International Marxist Group Archive

Magazines, bulletins and booklets of the IMG and its forerunners, 1961–1984

Rothesay: STUC Side-steps Contract Fight

· Scottish Socialist No. 5, May–June 1977 · p. 12 of the scan · 1,037 words

The scan is held in the Red Mole archive (not online).

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[page 12]

The central theme facing delegates at this year's Scottish Trades Union Congress at Rothesay was, unsurprisingly, the Social Contract, With opposition growing among the rank and file, the STUC was in a position to give some leadership against a third phase of incomes policy.

Unfortunately, the STUC side-stepped the fight when the central focus for all delegates opposed to the government's policy, Composite D, was narrowly defeated by 967 votes to 1017.

The resolution called for a return to free collective bargaining combined with the protection of wage agreements against inflation. It was moved by the Scottish NUM and seconded by Dundee and Stirling Trades Councils.

Despite the vote, it was the left which won the political debate. Mick MeGahey. moving the Composite, answered the contention from Bruce Millan and Labour Party Scottish Council Secretary, Helen Liddell that ending the Social Contract would mean a "wages explosion'. "There is the theory of a "free for all", he said, "If we leave the Social Contract there will be a 'free for all". Will the employers be stuffing E10 notes in our pockets whether we like it or not?". "What do they mean by a 'free for all'? A 'wages explosion". As I have said before, the only time I've heard of a wages explosion is when someone bursts into a pit munager's office on a Friday morning and blows up the safe with gelignite!"

And in his summing-up, MeGahey slammed Jack Jones" concept, echoed by Danny Crawford of UCATT and Alec Donnet of the G& MWU in the debate, of an 'orderly return" to collective bargaining.

"Who's going to be the Lieutenants who say what section of the troops move forward and what section move back? What do they mean by an orderly return? These emotive terms they utilise to cloud the issue. And the issue is the united strength of the British Labour and trade union movement in order to advance the living and working standards of its members. That's the issue. An 'orderly return" means nothing".

And the support of the G&MWU and UCATT for the Social Contract was. as Johnny Walker of ASLEF pointed out, 'unreal to their members'. One building worker in five is on the dole in Scotland today.

Rowland Sheret of Stirling trades council, and one of the seconders of composite D.

pointed to the specific inclusion of the demand for cost of living clauses in wage agreements contained in the composite: *Two years ago in this Congress we moved a resolution which asked that all wage agreements should include cost of living safeguard clauses ... "In the period since the end of Threshold Agreements in October 1974 there has been a 55% increase in inflation 55 trigger points, If we had fought for that resolution two years ago and implemented it, we wouldn't be in the situation we are today".

The main blame for the defeat of Composite D must be laid at the door of the AUEW officials and Gavin Laird in particular. At a time when the engineers. are in the forefront of current actions against wage restraint - and despite the likelihood that next month's AUEW national conference will oppose the Social Contract - they insisted that the delegation stick by last year's policy and oppose Composite D.

Had they abstained — as the Fire Brigade Union did in a similar situation the composite would have passed with a comfortable majority.

Following the vote the atmosphere inside Congress was about as damp and miserable as the Rothesay weather. The defeat, however, masked many important changes inside the union delegations.

The T&GWU delegation, in one of the most positive developments of the Congress, rejected by 18 votes to 12 Jack Jones' call for an 'orderly return' and decided to vote for the miners' resolution. Last year only 8 Transport and General delegates had stood up to Jones in the delegation causes to argue for support for Resolution 17 around which the main opposition to Incomes Policy had gathered. With the TGWU conference coming up in July, this was: an important reflection of growing grass

roots opposition to the policies of the T&G

leadership. The NUPE delegation took a similar decision.

Other decisions included:

*On their unemployment, Congress called for

a widespread campaign of opposition to the unacceptable level of unemployment', for a reduction in the working week and early retirement and rejected clauses providing

for voluntary redundancies or natural wastage

as a means of reducing the labour force'.

*On equal pay, Congress unanimously

approved a composite resolution noting

Mick McGahay

that legislation alone will never solve the problem of low pay for women and that Industrial action by solidarity and support from the organised trade union movement can achieve equal pay. It instructed the STUC General Council to mount a campaign for women to be paid 'the wage a man would receive if he were doing the same job'. *On Social spending cuts. Congress, was "specifically opposed to the closure of Tour Scottish Colleges of Education' and demanded "government action to restore the cuts, to reduce unemployment and to maintain social services. *On devolution, a resolution "condemning the action of those Labour MPs who either voted against or abstained in the vote on the guillotine motion relating to the Assembly Bill' was remitted to the General Council after Alex Kitson had explained that the GC was fully behind this pait of the motion but wanted to give further consideration to proposals for increased Assembly Powers and Proportional Representation contained in the motion.

In the absence of'a clear lead against Incomes Policy, however, these decisions in the present situation amounted to little

more than hot air.

The lead will now have to come from those like the British Airways engineers, the Leyland toolroom workers and Port Talbot electricians who have proved their willingness to go into action against wage restraint. The key task, as many of the rank and file activists involved have realised far more clearly than their leaders, will be to turn their struggles into a united assault on the Social Contract. The STUC may be over, but the fight in the workplaces, the union branches and the union conferences is only just starting.

ALAN HORN

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