Most people who have followed the development of the workers' control campaign, based largely on the series of conferences sponsored by VOICE OF THE UNIONS, the Centre for Socialist Education, THE WEEK and other socialist journals and groups, will acknowledge that the latest in the series, the sixth, held in Nottingham on March 30/31, 1968, marked another step forward for the campaign. The conference attracted some 500 delegates and visitors, including trade unionists and students. Trade unionists turned out in much larger numbers than ever before, and it was clear that the Communist Party had begun to take a greater interest in the subject.
Several leading trade unionists and Labour Party activists played a prominent role in the conference but one of the criticisms of the conference - which the organisers themselves acknowledged - was that little time was left for the delegates [illegible] format. [illegible] there were many positive aspects to the discussion, for example Hugh Scanlon's speech which deserves a separate assessment.
[illegible] the movement as it stands. In so doing we must re-define the basic principles which draw socialists to this subject.
A feature of the conferences has always been the practice of dividing into a number of study groups which makes it possible to consider the problems faced by workers in particular industries, and to relate the theoretical concept of workers' control to the actual workings of the given industry.
The value of the workers' control movement lies in its potential for revitalising sections of the labour movement. Already it represents one of the largest gatherings of trade unionists outside the established political parties. To realise its full value, however, it is necessary to achieve much greater clarity on the ideas of workers' control and to relate them increasingly [illegible].
Given a clear understanding of these issues, the workers' control movement can go forward and make an important contribution to the re-growth of the socialist movement - and socialist theory - in Britain.
WORKERS' CONTROL NOW
[illegible] workers' control correctly. First of all a sharp distinction must be made between control and participation. The former involves extensions of power by workers quite independently of management. The latter involves the integration of a section of the workers into institutions representing the interests of management. In present circumstances this is the most important distinction to be made. At a time when a Labour Government attacks workers organisations and simultaneously attempts to draw a section of the trade union movement into a position of carrying out its policy of rationalisation of industry, clarity about the difference between control and participation is paramount.
OPEN THE BOOKS!
A number of slogans have traditionally been regarded as being related to workers' control. Much has been made of the demand: "Open the Books!", and this certainly has a legitimate role to play in raising awareness about the workings of management. It can also increase the readiness [illegible] considerations other than their own profit.
Much more central, however, in view of the drive towards rationalisation of industry and the introduction of new techniques at the expense of the existing labour force, is the demand for workers' control of hiring and firing, since the size of the labour force is a central consideration for the present-day capitalist. Mass sackings at A.E.I. and the decasualisation scheme on the docks have raised this issue most acutely. A related demand for workers faced with short-time and the threat of unemployment is that of "40 hours pay for 30 hours work" - a form of work-sharing which would not involve loss of pay.
DUAL POWER
These demands form a rising scale, each slogan posing the question of control on a higher level. Workers' control itself is an advanced stage when the question of state power is posed. It represents the highest point of organisation and control which can be achieved by the workers under capitalism, but can only be regarded as a temporary phase. Either the working class creates a political organisation capable of taking state power, or the situation degenerates in favour of the ruling class. In other words, it involves a situation of dual power, and it is necessary to go [illegible] economy. Otherwise the workers' organisations will be seriously weakened, demoralised and quite incapable of putting up a serious defence of workers' interests - even on the level of straight economic issues.