International Marxist Group Archive

Magazines, bulletins and booklets of the IMG and its forerunners, 1961–1984

The new American anti-war movement

· The Week Vol. 4, No. 21, 2 December 1965 · pp. 8-9 of the scan · 1,019 words

The scan: The Week v4 no21.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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How this article was cut and titled: capitals heading; heuristic; title from the issue's contents list (match 0.97).

One of the wost important features of the new Anti-’ar Movement is the prac tice of non-exclusion ~ of working with anyone opposed to the war, regardless of his political or philosophical viewpoints on other matters, and of refusing to go along with red baiting. By sticking to this simple principle, the new movement has already made 4@ good start in educating the American people away from the whole atmosphere of hysterical anti~couwmunism which is used to excuse the worst war crimes abroad, and the most flagrant violations of civil liberties at home. It hassuccessfully challenged the whole cold war mystique by which all reasoning, exchange of ideas, and co-operation around common goals is supposed to stop when the epithets "comiunism" or “subversive" are applied, In a few months, the application of the principle of non-exclusion has shattered the crust of fear and capitulation to red baiting which had overlaid the “old" peace movement. This is an accomplishment of no small impact, which has already had its effects on wider circles of American society - particular ly the academic community - and it is bound to have an ever widening effect as the movement continues to grow. Non-exclusion, as it has developed within the movement since the April 17 March on Washington, has two aspects. Both were initiated by the Students for a Democratic Society in its preparations for that march. First, anyone who agreed with the call for the march, regardless of political affiliations or views, was invited to join the committees building the march. Second, every interested organisation - including those which were the direct targets of red baiting, was invited to endorse it and to participate in its planning and organisation. Generally, in the Committees to End the War in Vietnam which have been formed since then, everyone has been welcome to join. In the united fronts - where various organisations, including the committees , co-operate in an action they all agree upon - the principle of non-exclusion has been widely adopted. All this has had a dynamic and energising effect. For the first time in many years a movewent involving many thousands of Americans is developing which has not only rejected, but has directly challenged LicCarthy-type thought control. This, among other things, has made the movement attractive to many who value their right to weigh different ideas in an objective atmosphere, and who resent being told that there are some political and social concepts which are taboo The point is often made that merely educating or demonstrating against the war

The new American Anti-War Movement : continued / is not enough, that people must become involved on levels which touch their own day-to-day lives, that @ general radical “base” uust be built in this country to effect the social changes necessary to eliminate imperialisu, and that a “multi-issue" movement should embrace such activities as anti-poverty, civil rights, political action, university reform, etc. In the first place, a clear distinction should be made between the anti-war movement as a whole and the Committees to End the War in Vietnam — were formed around 4 spec~ ific issue. T 4& sense the movement as a whole is already multi-issue. ‘All the radical groups involved in anti-war work - SDS, DuBois Clubs, YSA, May 2nd, etc., have wulti~issue programmes, All understand that no basic change can be made in American society ~ whether it be reform or revolution - by a programme limited to a single issue. But all these groups have differences over what the programme to transform society should be. These are extremely important differences which cannot be resolved by ignoring them, or by glossing over them. They should be discussed, clarified, and tested in action. All of the various political tendencies should be anxious to learn from the experiences, and to discuss their views with one another, and with the many persons just awakening to radical social consciousness. The great unifying issue at this time is opposition to U.S. involvement in the Vietnam war. The Conmittees to End the War in Vietnam are the natural vehicles to reach and organise the growing number of Americans who are devel~ oping opposition to the adwinistration's war policy. Even the public opinion polls show that millions of U.S. citizens right now are opposed to the war, and that many additional millions are deeply disturbed about it. Yet the new movement has barely begun its work of countering the calculated campaign of distortions, hate propaganda and lies to which the American people are being subjected. Té has just begun involving people in mass dewonstrations of various kinds. Et has so far had denonstartions involving only between 100,000 and 300,000 people. This is significant, but only the beginning. This movement could not possibly have come about among the youth, the academic community, the intellectuals, or even among all the radicals who have sudden~ ly become active, if it did not reflect a changing mood in much broader sec~ tions of the community as a whole. The. growth of consciousness by the student youth is a forerunner of a growth of consciousness on a much larger scale, among the working class youth, among young men forced into the army, and in much wider sections of the population. It is well within possibility that not just 4 few hundred thousand, but millions of Americans can be actively involved in the struggle against the Vietnam war. A movement of that scope, even though centered around the single issue of the war, would have the most profound effects on every social structure in the country, including the trade unions and the soldiers in the army. But, above all, it could be the key factor in forcing an end to the Pentagon's genocidal war in Vietnam. The lives of untold thousands of Vietnamese men, women 4nd. children, and U.S. G.I's my depend upon it, and that alone is reason enough to put aside sectarian differences to unite and help build a national organisation which c&an encompass anyone willing to oppose American involvement in Vietnam, regardless of their coumitment, or lack of it, on other questions.

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