from Tony Topham For a whole complex of reaso:s, Britain's portworkers are now virtually at a crisis-point, The crisis is about redundancy, wages, and the ownership and control of the ports. The crisis involves, in different ways, all the portworkers' trade unions - the T.G.W.U., the N.U.R., NeAS.D.U. (and in certain ports the G.M.W.U.) and the Unofficial Portworkers' Committees, The growing sense of crisis among portworkers in recent weeks is indicated by the current outbreak of strikes on the docks. There have been dockers' strikes in Hull and Liverpool as well as strikes by N.U.R. dockworkers in the British Transport Docks Board ports at Hull, Southampton, etc, With all their differences, the various portworkers have a common conflict with their employers on the issues of wages and redundancy. And it is the implementation of the Devlin Report recommendations on decasualisation (due to start mid-September) which is the immediate concern of many dockers, It is becoming increasingly necessary for all dockworkers to thrash out a socialist programme for the docks; such a programme should pay no peculiar respect to the private property of the owners. Such a workers' programme must begin with the idea that workers' rights and authority must be first safeguarded and then increased. We believe that neither official union policies nor unofficial port workers' committee strategy are beyond the reach of serious, fraternal discussion and examination, and it is in this spirit that the following observations are offered at this critical stage in the history of the industry. Taking first the view of those who say that the transition to Devlin must be supported, since it leads on towards certain advantages for dockers, and that beyond it lies nationalisation. It is argued too, that the 1T.G.W.U. is strong enough to take an independent line in the new set-up, and can use that strength only if it responds positively, and from a position of participation, This argument, however, requires one missing factor to make it a realistic policy, All who are familiar with the industrial struggle, and particularly with the docks industry, know that the employers, the profit-makers, and the Government have certain definite objectives which they wish to achieve. If the union participates without an equally clear vision of its objectives, it will always be on the defensive, responding to their solutions, never proposing its own. What the union must take into any negotiations, any participation, any struggle for further reforms (such as nationalisation) is a clear set of workers' goals, based on the defence and advance of workers' rights. It must learn to think positively, independently, and in advance of the moves of employers and Government. Take now the view that total opposition is a sufficient policy. This apparently defends the workers against the danger of participation, against the loss of hard-won rights. There is certainly no moral argument which can legitimately be used against this position,
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* This article first appeared in the August issue of Humberside Voice, available 9d., post paid, from 60, Southcoates Lane, Hull.