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changing the various repressive relations under capitalism. We are feminists in being militant on our own behalf in order to combat our own oppression. Groups in NAC have increasingly discussed various wider issues relating to the struggle for abortion - discussions which help to arm us politically for the campaign. If this is being done a little belatedly, it is not because we have launched [the struggle] into the political arena in haste, without sufficient thought'. It is because we have been too overwhelmed with work. If we have not had time to think, grumble to J. White and B. Benyon. It is scarcely NAC that controls the timing.
When we discussed this paper in our local NAC group, all the women there said that they thought this characterisation of NAC as economistic, not interested in the issue of sexuality, not against the cuts and rife with "left sectarian in-fighting' was anyway more fantasy than anything eise. Of course these things happen occasionally but, for example, there was an overwhelming vote at the last conference against the cuts. Even if some people did put forward these views they would be countered by a socialist perspective, not a feminist one.
The 'feminism' which NAC lacks seems to be characterised by being 'spontaneous and "self-activity'. Probably as much planning went into the disruption of the Miss World contest, proportionate to the numbers involved, as went into the NAC demonstrations. It is just as much "selfactivity' to go on a NAC demonstration as to occupy Westminster Cathedral, and because it doesn't depend on secrecy it is possible to encourage many more people to be involved in struggling for themselves too. If we aim to build a mass campaign we must have some activities which large numbers of people can be involved in.
Of course we support these other activities but do not see them as better, 'more feminist' than anything else. One of the central themes running through all aspects of the WLM is the importance of collective activity. (It would be a pity if feminist activity was activity which a few women only had to get themselves along to.) Weshould combine various tactics for struggle and use whichever is most 'Abortion, Feminism and Sexuality' was discussion paper for the Socialist Feminist conference on sexuality last Spring. Although time has passed and some things have changed, interested to hear what Socialist Woman Unfortunately, Judith and Sarah have totally misunderstood what we written. This is odd since such misunderstandings did conference. To set the record straight, we'd like to make a few points:
1. We'd like to draw attention to the last paragraph of Taking Sex onto the Streets' in our paper. We are clearly not suggesting that it is necessary to have with a bourgeois morality' to fight for abortion rights. On the contrary, it is because sex [whether good, bad or indifferent] necessarily preceded all abortions that we see it as a central issue. If women did not want to have sexual relationships with men they wouldn't get pregnant [except as a result of rape, which is still an aspect of sexuality which cannot be ignored!.
Even if some women are putting up with sex in return for security, the question of sexuality cannot be ignored. For most women, abortion and contraception are important because increasingly they consider it their right to enjoy sex without the consequences of pregnancy and child-bearing. Of course economic and social constraints are important: they are important because they limit our sexual freedom. We think therefore that the question of sexuality should be emphasised as part of our campaign.
2. Sectarian in-fighting a fantasy? We congratulate SW London NAC on their good fortune. However, they would have to have been wearing blinkers not to have noticed the effect it has had on the rest of the campaign. Many women have left NAC because of it and some NAC groups have actually collapsed under the strain. Tension has certainly eased since members of some political organisations limited their involvement in NAC, but is this a healthy sign?
3. We did not suggest that NAC should abandon demonstrations as a tactic but that other more imaginative should be added. These need not involve only a few women, they can be organised locally involving more rather than fewer 4. Clandestine abortion: we did not suggest replacing the NHS but merely using the threat of organising clandestine abortion as an additional form of pressure on the Government and the NHS.
The work of illegal abortion networks in France, America and most definitely in Italy has been a major factor in pushing governments into liberalising the law in all three countries. It is quite simply wrong to suggest otherwise. Mass law-breaking is a threat to the rule of law, and the tendency is to bend the laws rather than allow them to be ignored. The Italian Government, in spite of its Catholic bias, is desperate to pass some kind of liberalising legislation as soon as possible for this reason.
5. The question of the ALRA Bill is the only concrete criticism of our paper, it is a pity that the writers didn't develop it.
6. Does the word 'we throughout the article imply IMG women? We were in fact addressing our paper to all women at the conference. The failure to think the issue through is therefore as much anyone else's. We do not believe that address our criticisms to them or any other arrogant of the writers to be so personally defensive. And finally, as non-aligned socialist feminists, we are meeting from a positive position.
Having given permission for Socialist Woman to use our paper, we would feel unhappy ifit were used without this.
ANGELA PHILLIPS PATKAHN