International Marxist Group Archive

Magazines, bulletins and booklets of the IMG and its forerunners, 1961–1984

Submitted by N.D. Jones, C.I. Framp and C. Goddard, of the Richard Thomas & Baldwin, Redbourne Works Delegates' Sub-Committee on Steel Nationalisation.

The Week Vol. 5, No. 26, 30 June 1966 · pp. 11-12 of the scan · 1,025 words

The scan: The Week v5 no26.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Tesseract OCR) from a scan of a stencilled typescript and has not been corrected. Expect misread words; titles in particular are often garbled where the issue printed no contents list. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: large-type headline; heuristic; title from the OCR of the heading.

+e ee rret

today for their right to participate in the

ant pe on gg iwhawley poe be desorbed as revolutionary.

Indeed they show a marked degree of that restraint so beloved of buresucrats,

They embody not nearly so much the aspirations of a class, as tho se of indiv-

jduals. They embrace no fervour to "take over", only the desire to be :

included in management. Their primary concern is with the shop floor, ie.

departmental matters and works level decisions. Although obviously the

steelworkers are aware of the vital role of overall planning for the industry,

and therefore demand representation at regional and national level.

The implementation of these measures would lead to no violent disruption of

the present organisation, although it could be done much earlier in that part

of the industry already nationalised, and indeed, would be much more needed

in such a giant rigid undertaking. The present institutions in the Nation-

alised Sector of the industry at Works Council and Departmental Joint Pro-

duction Committeess would, with the adoptions 4s described in the outline

plan, lend themselves admirably to the change.

Although the men's representatives are elected to the committees, their

powers and terms of reference are severely limited, and there is no voting

on issues, They serve mainly as a forum for company pronouncements and

complaints by the workers. The real decisions are taken elsewhere; and at

present the functioning of these bodies serve no other purpose than to hide

behind a facade of democratic participation by the workers, Above works

level, the employees have not even the token offerings of participation.

The present composition of works councils need hardly be altered. The

General Manager appointed from above, subject to the approval of the council,

could continue to chair its meetings and guide its deliberations. This also

applies to the departmental committees and Heads of departments which are

appointed by the more democratic works councils and should continue to sit

on these committees as is the practice now. The present method of electing

the men's representatives at Union branch meetings to these committees, and

from these to the works councils need not be changed, ;

The Works Council need to be promoted to the highest authority on the works

level and, in accord with that status, have the powers to implement its

authority —- powers it derives from the actual participation of the workers

below and the democratically elected bodies above. This under the overall

surveillance of Parliament. This would mean the Works Council would have

access to the plans, records and books of the company, the right to debate

and vote on all matters, the right to appoint the Heads of Departments, and

to elect representatives to the Regional Boards, and to send delegates to

conferences of works councils,

The departmental committees sit under the chairmanship of the Departmental

Head, but instead of the representatives being elected half by the men and

half by the management, 4s at present, there would have to be change.

over/

Steel Industry Paper / Continued

Here again the change need not be disruptive. The Departmental Head appointed by the Works Council should continue to chair its meetings, but all the members of the committee should be elected from the shop floor. Committee members would then undertake all the functions of foreman, not as informers or drivers, but as leaders deriving their respect and authority from the committee democratically elected by the men themselves, The Departmental Committee, under the chairmanship of its Head, would be fully responsible to the men and the works council for the efficient organisation and running of the Department. The method of organisation, allied to collect~ ive incentive bonus schemes (where possible), would ensure that the best men were elected, and also that reserves of ability and the desire to serve, frustrated for so long, would now have an outlet. The concensus of community opinion would be restored to fulfil its rightful role of incentive and discipline in the creation of correct behaviour with the Departments, No special provisions are needed for the Unions. Their functions would be entirely separate, remaining much as they are at present. It may well be that the shop steward will be elected on to the departmental committee, or perhaps may even become its Departmental Head, but this would only mean he had won the confidence of both workmates and works councillors as a trustworthy and responsible leader. The Unions would still be needed. For even democratically elected bodies are not perfect, and the individual worker may still occasionally feel the need of recoures to a more impartial body in order to redress a grievance. The appeals machinery of Trades Unions offer a safeguard, and perhaps will have to be copied by a democratically organised Industry. Wage negotiations at works level could still be conducted much the same 4s they are now, if this is considered desirable by the Departmental workers. The Labour Officer would still represent the company - the only difference being that his report would be available now to the Works Council, which engaged him, and which approves final settlement. The enclosed plan for the democratic control and organisation of a nationalised steel Industry has, we believe, much to recommend it. It indicates the next step - its direction and length - not as seen by visionaries, but as seen by ordinary steelworkers. It offers a nicely balanced combination of democratic control from the "top", and of democratic participation and representation from "below". The need today is to replace the outdated shibboleths in industry - the British stick and carrot methods of obtaining discipline = with a much more effective and humanitarian procedure, inkeeping with the dignity of the worker as a citizen also. Only the implementation of democratic control and working conditions on the shop floor offers this possibility. This will mean facing up to tackling the greatest demarcation line of all the sacred line of managerial prerogative. It is along this line that the sporadic outbursts of conflict consistently occur, The only way to settle once and for all the evergreen "them and us" conflict, with all its attendant

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