The election manifesto of the Conservative and Unionist Party, available from any W.H. Smith bookshop, must be studied by all socialists, Careful study will arm them with a whole series of arguments which can be used on the doorstep to good effect. Cleverly written, it is principally directed at the so-called floating voter, i.e., those sections of the lower middle class (in the pgyrchological sense rather than social) who lost confidence in the Tory Party in the later years of its administration, and whose defection led to election defeats for the Tories, ‘Without giving too much ammunition to the enemy, it plays up this section!s prejudices, panders to its snobbery by hints, innuendors and by attacking selected aspects of Labour's policy, It is truly the manifesto of a conservative party: each page is littered with phrases which stress the continuity of policy that could be expected if the Tories win, The expression (with slight variations) "we shall continue to" occurs no less than 22 times, and there are numerous cases of "we are already", "we are at present", "we have improved", “we have set up", "we have extended", etc.
Attacks on the Labour Party are rare but significant: "The Socialistse.. would relegate Britain to the sidelines", "The Labour Party's policy of extended state ownership and centralised control would be economically disastrous..", "We shall ensure ese. the working of the Commonwealth Immigration Act, which we passed against bitter Labour opposition..", "Their leader may protest that grammar schools will be abolished ‘over his dead body' but atolition would..be inevitable..", the "Socialists" are taken to task for sneering at affluence on page 26, and there is a final warning that "the gains of the past" would be imperilled by "Socialism", The message is clears: "Vote for us! Otherwise those Socialists will relegate Britain by getting rid of the bomb, they will nationalise, bring in 'blacks', make your child go to a comprehensive school and take away your affluence,"
- The manifesto itself shows that readers are being led up the garden path. On page 19, after admitting that the programme which is proimised would be a costly one, it states, “Our proposals are based on our target of a 4% ennual growth rate and on a high level of savings." What it doesn't explain is how the 4% is to be achieved - at no time during the last 13 years of Tory rule has a growth rate of 4 been achieved, in fact most of the time it has been well below 3%, Whenever it has approsched 3% (and on the one occasion when it exceeded it) there has immediately followed a balance of payments problem, Just now leading economists are dismissing the 4% target, the Financial Times economics correspondent said on 25/9/64 that "..the idea of 4% growth, if accepted uncritically, is a dangerous one; spending plans based on it are vulnerable.." Alan Day of The Observer said on 27/9/64, ",.4% is a figure whose significance is magical rather than scientific."
Elsewhere one gets a glimpse of pYobable anti-working class measures the Tories plans: - on page 10, we read, “An effective and fair incomes policy is crucial...e shall take a further initiative to secure wider acceptance and effective implemen ation of such a policy" (our emphasis). On pege 15, "All these measures..should help to reduce industrial disputes, They also highlight the lack of justifigation in present conditions for many restrictive practices of labour, The trade unions have a vital responsibility to dimiush such handicaps to Britain's competitive strength."; immediately following there is a promise, in bold type, to have an early inquiry into the law affecting trade unions. On page 23 it is stated that the system of housing subsidies will be revised and that authorities will receive aid in clearing slums, if they "charge proper rents with rebates..." - a clear warning to Labour local authorities, If the Tories aim to use this programme to mobilise “floating” voters, we need all the more to use it to mobilise workers against the Tories.