The Coates-Topham memorandum on Socialist Education is a bold bid to bring under the broad umbrella of Clause Four the fragmented forces of the Labour left. Existing discussion groups and left societies ‘could! be united on the practical “task of preparation for industrial self-management; existing publications ‘might! be placed at the service of the new umbrella organisation; the existing interest of trade unions in education "should! be harnessed to support a new series of correspondence course and educational syllabuses, Eefore examining the implications of this hopeful _ programme, it is necessary first to examine the assumptions of tha memorandums
The assumptions are explicit:
(1) that socialism needs a society to do for it what the Fabian Society has done for social reform. But is this a correct contrast? Has not the success:of the Fabians perhaps been the prenariiness of local groups and of the editors of their publications to embrace both social reform and socialism - see especially their trade union pamphlets?
(2) that the replacement of the NCLC by a centralised agency of the TUC creates the need for a specifically socialist educational body, Sut hes socialist education in the past depended so entirely upon the the NCL and does not the TUC's new commitment to education not create a great new opportunity for developing work within the TUC framework, which certainly should not be abandoned withost trial?
(3) that the Labour Party commitment to Clause Four and "the best possible system of popular sdministration” is the unifying force that can rally the left to a single organisation for discussion, education and propaganda, Eut is not the Labour Party itself the umbrella, with Clause Four now printed rather more clearly on it, that unites people with widely varying cpinions about the speed and means by which the goal of Clause Four should be approached? Any bedy that opposes socialism to social reform is putting forward a very definite view about speed and means rather than simply emphasising the ultimate goal.
ly queries about these basic assumptions may be tested by looking at the implications of the programme put forward for the body proposed in the document. As soon as we ask which existing discussion =sroups could be united, which existing publications might be placed at its service, which unionst interest in education should be harnessed, we face as ever the yeming gaps thet divide the left. I do not wish, however, to be wholly negative and destructive. i believe that this is a moment of great oppor-= tunity and need, and for many of the same reasons that Coates and Topham adduce for their proposals; but my aim would be more modest.
There are at least three crucial tasks that have now to be faceds the first is a new development of discussion on the general advance to socialism in the advent of a new Labour Government. I do not believe that any new organisation is required to do this. I helieve that socialists should be doine it inside their labour parties, On the nerrewer question of socialist education there is the need for discussion among those who ere concerned with trade union and working class education and some new organisation may be required for this.
Be Week VOL 2 NO. 12 PaGR 7 DISCUSSION
“Socialist education continued/
The second is a new development of this education im the unions and the Labour Party. Here an opportimity exists for all who are interested "to push the TUC central and regional officers to undertake the conference, Schools, day release classes that will be concerned, not just with shop Steward training, but with the general education that is necessary toe equip our people for workers! self-management. The TUG scheme provides the frame- Work: what goes inte it will depend on who pushes,
The third is anew development of publications to replace Fiebs and the NCLO, In this field the IRD and the Fablians have boon doing exec: excellent work; do we want a new society for this or a new publishing house? ‘What We want are the new booklets, the new books and pamphlets and syllebuses, That there is a market for an integrated series of study guides on political, eotisl,. eGonomic and trade union history, on eennomics and pont ess national and international cannot be in doubt. ‘That tasks shoul “shared eut, titles agreed snd the efforts of those engaged in this work should be coordinated is evitent, tbat do we-nced a new socialist society trying desperntely te unite pecple under the Clause Four umbrella ta get this?
My conclusion is ‘that we should try to gather together a rather wide (but not too wide so that it can’t agree) Advisory Committee of Trade Union Education, that this body chooses an editorial board to find money and begin publishing the study suides snd booklets, syllabuses and correspondence courses that trade unionists need to develop their capscities and understanding for the attainment of workers' self management. lf further aclivities — discussion groups, atc., = develop from this so much the ~ better, Im the first instance, letus start with preparing the material for discussion. puery FOR A YORCE OF YOUTH by George Eltham
One of the encouraging factors in the development of the Voice papers has been the growth of special editions -— e.g., London, Nottingham, | Fords, A.Bele, Gte., There is an urgent case for this to be extended into the youth fil, Eyebrows might be raised at the idea of yet another youth paper, but the arguments are strong. A Voice youth edition would have an inbuilt insurence agpsinst factionaliem, “Tt would be the only youth paper with direct jinks with the broad left. Wot only would this make for the type of debete needed between elements of the left acting in a coordinsted Banner for rereed aims, bit it would also give a link between youth and "adult" sections of the movement. The absence ofsuch a link has been a big factor in the demise of the YS.
In the likely event of YS closure or reorganisation, the left _Y$ papers will be badly hit. A Voice youth edition would have the protection of the Voice network in distribution, etc. Two big mistakes have been made in the past in the field of youth papers. ‘There has not been enough concentration on youth issues, and the youth issues dealt with have been too much confined to the YS. The folly of the latter will ue very apparent if the YS is closed. (ND has also been neglected Intely, 4 youth paper should also: deal more with semi-political and "social" issues. The general election will draw into politics a larger influx of young people than we have seen since the inception of the YS. This, plus the plight of the ¥S, makes the need for action on this ides urgent. ‘There may be a case for basing the peper in the north. The venture would have the full support of the Voice editors, fimybody interested, contact either B. Vester, 13, Keynsham Gdns., s., London SE O64 or Voice, 57, Crystal Palace Park Ake y Tendon S.E. 26<