to hide this fact in order refute what he considered to be the ‘slander’ to cobble together a ‘united campaign’ with that Communists ‘are not patriots’. ‘Her these reactionary forces.
There is a deadly logic in the Communist Majesty’s Communist Party’ certainly are Party’s defence of ‘national sovereignty’, ‘patriots’, and it is this patriotic devotion on It flows from their belief that there is a questions of ‘national sovereignty’ and the peculiarly ‘British’ road to socialism based rule of capitalist parliament- which they share on the ‘democratic traditions’ of British with the Labour left—-which paves the road to capitalism. (It should be remembered that defeat in the struggle to defend the hard won the Communist Party of Chile told the same democratic rights and material gains of the story before the workers’ movement was working class. drowned in blood following the military coup The danger inj: tember 1973.) As the Morning Star put it (27 February), ‘the perspective.... of transforming Parliament from being an instrument of the capitalist class into becomfrom the right ing an organ of the representative power of the working people, an instrument of the people’s will to end capitalism and introduce It is not only the Labour lefts and the Comm- Socialism. The Common Market attack on unist Party who counterpose defence of the sovereignty of Parliament means a threat Britain’s ‘national sovereignty’ to membership to the Socialist aims of the working class.’ in the Common Market. Such a view is also (Morning Star, 27 February). Thus the advocated by the extreme right, in particular Communist Party’s chauvinist and class Enoch Powell and the National Front. collaborationist opposition to the Common While the sections of the labour movement /Market is a direct and logical result of their who put forward this position may do so in whole rotten programme. the belief that they are defending the demo- To justify their position they have the cratic rights of the working class, the rightaudacity to quote Lenin who always made wing takes up this stand from an entirely it absolutely clear, in theory and practice, different point of view, one with which no that it was only through smashing the capitclass-conscious worker would sympathise alist state and waging the most determined These people are not in the slightest bit fight against all forms of class collaboration interested in the democratic rights of the that the working class could defend its working class—they are racists, authoritarians, interests. Woddis quotes Lenin’s statement and fascists. in Left Wing Communism that it is necessary | Yet so great is the political confusion creato take advantage of ‘every “fissure”, however ted by the ideas of the Communist Party and small in the ranks of our enemies’ to justify the Labour lefts that they are actually precollaboration with the class enemy. And pared to cooperate with, and take part in Lenin’s insistence on ‘taking advantage of joint actions alongside, these reactionary, every possibility, however, small, of gaining an anti-working class forces. ally among the masses, even though this ally Enoch Powell is one of the most clearbe temporary, vacillating, unstable, unreliable sighted capitalist politicians in Britain today. and conditional’ (our emphasis) is read by He parted company with the Tories in 1972 Woddis to include ‘leading anti-Market Tories’. when Heath embarked on a policy of confront- Since when have communists considered ing the trade union movement head-on Tories to be representatives of ‘the masses’? through the Industrial Relations Act and the The result of the CP’s capitulation to. pay laws. Powell warned that this would lead chauvinism is shown in practice in the Morning to defeat for the Government, and pointed Star’s reports of the workers’ occupation at out that repression could only succeed if it the Imperial Typewriter factory in Hull. The was part of a correct package of political Morning Star is completely unable to deal moves. \ with the political confusion of the workers Powell understood that in order to defeat that results from their chauvinist. outlook. the great industrial might of the working class The workers at Hull blamed the loss of their the ruling class had first to paralyse them jobs not on the capitalist crisis (and therefore - politically. He realised that it was futile to defending them on the basis that the crisis is threaten to put all trade unionists (including a capitalist crisis for which the workers will the TUC!) outside the law unless you had refuse to pay), but on the ‘anti-British activifirst won a sizeable section of workers over ty’ of the US-owned multinational Litton to the idea that strikes were all the work of Industries. With a union jack flying over the ‘communists’ and ‘subversives’. It was no use top of the occupied factory, the workers attacking trade unionists who were fighting claimed that ‘Britain needs its own typewriter unemployment unless you could convince industry’. The Morning Star remained silent many white workers that their jobs were on this point, encouraging the workers’ belief being threatened because of coloured immiin the ‘superiority’ of being exploited by grants, and offer a reactionary ‘solution’ to British bosses as opposed to ‘foreign’ bosses, their problem.
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ee ee ee ee | Similarly, it was no use trying to promote. build the sort of regime that De Gaulle set up in France—one that can use the myth ‘national unity’ as a weapon against trade union militancy if you were at the same time that it is ‘above the class struggle’ to deal helping British capitalists to hook-up with the powerful blows to a politically divided European capitalists through the EEC. In working class. But there are other, even Powell’s view it was necessary to put aside more vicious forces that have hitched their wagon onto Powell: the fascist National Front. the need of the ruling class to get into the Common Market in order to try and convince The National Front, a fascist group led by a section of British workers that they had an one-time Nazis like Webster and Tyndall, are interest in uniting with British capitalists and what may be called the ‘outriders’ for the British imperialism against every other nation, sort of strong state operation that Powell race and creed. Only in this way could the wants to carry out. While Powell speaks from working class be split down the middle, a the Parliamentary platform, the NF are out on section won to the side of the capitalists in the streets stirring up racism. nationalism, anti-Irish chauvinism, and ‘defending the the fignt against the organised workers’ family’ (i.e. the oppression of women). They movement, and the necessary political basis laid to create the sort of ‘strong state’ that whip up an active mass base for Powell by Heath and the Tory party wanted to build. presenting themselves as ‘working class’, through denouncing the bankers and promot- Powell’s way of going about things had ing working class methods of struggle such already shown its ability to ring up significant successes, In 1968 when Powell was sacked as strikes—but for reactionary ends (against from the Tory oppostion’s ‘shadow cabinet’ black workers, for example). In the racist for making his racist ‘rivers of blood’ speech, upsurges of 1968 and 1972, the National thousands of workers (including some from Front played a prominent role in promoting well-organised groups like dockers) struck the strikes and demonstrations.
The NF are among the most virulent and demonstrated their support for him. | agitators for the strong state methods of In 1972 when the Ugandan Asians came to Britain Powell again spoke out, and again Powell. But they have an even longer term thousands of workers demonstrated to back strategy than Powell. Within the mass him up. reactionary movements they help to stimu-.
To try and get his strategy off the ground late, the NF encourages and organises direct Powell has more recently taken three steps. action—physical intimidation against black First, he has left the Tory Party. He wants to people, Jewish people, and the left. In this be in a position where, at some later stage way, they seek to build up organs of reactionwhen the crisis is really near exploding point, ary violence which, after some future seizure he can come along and form a ‘non-party’ of power by the fascists, would be legalised government to ‘save the nation’ from disaster. by the fascist state and become part of its So he tries to give himself an image of being . official machinery of terror against the above ‘petty party politics’, a ‘man of workers’ movement. The National Front principle’ modelled on Churchill, etc. promote Powell and his like simply The second move he has made is to exploit as a means to reach their own, even more this image to start building himself a solid violent and reactionary, aims.
The NF have followed Powell into the reactionary base among the loyalists of anti-Market campaign. Two years ago they Northern Ireland. This base he hopes to use were able to march in the same anti-EEC with good effect against the workers’ movedemonstration alongside trade unionists and ment in this country in the future, and in Communists. Since then the climate has the meantime he is taking full advantage of changed a lot due to the vigorous campaign the anti-Irish chauvinism of British workers. against the NF conducted by the anti-fascist The third link in his reactionary chain has movement. This has succeeded in pinning been to try and associate himself with trade the ‘fascist’ label firmly on the NF and unionists, and even Labour Party representaopened the eyes of trade unionists to the tives, wherever possible. The aim of this is NF’s game, so that very few labour movement to get these figures from the workers’ moveleaders would now dare associate with them. ment to bear witness that Powell is not just (They have even been expelled from such a Tory in disguise but really ‘above’ the class-collaborationist bodies as the “Get class struggle and capable of speaking and Britain Out Campaign’ because of pressure acting on behalf of workers. from trade unionists. )
The campaign against the Common Market, because it has been put on a chauvinist foot- This ban on the NF is a step forward—but it is not enough. It does not prevent the ing by the Labour lefts and the CP, has thus National Front taking advantage of the given him just the chance he wanted, and nationalist and chauvinist ideas being sown once his foot is in the door he seizes the in the anti-Market campaign to spread their opportunity to let loose with all his reactionown reactionary poison in the working ary weaponry. No sooner had Powell class. Only a break with such ideas by the appeared on the same anti-EEC platform as workers’ movement and the organisation leading trade union bureaucrat Clive Jenkins, for example, thah he came out with the most of an independent working class campaign against the EEC on the basis of working vicious racist speech in-years.
Powell is one of the most dangerous class internationalism can act as an antidote to this threat from the right. enemies of the working class. He is out to
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Against the Common Market - For a United Socialist Europe We have already mentioned the fundamental centralisation of capital and the multireason why socialists oppose the EEC: because nationals will remain. And if they cannot it is a capitalist institution designed to strengthget the sort of European-wide state strucen the power of the ruling class against the tures they want then they will use their working class on an international level. immense power to get the next. best thing:
Of course the EEC is not the only to ensure that the states of the various institution which attempts to do this. The different countries conform to their needs. various imperialist military alliances—of Some members of the Labour Party have which the most important is NATO—play understood this problem, but draw from it exactly the same role, And for this very the totally wrong conclusion that the only way forward is to support EEC membership reason socialists must couple the demand for British withdrawal from the EEC with in order to fight for a ‘democratic’ the demand for British withdrawal from the European super-state that will have the the demand that we get out of NATO power to control the multi-national monopolies. (See the Fabian pamphlet Sovereignty and break off all such imperialist and Multi-National Companies by Wayland alliances.
But the EEC is far more than simply a Kennet, Larry Whitty and Stuart Holland). pact between capitalist states over economic Ironically, this view is of a piece with the or military questions. It represents an political ideas of the anti-market Labour attempt to translate into political organisa- Party lefts and Communist Party, who also tion the most fundamental features of think that capitalist institutions can be capitalist economic development—the ‘turned around’ and used in the interests of international concentration and centralisathe workers. But whereas they only apply tion of capital. the idea to national institutions our Fabian We have referred to the growth of multifriends apply its logic to the multi-national national firms in the post-war capitalist institutions of the EEC itself. economy. These giants, whose production It could be argued that the Fabians are and marketing operations range freely across more in tune with the reality of contemponational borders and whose capital is often rary capitalism, for it is certainly true that provided by capitalists from several different the multi-nationals cannot be fought on the countries, need a multi-national state to national plane alone. The international spread service their multi-national interests. They of their interests makes it possible for them need it to provide them with a uniform to allow, and even encourage, the dislocation economic policy that serves their interests in of production in one country without all spheres of operation, to control the jeopardising their operations as a whole. Thus workers’ movement across the continent, and the multi-nationals will respond to policy ultimately, to protect their capital against the moves which threaten their interests in a working class through European-wide capitagiven country by all sort of manoeuvres— list institutions—law, courts, the police and including massive and devastating economic the army. sabotage, if the situation warrants it.
It is this multi-national section of European For examples of this we no longer have to capital that is the driving force behind moves look as far afield as Chile. Now, right on our to turn the EEC into a genuine ‘super-state’.
European doorstep, we can see the multi- Such a development would give the European nationals at work in Portugal. capitalists an immensely powerful weapon— they would be effectively coordinated through- The upsurge of the Portuguese working out the continent by a European capitalist class after the downfall of fascism, and the | state while the working class remained fragvery limited measures taken by the Governmented on the national level. This would ‘ment (such as the establishment of a multiply all the advantages already enjoyed minimum wage of £13 a week!), were by the multi-nationals in dealing with their enough to spark off a veritable orgy of workforce a hundred fold, and extend into economic wrecking by the multi-nationals. every field of social and political life.
Several companies simply packed up their But the struggle of the working class bag and baggage and left the country altoagainst the plan for a European state cannot gether leaving empty factories and unemrest on the defence of the old capitalist ployed workers (who had often not been ‘national’ state. The national state is being paid for weeks) in their wake. threatened because it is out of date as a But of course this reformist idea of the capitalist institution—it no longer fits in with workers ‘taking over’ the capitalist state is the real set-up of capitalism and the real just as bankrupt in its international form as needs of the most important section of the in its national variety. The hope of ‘democracapitalist class. Whether or not a super-state tising’ the EEC in the interests of the working is brought into existence the international class is just as idle as that of establishing
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the Labour left poses to EEC membership is . socialism through Parliament. The working a different set of capitalist policies which class does need to have its own international | make little sense in face of the overwhelming means of tackling the multi-nationals, but evidence of the depth of the capitalist crisis, that means cannot be obtained through and British capitalism’s patent inability to capitalist institutions. It must grow out of | ‘go it alone’. As a result the working class is the organisations and struggles of the working thrown into confusion and left at the class themselves. political mercy of the pro-Marketeers and What this means is that in opposition to the Labour Government. both the plans for a European super-state and Let us take a closer look at the policies the multi-national monopolies whose interests put forward by the left, which show clearly such a scheme serves, the workers’ movement their total political:confusion, and their must fight for a United Socialist Europe. ‘his does not mean that the workers’ moveinability to face up to the problems confrontment must wait until it has got fully coing the working class. ordinated on a European scale before it moves The biggest item they have been stressing to fight for the implementation of socialist recently is a scheme of ‘import controls’— measures. As long as a full-blown super-state but at the same time they argue that a free has not been set up, the rule of the capitalists trade agreement could easily be negotiated remains primarily organised and centralised with the EEC once we got out! Moreover, on the national level, and the working class while they slate the EEC for not doing enough must fight to destroy this rule and replace it about the position of Third World countries, with their own organised power on the same their chauvinism and chatter about stopping level: ‘foreign competition’ inspires groups like the But this does not mean that the ‘United Lancashire textile workers to demand action Socialist Europe’ becomes just an abstract against cheap imports from Third World long-term goal or piece of verbal trapping. countries.
The idea of solving Britain’s economic It finds its living expression both in the fight of the working classes of the different difficulties through ‘import controls’ is both European countries to create and put into absurd and reactionary. In so far as it inpractice their own solutions to the capitalist volves excluding imports from parts of the crisis, and in the forging of practical links | world under the heel of imperialism, it between these struggles through international means trying to export our economic probee pe ee Le ee lems onto the backs of those who can least proletarian solidarity. afford it. But even that sort of reactionary For a Socialist project would backfire—because other, more powerful and efficient capitalist countries | would do exactly the same to us. In that came alternative | sort of trade war, backward British capitalism is strictly a loser. an So the result of ‘import controls’ under a 61 ati a nll alata & capitalist system would be the throttling of One of the reasons why it is imperative that working class opposition to the EEC be British exports, resulting in an even worse organised on the basis of an independent economic crisis and mass unemployment. workers’ canipaign is that only on this basis while the cost of living would be pushed up ‘1 = pees Se, can any real alternative to the EEC be put by the substitution of more expensive homei ia ng a. — ' forward. For the only alternative to the produced goods for cheaper imports. EKC is the adoption of socialist solutions to The sort of problems that British capitalthe capitalist crisis, and even the professional ism would be faced with if it was forced to confusionists of the Labour left and the withdraw from the Common Market could only be dealt with in two ways. From the Communist Party have not tried arguing standpoint of the capitalists, they could try that we can move towards socialism in alliance with the right-wing of the Tory party to smuggle in by the back door what the working class had booted out by the front: and Enoch Powell! by negotiating a free trade agreement with 7 The strongest weapon the capitalists and the Labour Government have going for them | the EEC they could try to continue the in the current referendum debate is the lack integration of the British capitalist economy of any Cciear-cut alternative to Britain’s with that of their European capitalist . partners, hoping that this process and the . membership in the EEC. They are able to strengthening of the Common Market’s produce convincing facts and figures to show that membership in the EEC is essential to political machinery in the meantime would the survival of British capitalism, and confuse eventually suck Britain back in again. This the working class by producing evidence that is the view already being propounded by that after their ‘renegotiation’ the cost of staying leading representative of the capitalist class, in is not that great after all.
The Economist.
Because they do not base their opposition The other solution—the only one in the to the EEC on an internationalist class interests of the working class—is the creation of a socialist economy, based on the nationposition the Labour left and the CP are sble alisation of the major means of production to do little in response except squabble over and economic planning. Part of the planning the figures. Moreover the only alternative 12
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control that could block the multi-nationalg of a socialist economy would, of course, involve control over imports and foreign attempts to sabotage the struggle for socialism by European workers. This would be a real trade in general. step towards a United Socialist Europe.
But the aim of this would not be to create Of equal importance is international some crazy ‘British’ economy cut off from political solidarity. As European workers in the world economy and the international particular countries move towards socialism division of labour forged through centuries in the fight against the international capitalist of capitalist development. On the contrary, crisis, the working class elsewhere in the world the socialist control of foreign trade would aim must learn the lessons and draw their inspirato extend and refine this international! divition from these struggles. But the ruling sion of labour and pattern of trade: it would class will also be studying them—and doing be a policy directed towards the development everything in its power to strangle the sociaof a planned, socialist economy on a world list infant in its cradle. The only way to scale.
In relation to those countries bled dry by block such plots will be by the working class of the entire imperialist world mobilising imperialism, instead of trying to export our problems to them through capitalist ‘import to prevent their ruling classes unleashing controls’, socialist policy would seek, through plans for political, economic and military aid arid trading agreements based on relations intervention. Only international solidarity can defend the right of the workers of each of equality, to stimulate their economic development and thus our mutual trade. country to make their socialist revolution.
Even more important for the development The need for such solidarity is not just something that will be required in the future— of a world planned economy would be the it is urgently needed today. The Portuguese establishment of close economic and ‘trade working class, breaking free from almost a links with COMECON—the economic half-century of fascist rule, has gone further federation of the workers’ states of Eastern in the fight against capitalism and imperialism _ Europe and the Soviet Union.
Such agreements would stimulate foreign than any European working class since the | Spanish civil war of the 1930’s. Dozens of trade and allow us to take into account the | Portuguese firms are currently subject to international distribution of natural and workers’ control, with democratically elected social resources to produce the world’s | workers committees scrutinising the firm’s necessities in the most efficient and cheapest fashion, thus ensuring the smoothest and accounts and watching the bosses operation most rapid growth of the living standards of like hawks; other firms which have gone out | of business or been driven onto the rocks as all of humanity. | part of the bosses’ economic sabotage are For Intemational being run directly by the workers, who are demanding that they be nationalised under workers’ control; the working class upsurge proletarian has forced the Government to nationalise the economically powerful banks and insurance companies which own about half of Portuguese industry, and workers are now demandsolidarity ing that nationalisation be extended to the transport system; inside the army capitalist authority is being challenged as rank-and-file soldiers solidarise with the workers’ struggle, The forging of links between the various and in some cases even decide their actions different struggles of the European working through democratic mass meetings, instead of class can take place in a variety of ways. Most ‘taking orders’ through the channels of the immediately, there is an urgent need for the capitalist state. coordination of the trade union struggles of European workers. Tiis requires the setting In the near future the workers of Spain will up of bodies—particularly of workers in the join their Portuguese comrades in the offenssame industry or firm—that can unite workers’ ive against capitalism, knocking the decrepit struggles across national borders, at the level of Franco dictatorship into the rubbish bin, and the base and not just the bureaucratic leaderraising the banner of socialist revolution ship. Internationally coordinated claims. throughout the Iberian peninsula. negotiations and industrial action (such as The more astute sections of the ruling class the coordinated strike of Dunlop-Pirelli are already aware of this danger, and are workers in Italy and Britain) can then be | talking of the need to isolate ‘the Portuguese organised. | virus’ and deal with the situation in the A particularly important type of move is | Iberian peninsula as a whole. In addition to the creation of international combine committhe sabotage of the multi-nationals, a vast tees within the great multi-nationals. Such propaganda campaign is underway throughout bodies could not only coordinate struggles the imperialist world over Portugal and various against the manoeuvres of the multi-nationals, other international pressures have been but could organise the opening of the books brought to bear. The Belgian Foreign Minisfor all the firm’s international operations and ter has made it clear that the EEC will have establish the sort of international workers’ nothing to do with Portugal if it sets up ‘a
[page 14]
dictatorship of the left’ (i.e. socialism), a fellow-workers around the world in a united number of European countries have adopted fight against the common enemy of world a policy of ‘cash on the barrelhead’ for all capitalism, not bash them over the head in exports to Portugal, and many openly the hope that we won’t have to suffer quite capitalist currents of opinion (such as the so much from the capitalist crisis if we can British magazine The Economist) have make them suffer a bit more. | called on the reformist social democratic The EEC’s ‘free movement of labour’ policy parites of Western Europe to provide poliis a strictly capitalist one: it allows workers tical and material support for the proto move from one country to another in so far imperialist leaders of the Portuguese as their labour is required for the smooth Socialist Party. | operation of capitalist exploitation throughout But imperialist intervention is not going to | the Market. The immigrants have no political stop at these half measures. Already the | rights in the ‘host countries’, and are used, as Spanish Government has been asking for | are immigrants from outside the EEC, to assurances from the Americans that they provide cheap labour and as a weapon against would get help in the event of ‘internal better organised and better paid native disorders’ getting out of hand, and in workers. response plans are underway to draw The answer to this situation is not a Spain into a much closer relationship with campaign against immigrants and immigration NATO, with the possibility of her eventually by the native working class, but unity between becoming a member. immigrant and native workers to fight for full NATO will also play a key role in Portugal, political rights and equality of economic whose ‘former fascist Government took the treatment for all immigrant workers. On the country into this imperialist alliance. NATO basis of such unity the presence of immigrant influences, exercised through training | workers will strengthen the workers’ move- | ment, by the addition of their numbers, their programmes, military assistance schemes, and joint operations are undoubtedly already militancy, and their fresh experiences, and being used to pick out and strengthen the | stimulate its struggle against the real enemy— most pro-imperialist elements in the Portuthe capitalist system.
But we should also realise that immigrant guese army. Moreover, if the workers’ upsurge continues, it is not at all inconceivable | workers do not travel thousands of miles | leaving friends and families behind to work in that NATO could become the umbrella under which direct military intervention could be unfamiliar and often hostile surroundings for organised in conjunction with such domestic the fun of it. They.do so because they are reactionary forces. (After all, the imperialists forced to by the ruin and plundering of their can always cite the Warsaw Pact invasion of native lands through the operation of the capitalist system. Just as Welsh, Scots, and Czechoslovakia as a precedent). | northern workers in Britain are forced to “Hands off the Iberian Revolution!’ is a | leave their homes and travel south to find shout that must reverberate from one end of jobs because of the regional concentration of Europe to the other as millions of workers in British industry, so workers from Southern every country unite to make demands on Italy, the Iberian peninsula and Turkey have their Governments, mount mass demonstrato go through even greater upheavals because tions, and organise industrial action to defend of the development of European capitalism. their Spanish and Portuguese comrades. The Once more the answer is international success of such international solidarity can working class unity. The workers of these make possible victorious socialist revolution backward countries and regions must be given in the Iberian peninsula, and lay the foundathe fullest support in their fight for an end to tion stone for a United Socialist Europe. the plunder of their homelands and for the Another area in which a clear understanding creation of jobs and industries locally, even of proletarian internationalism is essential is if it is not in accord with the laws of with regard to immigrant workers. For the capitalist profit-making. Workers in the reactionaries, racists and fascists, this multi-nationals must unite to prevent their question is a godsend. For it allows them to bosses chopping off their operations anu link up their long-standing campaign against creating yet more unemployment in the black workers in the country with the underdeveloped areas as the crisis begins to opposition to the EEC. bite and even, as the Italian trade unions Many sections of the labour movement, who | have done, insist that they increase have totally capitulated to racism in the past, | | employment in these areas, even if it is are not able to offer any arguments against | unprofitable for them to do so. reactionaries on this score. But even those Such united struggles can draw the who have opposed racism find themselves working class throughout Europe—native drawn towards the anti-immigrant arguments and immigrant, those in the industrial heartof the right by their own nationalist and | lands and those in the backward peripheries— chauvinist position. Thus even the Commuinto a common fight for a socialist Europe. nist Party uses the argument about the .
For it is only a European-wide planned dangers of ‘free movement of labour’ asa socialist economy which can ensure the even reason for opposing the EEC development of production without the But working class internationalism has nothirrational regional inequalities and immense ing in common with this view. Proletarian human suffering that European capitalism internationadists want to link up with their has scattered throughout the continent. 14
[page 15]
THE WAY FORWARD BUILD INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION * All trade unionists should support the activities of the Portuguese Workers’ LINKS Coordinating Committee and affiliate their Multinational firms can switch production from Trade Union and Labour Party branches to one country to another to cut costs or make support its campaign in solidarity with the strike action ineffectual.
Portuguese Working Class. *Combine Committees should be set up to SUPPORT SPANISH POLITICAL PRISON— coordinate internationally the struggle against ERS the trusts. The example of the joint strike action of Dunlop-Pirelli workers in Italy and In Franco’s prisons, hundreds of militants face Britain shows the usefulness of such commitlong sentences and scores are condemned to tees. death. Meanwhile hundreds of thousands of The bosses try to pit British workers Spanish workers have been mobilising against against French, Italian against German, etc. the dictatorship through strikes, factory *Workers should organise solidarity actions occupations and street demonstrations, with all struggles against the same bosses or . * All branches of the labour movement in the same and related sectors in other should invite speakers from the Spanish countries. The miners’ strikes of 1972 and Solidarity Campaign and give all possible last year were given real support by minesupport to its activities. workers in Europe. This shows in practice COMMIT WORKERS’ ORGANISATIONS what the united action of European workers TO A REAL FIGHT can achieve.
The recall Labour Party Conference can organise a real fight against the EEC with BUILD LINKS WITH IMMIGRANT WORKERS meetings in all workplaces and by organising The ‘free movement of labour’ provisions of all the activities above. the EEC helps the bosses use immigrant *Labour Party branches should put in workers as cheap labour and to divide the resolutions taking up these points and working class. calling for a real right. *Immigrant workers must be integrated into *A lobby of the Labour Party conference the Trade Union movement but should be should be organised to make sure all these able to organise their own caucuses in the issues are discussed and a real fight gets under Trade Unions to deal with the specific probway. lems they face. *Resolutions must be put in all Trade Union *British workers should support immigrant branches calling for a recall TUC to organise workers struggles for equal pay and against the fight against the Common Market. redundancies. Unity is strength and they will be the next under attack.
BUILD LOCAL WORKERS COMMITTEES AGAINST THE EEC SOLIDARITY WITH THE PORTUGUESE Iu many areas, local committees of the Labour REVOLUTION movement have been set up to campaign for Portugal could be a real first step towards a | a ‘no’ vote. Such committees should be socialist Europe. Workers in all European spread to every area to organise factory gate countries must ensure that their ruling class and site meetings, local conferences, public does not intervene economically or milimeetings and speaking tours to fight for a tarily. socialist alternative to the oe EEC, DO YOU
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