There are three main reasons why the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign should put its main emphasis on winning the working class movement for its ideas:
(1) Only the working class movement has the power to take effective action to stay the hand of the Government should it take a direct part in the Vietnam war;
(2) Because we have a Labour Government we should take advantage of its links with the trade union movement to put pressure on it; and
(3) The concept of solidarity is one which is part of the tradition of the working class and its organisations; as such it will evoke a far more ready response than purely pacifist propaganda.
It has been rare that a protest movement in Britain has been able to influence foreign policy in any decisive manner. But in those cases where it has the movement has been based upon the working class - the most notable example being the "Hands off Russia" movement of the early 1920's which culminated in the "Jolly George" incident. On an international scale we see that seamen in Japan, Hong Kong, Australia, etc., have refused to sail ships for Japan. Dockers in those countries and others (notably Mexican and Greek) have refused to load war material for Vietnam. The Vietnamese themselves understand the importance of working class solidarity: witness their appeal to trade unionists for solidarity action.
We must face the fact that because the majority of workers have been influenced by years of anti-Communist propaganda our task will not be easy. However there are certain concepts and arguments which we can use to great effect:-
(1) That in Vietnam the majority of the working class support the National Liberation Front (the slogans of this year's May Day are case in point). We can therefore argue to members of the Labour Party and active trade unionists that if they were in Vietnam they would almost certainly be in the National Liberation Front;
(2) That just as when a strike takes place the press always to try to raise the red herring of outside influences the talk of aggression from the north is a diversion. This will be readily understood by militant workers;
(3) That the regime in Saigon is clearly anti-working class as examination of its record will show. Also the workers will understand the meaning of an 80% rise in the cost of living without any increase in wages.
We should seek to make a special appeal to working class organisations by having a really well-organised go at getting speakers into trade union branches, trades council, Constituency Labour Parties, Young Socialist branches, etc. In each locality where we we have supporters of the campaign we should ensure that all these organisations are circularised and a speakers' panel is organised. In each case we should endeavour to get the union branches, etc., to become supporting organisations so that the[re] is an identification. If after one year of activity we could get 100, 200 or so workers organisations in effect affiliated to our campaign this would have an immense effect.
A very important factor for this kind of work is to get well known trade union leaders and active Labour Party members to identify themselves with the campaign. It counts for a lot in union and Labour Party circles to have well-known and respected leaders of the movement supporting a campaign. The campaign should have a drive to get sponsors of this type. This year's T.U.C. and Labour Party conferences will be extremely important events in the fight against the Vietnam war. We should make special plans to have the maximum influence at them. (this will be the subject a separate paper.
∗ Paper submitted for discussion at the Vietnam Solidarity conference [the rest of this footnote is cut off at the foot of the page in both scans]