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(As pointed out in the articie, the diversity of the North American movement mates a concise analysis an impossibility. Thus, I have taken random examples to give the British sisters the "feel" of the movement as I have experienced it -H. W.] The Civil Rights Movement which swept the United States in the early 1960s radicalised broad layers of students who, for the first time, began to raise basic questions about the nature of American society. For the women involved, this radicalisation meant questioning not only their status in society, but also their status within the movement. Betty Friedan's book The Feminine Mystique was published about this time, and although it did not provide a revolutionary analysis of women's oppression, it was the first widely circulated book to deal with the question.
During these years, the atmosphere in the movement was not exactly conducive to analysing the social condition of women. As Marlene Dixon points out: "Women had learned from 1964 to 1968 that to fight for or even to sympathise with women's liberation was a terrible price: what little credit a woman might have earned in one of the left organisations was wiped out in a storm of contempt and personal abuse."1 For example, when women at the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) convention in 1964 presented a paper entitled The Position of Women in SNCC", Stokely Carmichael replied: "The only position for a woman in SNCC is prone." The Students for a Democratie Society (SDS) conference held the following year was even more abusive: discussions on women were hampered by catalls and derogatory comments such as "All she needs is a good screw." By 1967, the situation in SDS remained essentially unaltered although women's oppression was now seen as a valid concern, at least rhetorically, In New Left Notes that year, an article was published petitioning movement men "*to democratise SDS, to research and publish articles on the oppression of women, and to cede leadership to women."2 The final sentence of the article reflects the ambivalence and the uncertainty of the women: "Fight male chauvinism, we love you." By 1968, in spite of (and perhaps as a result of) the attitude displayed by most left organisations, autonomous women's liberation groups had developed in many American cities. At the SDS National Council Meeting in 1968, two women submitted a paper entitled Towards a Female Liberation Movement" in which they argued that movement women were "house niggers" who used the rhetoric of women's liberation only to advance themselves within the male-dominated organisations. They concluded that: The only thing movement women can do is to leave SDS and help build an independent women's movemovement."3 CANADA Within the Canadian left, the anti-women's liberation sentiment never reached the heights attained in the U.S., but the male chauvinism was just as potent. Although lip service was paid to the ideas of women's liberation, until 1968 no real attempts were made to organise women around their oun oppression. One of the first women's groups to do so was started in Vancouver that same year. It shared the general characteristies displayed by most early North American groups, Firstly, its emergence coincided with an extensive politicisation on the campus. Secondly, the group originated as a caucus within the existing radical campus organization. To this organization, it presented a series of demands, including a demand for equal representation on the steering committee (reminiscent of the 1967 plea for democratization in SDS?) During this period activities were primarily directed towards educating the student population, but several confrontations with the University officials took place. At Simon Fraser University, for example, the occupation of the Administration's Board Room turned into a temp orary day-care centre for the children of campus workers and students The Administration would not get back its Board Room until women had a centre for their children! Ultimately this action resulted in the establishment of the first co-operatively run child care centre on Canadian campuses.
In November of 1968 the entire Administration building was occupied by students and following the arrest of 150 students, attempts were made to move off campus to broaden the base of support
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for the student cause. For a variety of reasons, women students were able to establish a base (admittedly not a stable one) in the community much more easily than men. In most campuses were radicalization had occurred, this same kind of tum was made. At the beginning of 1969, Women's Caueus as the Vancouver group was called, accepted the offer of an office in the Labour Temple (the headquarters of the Vancouver Trade and Labour Council). With this move off campus, the women began to experience many of the same problems which every women's group is grappling with today. The stabilization and growth of the movement compelled women (often for the first time) to develop and elborate political strategies, Not surprisingly, dirferent approaches emerged and the diversity of the movement today reflects this.
GROUPS In North America the movement is composed of a variety of groups including gay women, revolutionary socialists, radical feminists, left liberals, ete. Organizationally, groups may be based either on a specific project or may be formed round a common programme, in which case projects initiated will have a more short-term character. Prominent examples of the former type of organization include WITCH (Women's International Conspiracy from Hell), a group well known for its guerilla-theatre-type actions such as the placing of a hex on the New York Stock Exchange, causing a significant downward movement in share prices; the New York Food Conspiracy, established earlier this year to provide inexpensive nutritional food for poor people: and the Toronto Women's Clinic, Initiated so that women were (and are) able to receive accurate and skilful medical advice and treatment. It is important to note that most groups centred around projects share the same outlook, but that political considerations are not paramount in determining membership. Examples taken from the Vancouver situation of the latter type of group include Women's Liberation Alliance (initiated by the Canadian section of the Fourth International upon their expulsion from the Women's Caucus) and Women's Liberation (a revolutionary socialist group which criticized and then left Women's Caucus). It is this type of group which provides the most relevant lessons for revolutionaries and thus I shall examine more closely the problems which such groups have confronted HOW TO BUILD A REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT One of the primary problems facing these groups is how to build a revolutionary movement. While some revolutionary tendencies have argued that a mass movement can be built around single-issue campaigns, others have enticized this approach for being "piecemeal" and "dishonest" in the sense that political slogans, ete are reduced (often opportunistically) to the lowest common denominator and thus, while broaden layers of women may be attracted, they definitely will not be educated in revolutionary political ideals. That is, emphasis on a single aspect of women's oppression, such as abortion, has tended to restrict the scope of the group's perspective and consequently the slogans and analyses have assumed reformist dimensions. Yet other women, such as the Leila Khaled Collective in Toronto, have re-assessed the whole ideal of attempting to recruit great numbers and published a paper last year arguing "a smaller group with a high level of political consciousness and collectivity is the correct way to do revolutionary organizing. By exemplary action and publie propaganda this group can more effectively raise the political consciousness of the people" 4 Although sectarian attitudes have been a characteristic of the North American women's movement, there is also a strong tendency which feels that it is politically healthy for women to be involved at diffe rent levels even if their early activity is no more than writing letters to Congressmen and Members of Parliament. Thus, it is reasoned, it is not the concern of revolutionaries to dispute the methods utilized by other groups, but it is their task to provide a strong socialist leadership to direct the "letter writers" once they discover that the "legitimate" government bodies are not responsive to women's needs.
WOMEN & THE REVOLUTIONARY LEFT Another major question with which the North American movement has had to deal has been the question of autonomous women's organizations versus organizing women from within a larger revolutio. nary croups. The trend in North America is clearly away from membership within male-dominated groups. Supporters of this trend argue that women should at present be primarily concerned with working with other women and that due to a whole series of reasons (malechauvinism, competitiveness, ete) the conditions within revolutionary organization are least conducive to organizing women. Women have too spent too much time fighting these forces in the past-to the extend that they themselves have suffered politically. Of course, it is important not to forget about the struggle against the chauvinism in the left: however, these women would argue, this is best done from a position of strength, not one of weakness. Therefore, a strong women's group working on a project with other revolutionary organizations would deal with the chauvinism which occurred in day-to-day activities as a group. Of course this does not deal with the contradictions between organizing with a view to build a political party (Leninist) to give leadership to the revolution and organizing on the basis of sex. Most women have responded to this dilemma by providing healthy criticisms of marxist theory on the "women question" and it is true that to date, neither marxist methodology not theoretical debate has offered a great deal to understanding the complexities of women's oppression. Certainly a basis was established in Engel's work ou the family, but an extension and even a revision of certain of his ideas are due.
PROBLEMS AND ACHIEVEMENTS There are a myriad of other problems which groups across the continent are experiencing. In the States, the racism of the white movement is continually under critical discussion. In Canada. the chauvinism of the English-speaking women vis-a-vis the Quebecoise has yet to be dealt with in a national way. In addition, thè racism displayed against navtive sisters has not been settled. One of the most crucial tensions at present, however, exists between the American and Canadian movements, reflecting the economic relationship between the two countries: Canada is virtually an economic and cultural setellite of the U.S. Often the American sisters have been unable to break out of the national chauvinism generated by U.S. imperialism, and have been insensitive to the specifies of the Canadian situation. The most exciting aspect of the North American movement has been the tremendous ingenuity developed by each group to reach women. One example is the New York group who, posing as secretaries, rode up and down in the lifts of a huge office building during a day and enumerated common grievances of office workers. For instance, they commented in rather loud voices that they were refusing to address the boss by his surname as long as he referred to them as "love, "girl", ete. Sympathetic office workers in the lift immediately entered these discussions and thus contacts for future organizing were made! Another exciting and integral aspect of the movement has been the high degree of sisterhood which has developed. It has been difficult to develop and one of the major mechanisms utilized to reduce traditional competitive feelings between women has been an extensive use of criticism-self-criticism sessions. The development of negative leadership in the women's movement (that is, leadership styles and skills which have been learned in the male-dominated movement) has therefore been under close scrutiny. For the first time, women are proud to be woemen and enjoy being with each other. A wide variety of groups have been established where women can not only have fun together, but where they can acquire skills denied them: in California for example, the Uppity Women's Motorcycle Groups took apart an entire motorcycle and learned together how to rebuild it. Women participants in karate and judo classes are still other examples. The development of an alternate life style has played a prominent role in the movement. This has often involved the establishment of living collectives where women live together, using their house as a place for other women, in nuclear family situations, to visit, to read in the women's libraries, or to bring their children to play with the children in the house. Meetings, films, and social gatherings are conveniently based in the living collective. It is important to note, however, that these collectives are not posed as final answers to the problems which women face, but simply as bases from which women can move to organize more effectively. Many collectives have been prolemridden (not surprising, considering the socialisation to be overcome) and have collapsed. However an ideal collective certainly has a great
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deal to offer the women involved, In summary, the problems confronting the women's liberation movement in the U.S. and in Canada are numerous. The level of commitment and the strength of the membership are two important indications that these problems will be overcome. The crucial point is that women in other countries must learn from the North American example and try to avoid their errors. If this occurs, the birth of an international revolutionary women's movement is that much closer! Hazel Watkins FOOTNOTES.
3. Ibid p. 16 ers for about 80 girls.
watch us. 1. Marlene Dixon, Where Are We Going? in RADICAL AMERICA, Issue on Women, February 1970, p. 27 2 Marcia Salo and Kathy MeAfee, The Caucus Race and A Long Tale, in LEVIATHAN, (Women Unite Issue), May 1970, p. 16 4. A Paper From the Leila Khaled Collective, p.8.
"That evening there were at least 25 state troop-