would be stupid, and hypo-
the time. As it happened, he was
to return to power for long enough .titical, to murmer polite tributes for him on our beads. All his life was devoted to the ascendency of his class, and around the firm centre of that class, his nation. It is likely that he was incapable of perceiving the ruin into which his cause has fallen, in these later days. As his role in the war came to an end, he was unceremoniously bundled into limbo by the British working class, who would have been able to keep him, his party, his class and his absurd and disgusting national-imperial ideology under control for ever, had Labour found ways to produce strategies, men and means commensurate with the opportunities of
to begin to face the irreversible de-
cline of all the powers upon which
he had rested, and the galloping
erosion of all the values for which
he had stood. As he finally moved
on to the position of elder statesman,
these processes accelerated at a fierce
pace. Now, the mission of his party
is a matter for neurotic debate among
his political heirs, his class is an
object of universal derision, and the
national prestige for which he
laboured is only upheld when
camouflaged as its opposite. It
is pointless and unkind to say rude
things about him.
If you would seek a monument,
look around.
Ome Brickbat twell deserved)
‘s absolutely no truth in Neirn’s statement that
WY th B
af
ow
&
s I hed mever heard of the proseul) thefier= I read his article. 1am a arocsed that THE WEEK we pared eel cebiish this calumny without | eiteme mac whether the allegation was me 3 my visit to Ghana was in Sertberance of an All-African Social-
ee — we, ist project which every Left Socialist | would endorse.