continued from last. week. SS .
In these countries, the contradictions will become explosive in the next years, but their problems and, hence, their solutions are different from those facing our dependent and economically backward peoples. The fundamental field of imperialist exploitation covers the three backward continents -- the Americas, Asia and Africa. Each country has its own characteristics, but the continents, as a whole, also have theirs. The Americas constitute a more or less homogeneous whole and almost everywhere North American monopoly capitalism holds absolute primacy. The puppet, or in the best of cases, weak and timorous, governments are unable to resist the orders of the Yankee master. The North Americans have reached virtually the pinnacle of their political and economic domination. They can now advance little; any change in the situation could be converted into a decline in their primacy. Their policy is to maintain their conquests. The line of action is reduced at the present time to the use of brute force to block freedom movements no matter what their nature. The slogan, "We will not permit another Cuba," is designed to cover up treacherous aggressions like the one perpetrated against Santo Domingo; or, before that massacres like the one in Panama, and the clear warning that they are ready tosend Yankee troops anywhere in the Americas where a change in the established order endangers their interests. This policy enjoys almost absolute impunity. The OAS (Organization of American States) is a convenient mask, however discredited it is; the UN is of an inefficacy bordering on the ridiculous or the tragic; the armies of all the countries of Americas are ready for use in mowing down their 6wn people. In practice what has been formed is an international of crime and betrayals. In addition, the indigenous bourgeoisies have lost all capacity to oppose imperialism, if they ever had any -- and constitute only a source of supplies for it. No other changes can be made; it's either a socialist revolution or a caricature of revolution. Asia is a continent with different characteristics. The freedom struggles against a series of Kuropean colonialpowers resulted in the establishment of more or less progressive governments whose subsequent evolution was, in some cases to deepen the primary objectives of national liberation and in others to revert toward proimperialist positions. From the economic point of view, the United States has little to lose and much to gain in Asia. The chenges have favored the U. S.; it is struggling to displace other neocolonial powers, to penetrate new spheres of action in the economic ‘ field, sometimes directly, sometimes utilizing Japan. But special political eonditions exist there, above all in the peninsula of Indochina, which give Asia characteristics of capital importance and which play an important role in the global military strategy of North American imperialism. Its-b] skade of China extends at least from South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, South Vietnam and Thailand. This dual situation -- such a strategic
interest as the military blo@kade of the People's Republic of China and
the ambition of its capitalists to penetrate the big markets which they
do not yet dominate -- makes Asia possibly one of the most explosive re-
gions in the world today, despite the apparent stability outside of the
Vietnam area. Belonging geographically to this continent, but with its
own contradictions, the Middle Hast is boiling, and no one can forecast
what the cold war will lead to between the progressive countries of this
zone and Israel, which is backed by the imperialists. One more rumbling
volcano in the world, Africa, appears almost like virgin territory for
a neocolonial invasion.
Changes have oceurred which, to a certain degree, have compelled the neo-
colonial powers to give up their former absolute prerogatives. But when
the processes continue without interruption to their conclusion, colonial-
ism gives way, without violence, to a neocolonialism, the consequences of
which are the same so far as economic domination is concerned. The United
States formerly did not have colonies in this region and now it is strugg-
ling to penetrate the former preserves of its partners,
It can be said that Africa constitutes, in the strategic plans of North Am-
erican imperialism, a long-range reserve; its current investments are of
importance only in the Union of South Africa and it is beginning .to pene-
trate into the Congo, Nigeria and other countries, where violent competit-
ion is flaring up (of a "peaceful" nature up to now) with other imperialist
powers. It does not yet have big interests to defend except its pretended
right. to intervene any place on the globe where its monopolies are making
good profits or where big reserves of raw materials are to be found. All
the above leads up to posing the possibilities for thepeoples to win their
freedom in the immediate or near future.
Analyzing the African scene, we see that the Portuguese colonies of Guinea,
Mozambique and Angola are struggling with some intensity, with particular
success in Guinea and variable successes in the other two. Also we still
see a struggle between Lumumba's successors and the old accomplices of
Tshombe in the Congo, a struggle that appears at the moment to be inclin-
ing in favor of the latter, those who have "pacified" a big part of the
country to benefit themselves, although war remains latent.
In Rhodesia the problem is different -- British imperialism utilized all the
machinery at its disposal to hand over power to the white minority which now
holds it illegally. The conflict, from England's point of view, is comple-
tely against these officials, except that this power, with its customarv
diplomatic skill -- it is also called hypocrisy in good Spanish -- maintains
an appearance of distaste for the measures taken by the Ian Smith government
and is supported in its crafty attitude by some of the Commonwealth countries
which follow it and is attacked by a good part of the countries of black
Africa, whether they are economic vassals of English imperialism or note
In Rhodesia the situation could become highly explosive if the efforts of
the black patriots to rise up in arms materializes and this movement is
actually supported by the neighboring African nations. But today all these
problems are aired in bodies as innocuous as the UN, the Commonwealth or the
OAU (Organization of African Unity). Nevertheless the political and social
evolution of Africa causes us to forecast a continental revolutionary situation. The freedom struggles against the Portuguese must end victoriously, but Portugal signifies nothing in the imperialist list. The confrontations of revolutionary importance are those that hold at bay the whole imperialist apparatus, although we would not, because of that, cease struggling for the liberation of the three Portuguese colonies, for the deepening of their revolutions. When the black masses of South Africa or Rhodesia initiate their genuinely revolutionary struggle, or when the impoverished masses of a country set out against the ruling oligarchies to redeem their right to a decent living, a new era will have opened in Africa. Up to now barracks coups have occurred in which one group of officers replaces another or a regime that no longer serves their caste interests and those of the powers that surreptitiously control them; butthere have been no popular convulsions. In the Congo, these characteristics were given a temporary impulse by the memory of Lumumba, but they have been losing momentum in recent months. In Asia, as we have seen, the situation is explosive, and Vietnam and Laos where the struggle is now going on are not the only points of friction. _ The same holds true for Cambodia, where at any moment North America can launch a direct invasion; Thailand, Malaysia must be added, and, naturaly, Indonesia, where we cannot believe that the final word has been said despite the annihilation of the Communist party of that country after the reactionaries took power. And, of course, the Middle East. In Latin America, the struggle is going on arms in hand in Guatemala, Colombia, Venezuela and Bolivia and the first buds are already appearing in Brazil. There are other centers of resistance that have appeared and been extinguished. But almost all the countries of this continent are ripe for a struggle of such nature that, to end in a triumph, it cannot be accommodated to anything less than the establishment of a government of socialist nature. In this continent practically only one language is spoken, save for the exceptional case of Brazil, with whose people those who know Spanish can speak, in view of the similarity between the two languages. The similarity of theclasses is so great among these countries that they can be identified as an "international American" type, much more so than in other continents. Language, customs religion, a common boss unites them. The degree and forms of exploitation are similar in their effects for exploiters and exploited in a good number of countries of our America. And rebellion in them is ripening at an accelerated rate. We can ask: This rebellion -- how can it be fructified? What kind of rebellion will it be? We have maintained for some time that given its similar characteristics, the struggle in the Americas will, in time, acquire continental dimensions. It will be the scene of many big battles in behalf of humanity, in behalf of its liberation. Measured against the scope of this continental -wide struggle, the present struggles keeping it going in an active way are only episodes, but they have already provided their martyrs who will figure in the history of the Americas for having given their quota of necessary blood in this final stage of struggle for the full freedom of mankind.
The great lesson of the invincibility of guerrilla warfare catching on
among the masses of the dispossessed. The galvanization of the national
spirit; but preparation for more difficult tasks, for resistance to more
violent repression. Hate as a factor in the struggle; intransigent hate
for the enemy, which takes one beyond the natural limitations of a human
being and converts one into an effective, violent, single-minded, cold
killing machine. Our soldiers must be like that; a people without hate
cannot triumph over a brutal enemy. The war must be taken as far as
the enemy carries it; into his home, into his home, into his places of
diversion, making it total.
He must be prevented from having a moment's tranquility, a moment's calm
outside the barracks and even within them -- attack him wherever he is to
be found; make him feel relentless pursuit wherever he goes. Then his mor-
ale will begin to decline. He will become still more bestial; but signs
will be noted of the decay which begins to appear and which will develop
into genuine proletarian internationalism, where the banner under which the
struggle is carried on is the sacred cause of benefiting all humanity, so
that to die under the colors of Vietnam, Venezuela, Guatemala, Laos,
Guinea, Colombia, Bolivia, Brazil -- to mention only the current scenes
of armed struggle -- is equally glorious and desirable for an American, an
Asian, an African and even a Huropean.
Every drop of blood spilled in a land under whose flag one was not born,
is an experience that is treasured by anyone who survives and who can
then apply the lessons learned in the struggle for freedom in his own place
of origin. And every people that frees itself is a phase in the battie for
freedom of the very peoples that have already won a victory. It is time
to moderate our disputes and to place everything at the service of the
struggle. That big controversies are agitating the world struggling for
freedom, all of us. know; and we cannot hide it. That they have acquired
a character and a sharpness that makes a dialogue and reconciliation ap-
pear extremely difficult, if not impossible, we know that, too.
To seek ways to initiate a dialogue which the disputants reject is a
fruitless task. But the enemy is there, pounding day after day and
threatening new blows and these blows will unite us today, tomorrow or the
day after tomorrow. Whoever first obtains and prepares this necessary
union will win the gratitude of the peoples. In view of the virulence
and intransigency with which each cause is defended, we, the dispossessed,
cannot take part in any way by declaring a position on the differences,
even when we at times agree with some of the arguments on one side or the
other, or to a greater degree with those of one side rather than those of
the other.
At this moment of the struggle, the form in which the present differences
are made public constitutes a weakness, but in the situation confronting us,
to hope to reach an agreement on them through words is an illusion. History
will determine which positions will be wiped out and which will be conf-
irmed. In our world of struggle, everything involving a dispute around
tactics, methods of action for the attainment of limited objectives, must
be analyzed with the respect due other's appreciations. As for the great
strategic objective, the total @istruction of imperialism by means of
struggle, on that we must be intransigent. We would sum up as follows our aspirations for victory: destruction of imperialism by means of eliminating its strongest bulwark -- the imperialist domain of the United States of North America. To take as the tactical line the gradual freeing of the peoples, by ones or by groups, involving the enemy in a difficult struggle outside of his terrain; liquidating his bases of support, which are his dependent territories. This means a long war. And, we repeat it once again, a cruel ware Let no one be mistaken on this when he sets out to initiate it and let no one vacillate in initiating it out of fear of the results which it can draw upon his own people. It is almost the only hope for victory. We cannot evade the need of the hour. Vietnam teaches us this with its permanent lesson in heroism, its tragic daily lesson in struggle and death in order to gain the final victory. Over there, the imperialist troops find the inconveniences of those accustomed to the standard of living which the North American nation boasts. They have to confront a hostile land, the insecurity of those who cannot move without feeling that they are walking on enemy territory; death for those who go outside of fortified redoubts; the permanent hostility of the entire population. All this continues to provoke repercussions inside the United States; it is going to arouse a factor weakening the full vigor of imperialism; the class struggle inside its own territory. How close and bright would the future appear if two, three, many vietnams flowered on the face of the globe, with their quota of death and immense tragedies, with their daily heroism, with their repeated blows against imperialism, with the obligation it would signify for imperialism to disperse its forces under the lash of the growing hate of the peoples of the world! And if we were capable of uniting so as to give our blows greater solidity and certainty, so that aid of all kinds for the people locked in combat would be even more effective. How great the future would be, and how near! If we, on a small point on the map of the world, carry out the duty which hail and place at the disposition of the struggle this small bit which we are permitted to gives our lives, our sacrifice,it can happen that one of these days we will draw our last breath on a bit of earth already ours, watered with our blood. Let it be known that we have measured the scope of our acts and that we consider ourselves no more than elements in the great army of the proletariat; but we feel proud at having learned from the Cuban revelution and its great main leader the great lesson to be drawn from his attitude in this part of the world: "What difference the dangers to a man or a people, or the sacrifices they make, when what is at stake is the destiny of humanity." Our entire action is a call for war against Yankee imperialism and a cry for the unity of the peoples against the great enemy of the human species: the United States of North America. Wherever we are surprised by death, let it be welcome if our call for war has reached even one receptive ear and another hand reaches out to take up our arms, and other men prepare to sing the mournful songs to the chattering of machine guns and new calls for war and for victory.
; -- Che