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pay and conditions (holidays, time off, ete) of a representative selection of workers. The results are published as the "*New Earnings Survey". The first results of the 1971 survey (which is taken in April each year) show clearly that women have once arain become relatively worse off than they were the previous year, although, as we shall see, the civil servants who compile the figures draw precisely the opposite conclusion. The table shows that in real money terms women are relatively worse off than they were two years ago and that non-manual women workers have made no progress this year. But the Dept. of Employment says "percentage increases in this period were much higher for women than for men, particularly among manual women". This remark comes below a table which shows that men had average increases of 8.2p/hr between April 1970 and April 1971, whilst for women the corresponding increase was 6.3p/hr.
The operative word, or course, is percentage. As long as men and women start from a different level of pay (with women at the lowest level, of course) percentage across the board increases will always leave women worse off. Before examining some detailed examples of low pay, we should consider why both management and union negotiators go for percentage increases, % INCREASE-WHAT'S IN IT FOR THEM?
First it is much easier for management to calculate the costs of increases on a percentage basis, and easier to justify raising prices as a result. Second, because it gives more to higher-paid workers, it maintains differentials, increases divisions amongst the workers, and cuts the cost of wage increases in many cases, because there are usually fewer workers in the higher paid category. Thus, instead of giving E3 to all workers, a few get E5 and many get £1 and some get in between. For both management and union, it simplifies negotiations if individual increases for each class of worker do not have to be worked out. Also, from the unions point of view, it is the skilled craftsmen who represent the most vocal section of the union, are usually the section from which the officials have themselves come and who pay the highest dues. And the Government sets wage norms in terms of % increase -for the reasons outlined above, of course. The majority of workers are confused by these tactics and are accustomed to thinking in terms of % rises, without thinking through to the long-term results.
There have, of course, been cases of unions negotiating equal rises for women: the net result is that women do not then actually worsen their position in money terms and they improve it in % terms. However, this happens all too seldom. Thus, there was a big fuss because the little Bakers" Union took a stand and demanded a higher rise for women a little while back. Unfortunately, their courage has now deserted them and the latest rises have been smaller for women, with a promise to re-negotiate women's wages later in the year. Meantime, women bakers will have to eat cake.
This story can be repeated in industry after industry. Just to give a few examples: (the following are the hourly increases in certain industries as a result of awards between April 1970-71). Food manufacturing: (manual) men 7.1p women 5.9, footwear (manual) men 6.9, women 5.lp; retail co-operative societies (manual and non-manual) men 7.1p, women 5.6p (this in spite of the much-vaunted recent Equal-Pay agreement); local authorities (England and Wales, manual) men 8.4p women 6.4p. In the case of non-manual women in the public sector (civil service, teachers ete.) there were examples of women getting larger increases, but not large enough to bring them up to the men's level of earnings.
It is important to distinguish between pay and earnings. Thus, in many cases where equal pay applies, in reality women will be earning a lot less than men, because of unequal opportunity. Thus, male primary and secondary school teachers in England and Wales in April 1971 were earning £36.2 a week; their female colleagues earned a mere £29.3. It makes one wonder why the Schoolmaster Association is expending so much energy trying to ensure that teaching is made safer for the "careerist male"). The men's higher earnings in this case cannot be attributed to their longer hours or greater productivity, or even their Increases in weekly Increases in hourly earnings (non-man- earning (manual) uat): men men € E пр пр Oct.69-Oct.70 4.1 2.5 8.0 5.1 Oct. 70-April 71 0.2 0.8 1.2 Total increase 7.1 2.7 8.8 6.3 Av. earnings April 71 39.1- 19.8 62.2 38.1 WE'LL KI THIS JU OURSELV SHALL W greater qualifications-whilst there are many better paying outlets for male graduates, teaching is one of the few openings for women graduates, Male teachers earn more because they occupy more of the higher-paid positions, and in spite of the SMA's concern for career teachers, are often promoted over the heads of better-qualified and longerserving women teachers to reach those positions.
LOW-PAID WOMEN WORKERS vS A QUIET LIFE FOR THE UNION BUREAUCRACY represent them, what of those with none of these things, those at the other end of the pay scale? After all, 87% of all manual women workers earned less than E20 in April 1971, compared to the 87% of all male manual workers who eared £20 or more. Although union membership amongst
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-action needed now women workers is rising half as fast again as among men, he majority of women workers are still unorganised, and especially so with the worse paid. Unions have never really vorried too much about low paid women workers, except when they seem to threaten men's jobs and security. Thus, n the 1880s the unions refused to accept women menbers, who were then organised into women-only unions, the male inions giving them help only when they found women vorkers in direct competition (through lower wages) with heir members. Remnants of this attitude still remain, with vomen in women-only occupations being the last to be rganised, if at all. Against this, it has now become acceptble for unions to put effort into recruiting women and to ampaign for equal pay. But it is not surprising that the ewer the number of women members a union has, the INTO MEN (AL) OF THAT TOO !! NED BOS re militant it is likely to be. For example, at a recent C, DATA proposed an amendment to the equal pay lution, calling for strike action where necessary. wever, DATA has very few draughtswomen members, it of their female membership being tracers, who would qualify for the same pay as draughtsmen. With those ons having large numbers of women members, a lot of about equal pay goes on, especially at the top levels, it seems to be in the middle ranks of union bureaucracy the buck gets stuck. A TWU official refused to tiate equal pay for women workers in a West London house, who made up a mere 1% of the labour force, he grounds that it would "open the floodgates" umably, he was thinking of all the other women he resented" who might think they were entitled to equal pay too. Union officials like the quiet life and it is hard enough to get what the men want without trying to make up for two centuries of injustice and exploitation of women.
So the first step in trying to change this state of affairs is to ensure that the union officials are told that they will not get a quiet life until every woman worker is organised, every woman worker is getting the rate for the job and every woman worker has as much chance of getting training and skilled work as a man (and that's little enough). The attitude of the TGWU towards the cleaners, when they told the women helping the cleaners, that they were not prepared to do any active recruiting themselves, is typical of many unions. Unfortunately, women work all sorts of awkward shifts and thousands of them work part-time. It may be inconvenient for unions to organise these woman, but they need union membership as much as the next worker. ONLY THE FIRST STEP Of course, joining a union is only a first step and in itself does not guarantee a better deal. But generally, workers who have shown the militancy and determination necessary to get themselves organised are also prepared to fight for decent wages and better conditions. What this amounts to. in practical terms can be illustrated by two cases in West London. One factory making school uniforms pays E9 for a 43% hour week to 19-vear old machinists. Another garment factory, a few miles away, pays £15 "time-rate" (Le. a basic wage payable even when no work is available) for a 40 hour week and E25 for the average full week's work. Guess which factory has 80% union membership. For some strange reason, it seems that the worse-off workers are the ones most afraid of losing their jobs. Presumably, they would not take such jobs in the first place unless they were desperate. So any campaign to get them organised must involve the entire trade union movement in the locality. They must be assured of the support of other trade unionists, not least in their own trade. But the union bureaucracy have always avoided this kind of co-operation and it usually results from rank and file initiative. WHAT SHOULD WE DO?
Socialist Woman Groups cannot themselves undertake more than a tiny part of the work involved. They must find ways of involving the unions, whose job this is in any case and ensuring that they vigorously pursue the task of organising woman workers. The fact is that few people know of the existence of these groups of underpaid women. Of course, they exist somewhere, but surely not on our own doorstep. But SWGs who have been doing surveys in different parts of the country are discovering that they exist on everybody's doorstep. We must coordinate the results of such surveys to show that behind the figures and statistics published nationally are truly horrific stories of super-exploitation too often ignored by the unions. The surveys should not be used as an end in themselves, but as weapons to use in a campaign. We have always known that certain groups of women are badly off even in comparison with other women workers, but emotive statements to that effect not
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backed up by actual cases and figures will not impress any one. Given the facts, we will find that trade-union militants are prepared to give help generously. The Brannon's strike is just one in a long proud history of working-class solidarity.
A campaign against low pay, for equal pay and equal work, for the right to work, is vitally necessary, Surveys are being made by various unions, and the TUC itself, into the progress of equal pay (if any), but we already know that the longer action is delayed, the harder it will be for women to catch up. We also know that the problem is not simply an economic one, nor can it be solved by the unions. Only the militant action of rank-and-file workers, especially the women themselves, can begin to turn the situation. But, as has been said before, women have special problems (not least the antagonism of the men) to contend with. This is where the women's movement comes in and the SWGs have already shown themselves many times capable of helping women workers to overcome some of these problems and push the unions into (reluctant) activity. We must learn from each experience and put the lessons learnt into practice. SOME LESSONS What are some of the lessons we have already learnt? First, the importance of involving the trade union movement. The first activities of the SWGs consisted of publicising and collecting for women's struggles. Second, linking up the various struggles. The best example of this has been the cleaners' campaign, which has been linked up in various ways, both between groups of cleaners and between cleaners and other sections of workers (e.g. the telephonists). One of the most important aspects of women going out to work is that, instead of being isolated in the home, they become potentially part of the working-class movement, and it is important that they see the results of unity within that movement. Third, never underestimate the obstinacy of the trade-union bureacracy, with whom one is likely to have as many battles as with the bosses! Equally, never underestimate the potential for militancy and courage of women workers.
LINKING UP Fourth, to involve the women right from the start in their own campaign. We know all about the special problems of women workers, and the temptation is to take over from them all the time-consuming jobs concerned with recruitment, ete, but this is putting off the day when the women are going to have to manage for themselves. We should instead find ways of helping them to overcome these to organise these women, In the course of their investigation groups will find sections of women workers who want to become unionised, but do not know how to go about it. It is these women whom the groups will want to work with. Certain areas of work are already emerging. Thus, tobacco workers are written about elsewhere in this issue and several SWGs have made contact with tobacco workers. SWGs in universities are working with women workers in the of the introduction of equal pay, and the garment trade, where at long last link-ups between the sections producing cloth and those make-up cloth are beginning to emerge. Just as the equal pay campaign aroused a tremendous amount of enthusiasm and militancy amongst women, and a great deal of support among men, three or four years ago, so will this campaign. But we must avoid the weaknesses and mistakes of that former campaign. (This will be examined in the next issue). Let us make 1972 the year in which the trade union movement could no longer shut its eyes to the problem of low pay. We believe the SWGs have an important part to play.
Leonora Lloyd.
The Brannans strike (reported in the last Socialist Woman) is now in its seventh month. The pictures on the next two pages show the women picketing the factory as scabs (with police assistance) are driven past.
Help is badly needed.
Socialist Woman Groups in Bristol, Glasgow, Lancaster and London have organised collections for the WE strikers. Please send whatever assistance you can to:
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If these are women workers with good education, demon- strably equal jobs, apparently equal pay and a union to
REASE, YES, ID BE ASHAMED
colleges. Other industries include the jewellery trade, where mass redundancies among women are threatened as a result