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Where is the Scottish labour movement going? The events of 1976, freshly augmented by the first unemployment figures of 1977, certainly beg that question.
One remembers the carly 70s alive with resolve, determination and anger caused by unemployment going over the 100,000 mark. Local action committees Hourished, demonstrations abounded: UCS and Plessey workers were in occupation of their workplaces. From grass roots to union leadership. the movement was mobilised.
What has changed now? What cataclysm has paralysed the movement, rendering it impotent and virtually immobile? Are unemployment figures subject to some physical law of diminishing concern?
This is hardly likely. The answer lies rather in the changing face of government. Changing face because the election of a Labour government has not meant a change in the policies; in fact the same policies are being pursued with, if anything, greater zeal than under the Tories.
Let us examine the performance of the labour movement in the past year, culminating in a post war record of 8 percent unemployment.
In February 1976, the STUC Youth Advisory Committee held what could be kindly described as an exercise in chaos. The well-meaning attempt to hold a conference on youth unemployment was doomed from the start, because of the diverse bodies invited.
Representatives from the Labour Party, LPYS, Communist Party and the trade union movement were joined by Tory, SNP and Liberal Councillors expounding their own brand of economic theory. This recipe was enough to ensure that everybody talked and nobody listened. The proceedings were only enlivened by the emergence of SNP Councillor Robert Brotherhood as a promising comedian. He informed the delegates that he was the proud owner of two suits, and talked esoterically of "you're ain fish guts in you're maws nest". Thus was the opportunity lost to discuss the recomendations of the Youth Advisory Committee.
It was unfortunate that these recomendations were not subject to critical discussion within the labour movement. The "alternative strategy" they embodied with its calls for changes and extension of government policy would have been exposed to be inadequate as a guide to action for rank-and-file activists. It provided for no initiative at all from the grass roots of the movement. There was no suggestive of self help in overcoming the scourge of unemployment.
In April 1976 at the STUC conference in Perth, a resolution from Stirling Trades Council commanded majority support on the hand count after a paragraph criticising the Labour Government had been amended out. This motion, resolution 17, rejected the empty rhetoric and concentrated on a programmatic basis for the fight against unemployment.
It was of course defeated by the block votes of the oligarchs present but the earlier support was encouraging. It will be interesting to note later, to what extent the points of resolution 17 percolate through to the General Council of the STUC.
On the 23td October, the Youth Advisory Committee tried again. A demonstration and rally was held in Glasgow; the speakers, Jimmy Milne and Dennis Canavan, were heckled from the floor as they reiterated their "alternative" strategy, without explaining what action should be taken by those present.
A few days later at the special oneday conference on unemployment carled by the STUC, a chink of light appeared. Hugh D'Arcy, this years STUC Chairman, opened the conferrence by saying the purpose was not discuss how bad the unemployment situation was, but to find ways and means of mobilising the movement to fight it.
An all Scottish demonstration was arranged for December, to coincide with the STUCs meeting with Jim Callaghan, Jimmy Milne outlined the aims of the STUC campaign. A shorter working week with no loss of wages, restrietions on overseas investment and selective import controls.
It was pointed out from the floor that the social contract effectively blocked any moves towards a shorter
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working week; overseas investment have indeed been rising in relation to home investment but while wealth remains in the hands of financial and industrial capital it will also be investment on the blunt criteria of the biggest return. The demand for import controls however certainly deserves a critical response from the labour movement. The implications for world solidarity must be realised. It is highly debatable whether the export of unemployment is a suitable method of resolving Britains economic crisis.
It is rather the demands of the Stirling STUC resolution which show a way forward, by linking the need for a shorter working week with demands for nationalisation and inflation prooling of wages and public spending.
The December demonstration which thousands of trade unionists from all over Scotland took part was successful in displaying the degree concern among the rank and file. They were met with a disquieting ruling from the demonstration's organisers. anti-Labour Government placards would be allowed. The logic is abysmai. Against the scourge of unemployment we may chant slogans and wave placards, but at all costs we must be refrained from criticising the agents of that scourge.
The rally which followed like many recent rallies, took the form of economic lectures; and this to a massed gathering of economic and political consciousness.
So while Jim Callaghan rejects the STUCs demands for the implementation of the "alternative strategy" the Scottish unemployment rises to 183.418.
The Labour Government attempts to implement the program of the IMF; British Industry must be regenerated at all costs. At the expense of employment social services and education, we must subsidy the crutches of capitalism.
The public sector is stirring with NALGO calling a one day strike, and NUPE on the verge of supporting it. The public service unions must not be left to go it on their own. The support of the industrial unions is essential to asuccessful fight back against unemployment, and the cuts. Whatever happens. 1977 promises to be a highly politically charged vear.
CORRIE MeCHORD (Stirling Trades Council Exec; in a personal capacity)
"Oh its Mr Jones, isn't it - my old careers master?