[page 11]
military retaliation for the cold-blooded murders in Derry, and it must be seen in this context.
In DERRY, the British Army callously opened fire on a large crowd of peaceful civilians, killing 13, in the hope of frightening off the mass support which the civil rights movement has won. The British government and its Army remain both unrepentant and self-righteous about the killings. Aldershot was an attack on a military target —the quarters of the officer corps of the barbaric Parachute regiment-and after It the IRA publicly expressed its regret for thd deaths of civilians.
The "regret" of the British ruling class stands in sharp contrast to its actual record. It is a class with centuries of blood on its hands, not only in Ireland, but also in Cyprus, Aden, Africa, and in numerous parts of Asia-everywhere, in fact, where the insatiable arm of British Imperialism has been bitten. It has no regrets about its own past or about its present behaviour in the Six Counties. It has no concern for
[page 12]
EXPOSING THE HIDDEN UNEMPLOYMENT We know that married women tend not to register on becoming unemployed, but to what extent is the true situation revealed by government statisties on unemployment? Figures published in February, relating to last June, show some interesting facts. Registered totally unemployed on June 14th 1971 showed:
Men: 589,100 But in June 1971, 289,800 fewer men were in jobs than in June 1970 (when male unemployment was 450,000), and the comparative figure for women was 86,800 fewer jobs (with 73,400 women registered wholly unemployed in June 1970).
So, according to the unemployment register, between 1970 and 1971, male unemployment increased by 131,100, and female unemployment by 24,700.
But the number of jobs lost was just over twice that figure for men and more than three times for women. Only in Professional and Scientific Services was there a substantial increase in employment among women of 62,300.
Some more figures on unemployment:
On January 10th 1972, out of 997,563 unemployed in Great Britain, 127,604 women were unemployed (including 49,518 married women) and 22,230 girls. Figures for Northern Ireland: out of 46,045 unemployed, there are 10,190 women (including 5,923 married women) and 867 girls.
EQUAL PAY : PROGRESS CONTINUES BACKWARDS Latest published figures, covering October 1971, show that women's pay continues to regress compared to men. Hourly earnings were:
Men : 69,190; under 21 36,400. W Women : 41,910 (part-time 39,250); girls 26,910 Weekly earnings (full-time manual workers):
Men: E30.93 SOCIALIST WOMAN HANDBOOK ON WOMEN WORKERS There is a very simple lesson that the women's liberation movement ought to learn from the Equal Pay Act: employers are past-masters at minimising the consequences of any legislation which might lean on their pay rolls. Although the percentage differential in men's and women's pay is marginally narrowing (by around 0.6 per cent a year), the cash differential is increasing in practically every occupation, evan in those such as teaching where women are meant to be on equal pay already.
The wide range of statistics on women's earnings and conditions which have been compiled by Leonora Lloyd and published by the Socialist Woman Groups as "Women Workers in Britain: a Handbook" reveal that no reformist solution will solve the problem of unequal pay. Women's inequality at work is structurally determined by an economic system which has always used women as a reserve pool of cut-price labour. Hence the necessity for linking the struggle for equal pay with the right to equal work, and the enormous rift in work opportunities cannot be legislated away.
But if women must fight for their rights, where is the struggle to take place? Although a third of women workers belong to a union, they have scarcely any representation in the bureaucracies, and this has led to considerable confusion in the women's liberation movement. If women have to fight the bureaucrats before they can get to grips with the bureaucrats, why bother with the unions? The answer to that is to be found in the history of the fight for unionsation, and by considering the problems of ununionsed workers and what can happen when the state completly smashing the power of the unions,e.g. Nazi Germany.
Therefore, women must find a way to make the unions fight for the demands, and support their struggles. This is why the S.W.G's campaign for equal pay, for equal work and opportunity campaign proposes to women workers that they organise within the unions but without the bureaucracy, and develops a sense of strength and solidarity among women workers.
This handbook provides women workers and those who might assist them in the struggle, with the relevant facts and figures, and is a must for any serious militant.
WOMEN WORKERS IN BRITAIN: A HANDBOOK Detailed information on all aspects of women's employment in Britain today-their jobs, earnings, conditions, training, unionisation. Assessment of the Equal Pay Act. Many tables and illustrations.
Single copy 25p (+ 3p postage); one-third discount on bulk orders (10 minimum) if paid within 2 months.
A SOCIALIST WOMAN Special, from 182 Pentonville Road, London N.1
----- pull-quotes -----
EXPOSING THE HIDDEN UNEMPLOYMENT
REVIEW - "WOMEN WORKERS IN BRITAIN"