oil workers (see last issue stop press) which have assumed a political character have broken a long period of political inactivity. The last upsurge of any importance occurred in 1956 and this was crushed by the deportation of Arab nationalist leaders to St. Helena. But these strikes and demonstrations show that all is not well in this island. Our Government is in fact helping Sheik Isa, who is an absolute monarch, to run the country. Just how primtive conditions are is shown by the fact that there is not even a daily newspaper, let alone any democratic political activity. Economic development has reached a critical point, because Bahrain, although it struck oil as early as 1932, has the smallest reserves in the Middle East, The Bahrain Petroleum Company (a subsidiary of Caltex—formed by the Standard Oil Company of California and the Texaco Incorporation) is expected to go om producing about 2+ million tons of oil per year (now yielding £5 million per year) for the next 20 years or so. A new off-shore island field shared jointly with Saudi Arabia is expected to yield about £13 million per year but this is insufficient to meet the increase in expenditure of the regime. Bahrain has traditionally been an entrepot for trade in the Persian Gulf, but recently it has been losing some business to new ports. In addition the £5 million or so spent because of the presence of 2,400 British troops is an important source of income to
treaty of protection, but also to ‘protect’ Kuwait and the shiekdoms of the Trucial Coast. The presence of a British Political Resident—responsible for the whole lower Gulf area—shows that Bahrain is the nerve-centre of British ‘presence’ on the flank of Arabit.
erm
Sheik Isa and his family find British protection tailor-made to their interests (one is reminded excessively of the Zanzibar set-up). They attribute the 1956 troubles to the misguided British attempts to introduce democracy, and it is apparently impossible to persuade them that political discontent might be mitigated by a cautious move towards representative institutions.
Sheik Isa has, so far, resisted even a suggestion that the Administrative Council should be broadened to include top officials and four representatives of the Bahrain people—not elected, but nominated by him.
The Financial Times recently commented: “British policy on Bahrain faces a familiar dilemma. Should we face the odium of the Arab nationalists for supporting a paternalistic and undemocratic regime, or should we brave the wrath of Shiek Isa by using our undoubted bargaining power to persuade him to reform? British students of recent history East of Suez must hope that, whatever happens, Bahrain does not go the way of that other island of paradise — Zanzibar.”
_ This comment, completely cynical insofar as it sees ‘reform’ as a device to preserve the present set-Up, shows
the danger facing the Labour Gov-
ernment. Is it merely to carry out
a neo-colonialist role in Bahrain or is
it to act as one would expect @
Labour Government to behave?
Bahrain is only a small island—not
many people in Britain have even
heard of it—but the issues are clear.
Is our Government going to act in the
interests of a completely undemo-
cratic and absolute regime or is it
going to side with the workers of.
that island? Would it be too much
to expect Anthony Greenwood, Frank
Cousins, Barbara Castle and other
Left wing members of the Cabinet to
stand out against another act of neo-
colonialism?