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In January 1977 the socialist current held its first conference for two years. The last conference left many sisters frustrated and dissatisfied. Socialist conferences within the WLM appeared to be dominated by left groups wrangling among themselves or attempting to impose a perspective and structure without thorough and open discussion throughout the whole movement.
The eve of the National Socialist Feminist Conference is perhaps an appropriate time to look again at the position of socialist feminists in the WLM.
Build a broad based autonomous women's liberation movement Any attempt by socialists within the WLM to organise conferences, activities and discussions should not detract from the importance of building the broadest autonomous movement of women against their oppression.
The women's movement has brought together women from many different backgrounds, experiences and viewpoints on a common understanding that women are oppressed and a common agreement on six demands that take up fundamental aspects of women's oppression.
The movement has had an enormous impact on society as a whole. We can see this from the way that the media, political groups and the trade union movement have had to respond to the ideas we have generated.
The movement has been a valuable experience for thousands of women. From participation in local groups and other activities of the movement, many of us have developed our understanding and our confidence in expressing our ideas. Through our actions, women whom we have supported have begun to recognise their specific needs within their struggles (c.g. women at Grunwick and Cover photo: ANGELA PHILLIPS (IFL) Why organise a socialist current? Trico), their need for support from women, and the fact that their particular needs are too often overshadowed by the traditional demands and methods of organising of the working class. This impact of the movement is something we want to build throughout the whole of society. The importance of the movement is something that will continue for many years even after we have achieved the overthrow of capitalist society.
If we accept that a broad movement, united in action, is of crucial importance for women's liberation, why do we meet and discuss together as socialists within the movement?
There are sisters who criticise us for doing so. They say that we will split the movement by organising separately. There are also sisters who say that we should have a separate 'Socialist Women's Movement*. These positions need serious discussion, As socialists we recognise that we cannot achieve the liberation of women in a class society where all human relations — personal, sexual, cultural, political — are distorted by the driving force of profit. The structures of this class domination have to be destroyed to provide the basis for socicty to be transformed from top to bottom. That recognition demands that we develop in the women's movement the basis for a socialist strategy for women's liberation.
But the exact relationship between a socialist strategy and a strategy for women's liberation has yet to be fully worked out. That cannot take place within discussion and actions confined to women presently identifying with a socialist perspective. The most fruitful discussion and the best elaborated strategy will only arise from the discussion and action of the whole movement. Through these discussions and experiences of struggle we can hope
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to win more and more women women's liberation. Therefore we must recognise that we must be involved in every area of the activity and discussion of the movement and must debate with other currents within the movement. If we do so then our identification and meetings as socialists within the movement will not split the movement but on the contrary strengthen it.
We must also argue that all the different positions within the movement have the right to be heard and to meet together to begin to work out their positions. The women's movement should not exclude anyone who supports the six demands, and should also encourage debate with those women who do not at present see the need for an autonomous women's movement.
Because we recognise that we need to overthrow society as it exists then we support all the oppressed and exploited groups within it — the working class, immigrants, blacks, etc.
Thus socialists in the movement have often been the first to argue for the necessity to support the struggles of the trade unions, blacks, etc., recognising also the particular importance for women of the struggles against the Labour Government's attacks on the working class, the struggle against fascism, etc.; and also the importance of winning support among those also fighting against oppression and exploitation to strengthen our particular struggles. We recognise that unity of all the oppressed will build a stronger movement against the rotten society we live in.
In Leeds, for example, socialist feminists have seen that joint activity with other socialists in elections allows them to participate in drawing up an election programme and participate in an election campaign where there will be an opportunity to take the demands of the women's movement into the streets in a way we do not often have. They have therefore participated in Socialist Unity, an electoral alliance of the far left, taking up the attacks and betrayals of the Labour Government. In the solidarity campaign with the Grunwick strikers, the WLM was involved very clearly in picketing and other support actions. Werecognised that the women there did have specific problems as women, which had to be recognised and confronted in the struggle.
We recognise that it is important to force the labour movement to work with us in all aspects of the struggle against capitalism and for liberation. We should also not forget the value of other activities that have played an important part in strengthening the influence of the WLM and illustrating the sexist aspects of capitalist society. The recent Reclaiming the Night" demonstrations, for example, illustrated a crucial aspect of our oppression as women — that we are not free to be out at night alone without fear. Yet many socialist feminists did not participate in these demonstrations. These activities, like those on rape and battered women, also pose difficulties for what demands we should have.
We are not in favour of strengthening the state in any aspect. We recognise that the fight is not against men per se, and that women alone will not be able to achieve a thoroughgoing change Photo: ANGELA PHILLIPS (IFL) to society. Starting from that basis, socialist feminists must begin to discuss what demands we can make. We have a responsibility to offer our understanding to the movement as a whole. Through doing that we will be able to demonstrate that a socialist strategy can take forward all the struggles for women's liberation.
Therefore our commitment to the socialist current must be seen as a means of extending and politically strengthening the autonomous WLM as a whole. It is in this framework that we are opposed to any notion of a separate socialist feminist movement or party. In this way we will not split the WLM but enrich its development and impact on the struggle against class exploitation and human liberation.
How should socialists organise in the women's movement to the best effect?
We do not want to cut ourselves off from the whole movement, for the reasons outlined. But to be in the best position to make a contribution to the movement as socialists, we have to have some common understanding that we develop ourselves.
One of the most important ways is through discussion at conferences and schools, but particularly through a journal. This would not only enable us to develop our debates, but also to have debates with other women and currents in the movement. Whilst the WLM has many journals, there is not at the moment a socialist feminist journal that could be used for that particular purpose.
A number of women within the movement are beginning to think of having such a journal. Socialist Woman supports that idea and we would like to discuss the proposal with women in the movement. We will seriously consider what relationship Socialist Woman would have to that journal. Such a journal would take a lot of resources and we would take a very serious attitude to considering what resources we could offer.
We would see such a journal as covering the struggles of women in Britain and internationally, with articles on the debates in the WLM viewed from a socialist perspective. We do not dismiss any of the discussions within the WLM as irrelevant to us. We have stated above that one of the strengths of the WLM is that it can bring together such a wide experience of the manifestations of women's oppression; therefore any of the debates that grow out of that experience can be important for us in elaborating a socialist strategy.
To carry the debate in the WLM forward at this particular stage we would also suggest that we should organise a further conference on 'a revolutionary strategy for the WLM' where all those sisters who feel that they see the need for a strategy can come together to discuss what such a strategy would be. That conference would not be confined to socialists but should encourage contributions from other sisters in the movement who feel that they can offer a revolutionary strategy. We should take the opportunity to discuss with them and win them to perspectives for liberation based on class struggle actions and demands.
PENNY DUGGAN