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Last May women at a Lucas electrical component factory in Bumley opted out of the General and Municipal Workers Union which has the largest female membership and formed the Women's Industrial Union, throwing its membership open to all women in industry and the services. So far it has 300 members. The specific grievances against the GWU are that it is male-dominated and that there is no internal democracy. Both of these criticisms are entirely justified, but should women create their own trade unions or fight within the existing ones? Nina Thomas of the Lancaster Socialist Woman Group examines the issue.
The objective conditions of capitalism are the conditions out of which the organisation of men and women into Trade Unions has developed. The fact that these organisations, however bureaucratic and inefficient, are the only means through which any group of workers can defend their interests against the employers is the reason why the employers' class attacks them and tries to strangle them in a period of capitalist economic crisis, It is on the shop floor, through militant shop stewards' committees, strike committees, ete. that the struggle against the employer is waged. Within the context of workers' struggles for economic demands, in defence of Union principles and so on, we should raise more generalised political issues which C expose the nature and contradictions of capitalist society. I think this is central to understanding our work; militant and political action springs out of the existing Trade Union organisation.
Then, within this framework, there are the particular sorts of problems that affect women workers, which I think can be broadly divided into three areas: 1. By the very nature of their oppression, women Trade Unionists are in the minority and find the Unions male-dominated. They have to fight for recognition of themselves and their own concerns. 2. In any working-class struggle women will inevitably be faced by issues which affect them personally; their family lives will be changed, they step outside their usual roles, their consciousness of themselves as women and workers changes. 3. A struggle may be one which only affects women, such as a fight for equal pay, nurseries, ete. (only affects women because they are the only people who will fight for such things).
Since all these aspects of militant Trade Unionism are particular to women and relate immediately to the general subordination of women we need to focus attention on them. But it is essential to recognise that disillusionment with the Trade Unions is not confined to women, and that the existing Trade Unions are the largest and most substantial working class organisations. It is then, the nature of the present Unions that is at fault, rather than the principle of unionisation. Indeed, most working class struggles are not specifically women's struggles in a qualitatively different way. It would therefore be disastrous for women to opt out of the working class movement; their power would thereby be severely weakened.
This then gives us the springboard for our work, In the Unions we want to change the power structure; we want more militant control by women and men on the shop floor, less red tape and less well-paid immobile officials.
This is where we can be effective and fight to get things changed. However, I think I have shown that we need more than this in the current struggle. There is a necessity for organisations of women which can analyse and generalise the particular issues which affect women, coordinate struggles, and work for the recognition and action around these issues within the Trade Union movement, and in all spheres of society. Whoever these sorts of organisations constitute, they must be politically motivated and perform this additional and vital function, rather than try to substitute themselves for the existing Trade Unions.
E CIEFOn An article in the Irish Sunday Press, the largest-selling newspaper in the 26 counties, quotes at length from Rosemary Sales's account of the role that women are playing in the Irish struggle for national liberation, published in the last issue of Socialist Woman.
On 19 December, Proinsias Mac Aonghusa wrote in the Sunday Press: *The anti-Irish propaganda campaign continues unabated in the British press. The Daily Mirror, Sun and Daily Mail compete with one another in distorting Irish news for the masses, while in a somewhat more subtle fashion the Daily Telegraph and the Guardian do the same for top people.... In one area only in British journalism does Ireland get consistent and strong support: the radical leftwing press." The article then goes on to mention the militant support and analysis of the /rish Citizen, published by the Irish Solidarity Campaign and quotes long extracts from the Socialist Woman article. Practically all of the Irish men and women actively involved in the struggle will have read this write-up, and been encouraged by our solidarity with them. But of course, solidarity means more than simply writing sympathetic articles: it means taking an active part in persuading the British proletariat that British imperialism along with its army of thugs, must be kicked out of Ireland ISC is the forefront of this campaign, and details of its activities can be obtained from: 22 Duncan Terrace, London N.1.