Scottish Socialist No. 3

[page 1]

Contract overnment and its Social

Everyone in the Labour Movement has an urgent duty to build up such a campaign by:

- building fighting public sector general strike. attempting to secure the support and involvement of of the trade union movement. moblising support in the communities through Tenants' Action Committees, Right to Work Committees etc. demanding that Labour Councillors vote against the cuts. arguing for the adoption of a programme of demands really adequate to defend workers living standards.

Issue number 3 February-March 15p (shops 20p) inside: DEVOLUTION THE STUC AND UNEMPLOYMENT

the day of action and transform it into a to

other sections

Associations,

[page 2]

Press Spearheads Labour Witch-hunt

The first three wecks of 1977 has seen the most blatant example of outside intervention into the affairs of a working class political party since the recent IMF "takeover of the Labour government.

In a concerted campaign, national and local newspapers, radio and TV networks have gone all out to smear the supporters of the newspaper Militant as undercover infiltrators into the Labour Party. This campaign follows the refusal of the December Labour Party NEC, despite government pressure, to discuss a report on alleged infiltration prepared by Labour Party National Agent Reg Underhill. The same NEC meeting further ratified the clection of Andy Bevan, a Militant supporter, as national was properly youth officer: Mr.

Bevan clected to this post and his appointment ratified by the last Labour Party conference.

addition to suffering what TGWU in Transport House members employed at describe as political harassment from the National Union of Labour Organisers which has instructed his fellow officers not to talk to him. Andy Bevan has also suffered a campaien of vilification in the press.

The object of this campaign, to get a revised Underhill report discussed at the January 26th NEC, was prodictably achieved when this meeting resolved by I6 votes to 10 to set up a sub-committee to investigate "infiltration".

One local cxample of the press witchhunt came to light in the Glasgow Herald of January 25th, one day before the NEC meeting. Willy Clark, in a Herald exclusive headlined Young Socialists see red over Bevan"

Teported the winding up of the Glasgow Queen's Park LPYS.

The branch, he wrote, had "been wound up by its office bearers in protest against the appointment of Mr. Andy Bevan, the 24ycar old Trotskyite, as National Youth Officer'- Oucen's Park YS branch chairman, The John Rowan was quoted as saying: appotment of Mr. Bevan was the final straw for us. We saw no point in having Young Socialists.. if you are going to have a Trotskyite leading them'. He added that he had written to the prime minister asking him to persuade the NEC to rescind Mr. Bevan's appointment.

Scottish Socialist heard a different story about the dissolution of the branch when we spoke to Willie King, a Queen's Park YS member and delegate to the constituncy GMC. "The winding up of the branch", he with the "had nothing to do told US, appointment of Andy Bevan or trotskyite infiltration'. The Queen's Park GMC decided to wind it up, at the instigation of John Rowan and the other branch officers, because

the branch was moribund. The GME has never even discussed the appointment of Mr. Bevan, and Mr. the reasons he gave to the Glasgow Herald to the GMC.** "The folk who attacked the Militant were the branch officers over the whole of the last year and it was they who were responsible organising activities. They didn't even consult the YS membership before proposing that the GMC wind it up".

Mr. King's assessment is supported by the assistant secretary of the Labour Party in Scotland, who told the Glasgow Herald, that Queen's Park was always a moribund branch and never very active."

With the press on the lookout to blow any molehill into a front-page attack on left-wingers in the Labour Party, it is, as LPYS Scottish chairman Bob Dick commented, 'unfortunate that sectors of the Labour movement put their case outwith the movement.

Rowar never mentioned

for not calling

STEVEN KENNEDY

mectings or

South Africa Boycott Blocked

The right of workers in Britain to strike in support of fellow-workers has been dealt a serious blow by the intervention of the so-called National Association For Freedom (NAFF) in recent actions involving postal workers.

The target of the ultra-conservative NAFF have been solidarity actions taken by the Union of Post Office Workers (UPW), Using ancient laws designed to prevent Toreien interference with Her Majesty's Mails, NAFF have, on two occasions, effectively deprived postal workers of their right to take industrial action.

In the first instance, a boycott by postal workers of Grunwick's development compuny where a twenty-one week old strike for union recognition by underpaid black workers is still continuing was withdrawn after NAFF threats of legal action.

Last week, a private NAFF action to stop the UPW boycotting communications with South Africa led to public acrimony between the Attorncy-General, Sam Silkin, who refused NAFF leave to prosecute, and Law Lords. The Law Lords ruled, the nonetheless, that the LIPW action was illegal, and the boycott was promptly called off.

The UPW action was intended as part of week of international action to isolate

a London film

2

the racist Vorster tegime in South Africa The Jack Jones" and Len Murrays" who, at home, use their positions in the trade union movement to police the government's anti-working class Social Contract, tried to use the South Africa issue as a left varnish" on their politics. They talked of giving maximum backing to the fight of black African workers. But all they organised was a "token" boycott to "persuade" British firms to allow their black employces in South Africa trade union rights: all out strike action, after all. British economy, and it was necessary to 'defend British business interests'.

This attitude is not only weak-kneed and inneffectual, but also chauvinist and even racist. Socialists must fight in the Labour movemeat to build a real move ment of solidarity with our African comrades. A first step is to build the Anti- Apartheid demonstrations which will take place in London and Scotland in March. Local mobilising mectings can be used to expose the role of British industry in South Africa and counter the chauvinist positions of the trade union leaders on international solidarity. (Edinburgh Anti-racist Committee)

would be bad for the

KEVIN HOLMES

[page 3]

DON'T PLAY THE JUNTA

Scottish Socialist asked Kelvingrove Labour Party member, Philip O'Brian, who visited Chile last summer, to write about the SFA proposal to play in Chile this season, He is joint author of a new book on Chile. (Chile: State and Revolution, MacMillan, £4.80)

The decision by the Scottish Football Association to go ahead with the proposed match in Chile's National Stadium is an insult to working-class pcople both in Scotlind and in Chile.

Chile's National Stadium became notorious when it was used as a centre for detention and torture in the aftermath of the bloody coup which overthrew President Allende's democratically-elected government in 1973. Thousands of people were held there, including some now in exile in Scotland. The changing rooms which Scottish players will be using were jails, or torture chambers. The pitch was used by the junta's firing squads. Among the prisoners was Hugo Lepe, a member of Chile's own national team at the time and President of the Professional Footballer's Association. He hasn't played since.

Why use a football stadium? Because it is the only public place large cnough to hold the thousands of people the junta had to kill or terrorise to secure its position in power. A million people had demonstrated in Santiago in favour of the Allende governthe week before. One in ten of ment Chile's population. Only a football stadium cope with that kind of popular could support.

Politics and football don't mix, Willie Allan, president of the Scottish Football Association (SFA), In practice, in Chile in 1973, they did.

3

says

They still do, It used to be possible for supporters of Chile's football teams to elect their team's board of directors, providing only they were up to date with their membership fees. But not now. Today, the military cannot afford any clections. even those exclusively concerned with football. The people of Chile have no right to elect their own representatives in any field: "democracy, according to the Chilean junta, is "an outmoded idea.

Today, the Stadium is no longer actively used as a prison. however, are still there, to scc, as I saw them last summer, with their windows barred, blinds drawn, and ambulances waitoutside. The ing present that anyone who ever took an active part intrade union activity will "disappear" never to be seen again.

The Scottish Football players would be able to see all this too, look hard enough. Most likely, they will be too busy being feted by the junta, which, quite rightly, tremendous political and propaganda victory, a sign of international respectability.

Three and a half years ago, the ground where the players plan to score their goals echoed the screams of dying people. The SFA tour must be stopped!

The torture centres,

possibility is still evei-

if they were to

will sce their visit as a

PHILIP O BRIAN

not

THE GREAT •DEBATE

The Scotland and Wales Bill has passed' its sccond reading and is now in the committee stage. The main change has been that the government has agreed to hold a referendum Faced with this Bill the Tory party has descended to the vulgarity of public bickering. The front bench put down a three line whip to oppose the Bill. Large scale purges way for the have made Taylor to new eminence. Mr. Taylor has since explained that the appointment of an anti-devolutionist as Shadow Scottish Secrenot mean a change of Tory tary does policy. Meanwhile Edward Heath has proclaimed that support for devolution is the only way to preserve the union.

Opposition has also come from within the Labour party. It consists in a chorus of horror at the evils of nationalism.

The SNP is supporting the Bill - either because they consider it the best deal that can be had or because it is as far as they want to go in such volatile political circumstances. It is not clear which.

An amendment has been put down to remove Wales from the provisions of the bill - mainly on the initiative of the Welsh Tories, few as they are. Two amendments one from the Tories and one from Jo Grimond of the Liberals capital from the disquiet felt in the Shetlands at the prospect of an Edinburgh government.

Attempts are also being made in comextend the economic powers of mittee to the assemblies.

This is unlikely to succeed as are the various attempts to ensure that clections will be by proportional representation. The main obstacle here seems to be that conceding PR for the assemblies would make it impossible to oppose it for Westminster which could put paid to the two party in addition there seems to system. considerable fear of increasing the influence of Scotlands large urban working class. Onc MP has gone so far as to suggest that the votes of country dwellers should be twice! counted

Quite what will emerge from the clouds of dust thus kicked up in the palace of Westminster is currently obscure.

rise of Teddy

aim to make

MARTIN O'LEARY

be

[page 4]

A scotland 4 Scottish Colleges Face Closure

"Of course we accept the need for cuts" This was the first reaction of James Pollock, General Secretary of the Educational Institute of Scotland (EIS), when he was questioned on BBC radio about the Government's proposals to close four teacher training colleges in Scotland.

The same stance was adopted by representatives of the 600 staff who stand to lose their jobs if Bruce Millan's scheme goes through. Both the EIS, Scotland's main teaching union, and ALCES, the association for lecturers in education colleges, said that they didn't disagree services; they just didn't think that education, and teacher training should be hit.

Since then, various arguments have been advanced why each one of the four colleges should be spared. burgh, argue they're the only Catholic education college in the East of Scotland. They hope Cardinal Gray will be able to influence Millan sufficiently to let them carry on. Staff at Craigie College in Ayr claim they are indispensable as they alone cover Dum- Tries and Galloway; no doubt Dunfermline College and Callander Park in Falkirk have equally good reasons why they should not suffer.

EIS and ALCES are so desperate not to be seen as opposing the reasonable policies of the government that they are prepared to latch on to any argument against the closures that doesn't involve challenging the cconomic policies that cause them.

The most inviting came from an unexpected quarter. The new Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland, Teddy Taylor, attacked the proposals announcing that it was a sad day for Scottish education". Within hours his statement was echoed by EIS and ALCES in their demands that Scotland be given special preference. At no time did they point out that while four colleges were being axed in Scotland, 130 werc facing closure in England and Wales.

Of all the arguments for special treatment this one holds most support. But by advancing it the teaching unions sabotage effectively any national campaign against the Government's cuts.

One thiny is clear. Neither ALCES or ElS are prepared to consider taking on the Govemment ALCES now wishes to limit the campaien to battling it out over the terms of the Employment Protection Act. A fight purely designed to reach the best available redundancy deal.

with cuts in social

in particular,

Craiglockhart, in Edin-

If the college closures are to be prevented it will need better leadership than that. The Government won't tear up their plans in response to some reasoned arguments or pleas for special consideration. The only way to stop the closures is to build a united campaign of all those facing public sector cuts.

The National Union of Students recognises that on paper. Its Broad Left leadership, however, look set to do little about it: they claim they have to wait until the leaders of the teaching unions take a lead. Until then NUS look set to simply follow the manouvres of Pollock and ALCES.

The NUS leaders are also afraid to launch a campaign that talks about jobs or cuts or the Socul Contract. If they were serious, the very would be NO CUTS. A demand that would unite all those in the public sector facing the loss of jobs.

They could also point out that cucation - like all the social services to collapse. EIS have a policy that there should be no classes bigger than 33 pupils. which is a fairly hefty number anyway, but

first demand they would raise

is near

few schools even stick to that. Many have no teachers to teach important subjects. Instead of cutting back the number of teachers in Scotland by 1,100 per year, the Government should be forced to take on more teachers to reduce class sizes. Such a demand, that public services be extended and jobs shared out without loss of earnings, would also unite the building workers, health workers and others suffering from the cuts.

Moray House College of Education fought for such demands at the recent meeting of student representatives from teacher training colleges called by NUS to discuss the closures Moray House and the SEP member of the Scottish NUS executive also argued for college occupations to serve as a focus for the campaign.

Only these sort of policies and actions - rejected by the Broad Left majority on the executive - can serious fight can be mounted against the closures despite the whimperings of the EIS and ALCES leaders.

Moray House College of Education)

ensure that

BILL FORD (President,

[page 5]

End council vendetta

At last October's meeting of Edinburgh District Council, two Tory councillors moved the following resolution: "That this District Council seck assurance from the Lord Advocate that the provisions of the law of Scotland relating to homosexuality will be fully explored."

What councillors MacKintosh and MacFie wanted was for the Lord Advocate to go back on a written nOW some assurance three years old that he would not enforce the law in cases which would not merit prosccution under England and Wales* more liberal legislation.

John Millar, The Council chairman, showed some tact by ruling the motion out of order. However, in accepting his ruling. was only side-stepping one Council more chapter in their continuing campaign against homosexuals. Using her position as deputy chairperson of the ruling Tory group, Kathleen MacFie has conducted a vendetta against the Scottish Minorities Group (SMG), the nation's major gay group.

In 1976, with the able assistance of her

When the Equal Pay Act and Sex Discrimination Act came into force one year ago, they were heralded as a great step towards equal rights for women. Experience has not borne this out. Both pieces of legislation are full of loopholes which let employers off the hook. In only a very small minority of cases have tribunals found in favour of women workers.

The labour government's legislation and their phrases about equal rights have meant little for women end their fighting to oppression. Talk of equal pay is a sick joke when more and more women are being To win equal denied the right to work. rights, it is necessary to tackle head on the policies which have created unemployment as well as demanding facilities like nursery contraception abortion and on demand, and total financial and legal infor women. Women are the dependence first to be hit by unemployment and weifare cuts which load the burdens of social of women backs welfare heavily on the through their position in the family.

At the end of last year the Working Women's Charter Campaign (WWCC) issued a call for a national rally in London to mark the first year of the Sex Discrimination Act. The rally, to be built around the

associate Sally Pringle, she succeeded in the Council to refuse SMG pergetting mission to put up a small brass nameplate outside their premises in Broughton Street, Edinburgh. The aflair was only settled after i wild campaign of abuse against the SMG when the Secretary of State granted permission for the plaque.

At the end of last year MacFie and Pringle won victory when a planning application was issued restricting use of the SMG centre to the hours between 9am. and 5 pm. Mondays to Soturdays. Such a condition has never been imposed on any other premises. As SMG use their Broughton Street offices for various meetings and the counselling of gays throughout Scotland, such restrictions make the centre virtually unusable.

A public enquiry has now been called for April, following another appeal to the Secretary of State. All the evidence suggests that the District Council opportunity to whip up a hysterical cam- Already, paign against SMG. assembled a body of hysterical, inaccurate and antiquated "evidence", in some cases

this rally. The Scottish Labour Party have already played a prominent role in fighting for trade union support for the rally; Edinburgh SLP has now called for a tour of all SLP branches by the rally organisers. Wide support has also been forthcoming from the women's movement; women's groups Glasgow. Aberdeen and Edinburgh, as well as the Campaign for Financial and Legal Indepepdence, have already decided to sponsor the rally.

will use they have

the

in

stretching back more than four years. The enquiry will also provide a platform for the various individuals who have been campaigning to get SMG out of Broughton -and, perhaps, Edinburgh too. Their Street bigoted statements have already received widespread publicity.

Fortunately, SMG has received some support from the Labour movement. One Labour Councillor, Bill Taylor, will act as SMG's counsel, while others are expected to offer evidence on SMG's behalf. Hopes are high that the local government union, NALGO, will also give their backing to SMG.

If the District Council are allowed to get away with their sabotage of SMG, all the evidence suggests that it won't stop there. Councillors MacFie and MacKintosh have already indicated that they want the Government to use a Bill passed at the end of last year which reaffirms the illegality of homosexuality north of the border.

ANDREW WYLIE (Executive Member SMG)

The raily has an important role in raising the issue of women's rights inside the Labour movement and of exposing the real record of the Labour government on this score. Build it!

ANN HENDERSON (Edinburgh SLP and WWCO) the rally or For further details about Parkers and or tacte we not a cur Oldham, Party branch contact Centre, Third Floor, 57 Miller Women'S Street, Glasgow.

Rally for womensrights PA ПОРНОЦЕ

demands of the Charter, which tackle these rea! issues facing women, is to discuss how to confront the situation which still exists one year after the SDA hit the statute book. Scottish WWCC supporters have taken the initiative of calling for a further rally in Glasgow on May 7th.

All bodies of the labour movement must pressed to give maximum support to be

5

[page 6]

Stand Sutherland itself is something of a monu- •ment to the power of her family. Towering Fourteen hundied feet above the Dernoch Firth is an effigy of the First Duke of Sutherland, his back aptly turned on those glens he emptied of their inhabitants. Employing ruthless methods learnt the wool and coal industries from which his fortune came, George Leveson-Gower set about improvements" which at their end saw Sutherland's population reduced by two thirds.

Golspie, the host of this years Mod, is itself in the main a product of these improvements", built in the neat style of the last century so admired by the Duke's factors and dominated by nearby Dunrobin Castle. The local branch of An Comunn is similarly dominated by those whose aspirations revolve around the faery turrets of Dye bitching away from Golpie are the straths and glens cleared of their people by fire and, where necessary, the British army. Many of the houses burnt were owned by men soldiering in the Sutherlands own regiment. In parishes and islands throughout the communities were likewise swept whole away in front of the sheep.

The result of those improvements" are the Highlands we know to-day. descendants of those who didn't emigrate are now to be found along the coast in crofts too small and infertile to provide a living on their own. The lands from which their forefathers were cleared are now after years of overgrazing fit only for deer to rest. To make their money the landowners rent out the shooting to West German and Arab businessmen.

Elizabeth, Countess of Sutherland, representative of those thirty-five families, and now companies, who own a third of the private land in the Highlands, As James Hunter, author of a fine recent study of the Clearances C The Making of the Crofting Community "). points out she is part of a system of which "the basic interest ...... is the pursuit of private profit", And as such sho is the worst possible President of the Mod, a festival designed to foster the Gaelie language and culture, For it was the "improvements" inflicted by her family which rooted out the Gaelic language and it is the landowning system of which she is part which still threatens its existence.

The Sutherlands are sufficiently aware of the resuits of their policies to refuse access by Scotland's leading historians to the records of their estate. Only now are these trickling out, edited by the son of a former factor of the Sutherlands.

The Countess may profess great support for the Gaidhlig language, but she is bitterly opposed to the only possible guarantee of its future prosperity, Techniques now exist which could restore the land which once supported a population which spoke the language. But their implementation would mean the end of the system of private ownership based on the rental of holiday homes and shooting rights. It would mean the expropriation of the Countess and all her kind and the placing of land ownership and fishing rights in the hands of the people.

North-West of Scotland

candidate for

CHRIS BAMBERY

The

is

'THE SINS OF THE FATHERS'

When, faced with mounting opposition within An Comunn Gaidhealach series of campaigning articles by Brian Wilson in the West Highland Free Press, Elizabeth. Countess of Sutherland, resigned from the presidency of this year's Mod, she was assured of a good press in the Golspie Advertiser. In the event, it published all her restrnation statement and a long piece giving her its full backing Like much of Sutherland, the Golspie Advertiser is owned by the Countess family.

'The Best Advice 1 Can Give Is'

and

Since her resignation a stream of letters have graced the columns of the Scotsman, echoing its editorial sentiments that the Countess should not be held guilty for the crimes of her forefathers. Yet the very reason she was selected as president of the Mod by her local branch of An Comunn Gaidhealach was her position as a great Highland landowner rather than her own individual merits or good works.

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6

[page 7]

Hoover is by no means short of cash. At the last count, the UK subsidiary had at least £21 million in liquid assets — that is money lent via the financial system to the government at a rate of interest around 15% per annum. Hoover's shareholders are unlikely to stop lending and start investing when the current average rate of profit on industrial investment stands at 4%.

Young, have completed a

to local needs.

GEORGE KEREVAN

as these

get the

Yet at

When

Arouna sc 110% 100% 50%| SPIT EFF

The Labour government resolves the dilemma by giving the moncy it borrows back to Hoover via bodies like the SDA. For instance the Welsh Development Agency has just made Hoover a present of a brand new £10 million factory at Merthyr Tydil, South Wales. Thus much of Hoovers investment capital is courtesy of the SDA, WDA and big brother NEB. Hoover stockholders pocket both the profits and the interest on the loan to the government.

Hoover's UK profits for the first three quarters of 1976 (a "bad patch" things go) were £7.4 million.

Where does the government 15% to pay interest to Hoover for borrowing its money to give back to Hoover to persuade it to be kind enough to bring jobs to Scotland? From cutting public expenditure on health, education and housing. the end of the day the government and the SDA will have achieved nothing. For if the extra 2,400 jobs at Cambuslang do eventually appear they will only just balance the redundancies at the BSC plant on the very same Cambuslang industrial estate.

MULTINATIONAL RESEARCH Two cconomists at Paisley Tech, N. Hood and survey into the activities of American multinationals in Scotland. One worker in every three in the Scottish mechanical and electrical engineering industry works for a US multinational. In instrument engineering, it is three in every five:

The Paisley economists report that over half the branch factories surveyed were allowed to undertake no local rescarch, thus escaping British patent laws. Scientists and engineers trained in Scotland have to emigrate to find work in research.

Hood and Young also note that 60% of US firms in Scotland were not allowed to adapt production markets fail, the branch factories are closed. "US Investment in Scotland - aspects of the Branch Young and N. Hood, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, Volume 23, Number 3. ECONOMIC TRENDS

One Scottish worker in every twelve is now without a job, according to the January unemployment figures published as we go to press. Since October there has been an average of 1000 redundancies each week in Scotland, not to mention seasonal unemployment and jobless school-leavers. Meanwhile the Scottish stock-market share index rose 10.3 in November alone and now stands at 83.0.

7

CIA in Scotland

When the Home Secretary, Merlyn Rees, ordered the deportation of two American journalists, Philip Agce and Mark Hosenball, he knew exactly what he was doing. A number of embarrassing disclosures have been made over recent years about CIA activities in Britain: activities carried out with the full backing of the British government.

Featuring prominently in the CIA's interest is Scotland. With the discovery of North Sea Oil, Scotland has assumed a new importance for American business interests. The significance attached to Scotland is indicated by the appointment of Henry Kissinger's former oil adviser, Funkhauser, as Consul-General to Scotland.

When he took up office in 1974, Funkadmitted that the post had beer hauser "upgraded'. In a number of statements to prominent businessmen, he voiced American concern that an independent Scotland might nationalise North Sea Oil with the possibility of political violence'. To set his mind at rest, it is reported that he had discussions with prominent figures in the SNP.

Apart from his knowledge of the oil industry, Funkhauser also has other admirable qualifications for the post. point he was Ambassador for "pacification' in Vietnam Military District Three. pacification programme included the setting up of strategic hamlets and systematic defoliage of cultivated land.

His counter-insurgency operational experience and his history of close co-operation with American Intelligence will, no doubt, be highly usctul in Scotland.

The Labour government's treatment of Funkhauser and his CIA cronies contrasts starkly to their attempt to deport Philip Agee for the crime of spreading information which could inhibit CIA activities in the Labour and trade union movement.

Philip Agee has announced that should his appeal against down by the Home Office appeal tribunal - a committee of three senior civil seriants and ex-intelligence officers! to Scotland to fight deportation under Scottish law.

Deportations from Scotland fall under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of State for Scotland rather than the Home Secretary, so the whole deportation procedure would then have to start again from scratch. Trade union and labour movement bodies should commit themselves to organise maximum support for Ager's campaign against deporta tion, which he is using as an effective platform for exposing CIA operation in Britain. The Agee-Hosenball Defence Committee can be contacted through Paul Brown, 59 Marchmont Road, Edinburgh.

At one

The

CHRIS BAMBERY

deportation be turned

he will more

SCOTTISH ECONOMIC DIARY

HOOVER CLEANS UP

The Scottish Development Agency has just celebrated its first birthday. Reports indicate its second year will start with the offer of a huge cash hand-out to the American multinational Hoover to expand its factory at Cambuslang.

Hoover UK shelved plans to expand at Cambuslang three years ago after a vicious twelve week strike. Like other multinationals Hoover came to Scotland for cheap semiskilled labour and free government regional aid. The company has similar operations in Portugal, Spain, Rhodesia and South Africa. Unused to the workers resisting exploitation in its branch factories, Hoover responded to the Cambuslang strike with an investment strike of its own. There would be no new jobs in Scotland until the government and the trade union leaderships kept the workforce in line. Hoover was glad of the excuse: the market for the products of its Scottish factories was beginning to decline.

Three years of the TUC-policed Social has gone a long way to meet Contract Hoover's needs. A four-day unofficial strike at Cambusling in January was quickly brought to an end because trade union officials were worried a bad industrial relations image would delay new jobs even longer.

However, with the economic recession over, Hoover needs expanded manufacturing capacity. Hoover and the SDA - headed by Sir William Gray, have talks to decide how much state aid the SDA will supply in order to persuade the company to reinstate its three-year expansion plans. A sum of £15-£20 millions has been mentioned.

therefore opened

old

[page 8]

the intellectuals.

Tolstoyans.

ationa

Scottish Socialist Interviews Leonid Plyushch

Leonid Plyushch, the exiled Ukrainian dissident, came to speak in Glasgow in December, at the invitation of Critique, a radical journal dealing with the Soviet Union.

He was exiled from the Soviet Union in January 1976 after a world-wide protest campaign against his confinement in a KGB controlled psychiatric hospital-prison. He is 37 years of age, a Ukrainian, and a mathematician by profession.

In 1966 Plyushch, a Marxist by conviction, began to write articles for the Samizdat press, the Cronicle of Current Events and the Ukrainian Herald, which serve as tribunes for the struggle for democratic rights in the Soviet Union. He was one of the founding members of the Initiative Group for the Defence of Human Rights set up in the USSR in 1969

Depropetrovsk special psychiatric hospital where he was compelled to undergo forced "treatment".

Gus Fagan: Could you briefly describe for us what are the main political currents inside the left-wing and working class opposition movement in the USSR? Leonid Plyushch. The left-wing opposition, as part of the whole democratic opposition, is engaged primarily in the fight for democratic rights, for the rights which are enshrined in the soviet constitution. But the leftwing differs from the rest of the democratic opposition in that it considers the political issues to be essentially related to the social and the national issues. Within the left wing itself, largely because of the absence of any information about political movements in the west, there aren't any really clear demarcation lines, any clear programmes. It is possible to divide the left opposition, however, into certain broad ideological currents. First of all, there are the liberal marxists, who think that the regime itself will be forced to change under the influence of events, for instance under pressure from

Secondly, there are those who support the October revolution but consider that the Bolsheviks were wrong and that what is necessary is to "christianize" the regime. One can include under this heading the

A third current is the social democrats, close to the Mensheviks or the social democratic parties of the west. And finally, you have the neo-marxists who consider that the big defeats in the soviet union were not simply due to historical events but also involve essential weaknesses in Marxist theory itself.

There is an interest, among the left-wing oppositionists, in the old left opposition associated with Trotsky. But it is almost impossible to get any information on this in the soviet union. It is far easier to get hold of Mein Kampf than the works of Trotsky. GF. You referred to the Soviet Union, in the talk you gave earlier today, as a "rotting society". When did this "rot" begin and what do you think are its causes.? LP. Under the Stalinist terror the whole population was in a straight-jacket. Anyone with dissenting views was simply sent off to a concentration camp. Then, of course, there was the role of the so-called official ideology. The Stalinists were followed by the Krushchevites and, in my opinion they are even more open to corruption than the previous lot. At one time there really was a section of the population which sincerely believed that they were building socialism, that the party was building socialism. But since the sixties I haven't met anyone who genuinely believes in the official ideology. This leads to the situation where the youth are led to drugs, crime and into a complete spiritual vacuum. A large section of the people mock the official ideology in their family circle but on the official platform and at the work place they say that they support the regime. Only a small part of the population actually goes over into opposition. This unfortunate growth of cynicism is a symptom of what has happened to soviet society. The criminal acts are also a blind unconscious reaction, a protest against the total system. Similar to this also is the tendency or desire not to work, not to go to work, to embezzle. 8

GUS FAGAN

[page 9]

to use state property for ones own ends. The middle and lower layers of the bureaucracy are completely corrupted. The upper layers don't need to be corrupted because they have illegal priveleges which are many times greater than the official privileges. The Stalinist terror, the bureaucratic corruption, the cynicism, the spiritual vacuum. Those are the causes and the symptoms of what I referred to as the "rotting society". GF. Would you describe for us what basically are the problems concerning the national question in the Soviet Union.

LP. The first and basic problem is the nationalism and chauvinism of the Russian state. This is in fact a logical continuity of the Great Russian Chauvinism of the pre-revolutionary regime. The basic protest of all the non-ressian nations is against this form of patronism and chauvinism. Of course each particular nation has its own problems and the national question differs in each case.

The most pronounced form of great russian chauvinism has manifested itself in the deportation of whole peoples and the refusal of the russian state to allow them to return to their native homeland. This is the case for instance with Crimean Tartars.

Another form which this problem takes is the state anti-semitism. This reaches extraordinary heights in terms of the reduction of civil rights. Big nations like the Ukraine are fighting for the maintenance of their culture and language. Because the attempt of the Ukrainians to maintain their culture and language is constantly under attack from the Russian party and state, the idea of independence gains more and more ground. This is also true among the other non-russian nationalites. So all the non-russian republics are fighting therefore for one form or other of independent development. GF. Did not the theory and practice of the Bolshevik party under Lenin represent a conscious attempt to fight the problems of great russian chauvinism? If this is the case, what are the roots of the re-emergence of the problem in such an acute form? LP. Lenin pointed to the danger of Great Russian chauvinism in the party. But the October revolution did not itself solve this problem. The October revolution solved the problem of industrialization. But the problem of great russian chauvinism and nationalism remained and became worse particularly under Stalin.

GF. What kind of measures are used by the Russian state to combat the national movements?

LP. They use the same measures as against any other opposition movement, namely, jailing, searches, blackmai, psychiatric hospitals and prison camps., From 1972 the Russification campaign has become a very conscious campaign, especially in the Ukraine. Not just the national movement itself undergoes repression but also the higher party people and the cultural groups. This is especially true of the party bureaucracy in the

Ukraine, and the same thing happens in the other republics as well. The Russian Bolshevik clique doesn't trust the CP in the republics. They also attempt to divide and to poison the relations between the republics. to set one against the other.

GF. Is the working class involved in the national movements or is it mainly the intellectuals?

LP. In the eastern Ukraine it is mainly the intellectuals who are involved, with not much working class participation. In the western Ukraine there is a greater working class involvement. The struggle of the Crimean Tartars involves the whole population. The same is true of the Jews, where there is no differentiation between national democratic and working class demands. So the extent of working class involvement varies then from one republic to another.

GF. What do you think can be done in the west to assist the national and working class opposition in the soviet union? Do you think this is something the left should be involved in?

LP. The most important and the first issue to support is the demand for democratic rights. This is mainly what the working class movement in the west must demand. If the left in the west is active in the defence of democratic rights in the Soviet Union they will have a big influence on the composition of the democratic movement itself inside the Soviet Union. It is also very important for the left wing opposition in the Soviet Union to obtain left wing literature from their supporters in the west because this is very difficult to obtain in the Soviet Union.

Scottish Socialist has written to the Scottish Committee of the Communist Party of Great Britain inviting them to submit their views on the question of national and democratic rights in the Soviet Union.

9

[page 10]

was the kind of opposition Stilars is prepared to tolerate for the present. Should he find it, at any time in the fature, a threat to his hegemony over the party, he will, no doubt, respond as he did at Stirling, where he and his cohorts expelled five branches.

On this occasion, delegates to the left of Sillars went out of their way to redefine their opposition so it would not be seen to conflict with Sillars policies The motions on the economy were all seen as amendments to the "Jobs and Industry' document prepared by a drafting committee around John Robertson MP. Among other proposals, this policy document would give the multinationals a statutory say in the running of the Scottish cconomy.

Tobs and Industry does not even understand that in order to prevent unemployment it is necessary to destroy the capitalist system which breeds it; that capitalism is based on production for protit, and that in times of crisis it is profitable to make workers redundant.

It sees the economic crisis as one of inder-investment and mismanagement, and provides no perspective for the nationalisation of the economy under workers" control which could break the power of capital and open the way to production for need rather than profit.

The Sillars SIP is an improvement on the Jim Callaghans and Dickson Mabon's of this world, but it has backed away from its real task, What Scotland needs is a real socialist party to replace the class-collaboration. corruption and blindness to Scotland's needs of the Labour Party.

A year ago, the SLP was formed for this purpose. Today, those who still want to fight for such a party have been thrown out of Sillars" Party. It was not the expelled branches who split the SIP, it was Sillars, Neil, Farrell, Robertson and co., in theit desperation to retain the party as their own personal property. It was they who turned their back on socialism and ruled out the possibility of reunification of the party.

The Sillars SUP is no longer adequate for the needs of Scottish workers and socialists. We must not make the same mistakes again. We need a really democratic party, a really socialist party; not just a new party, but rather a party of a new type. The founding and building of that party is now the task of the expelled branches and members who now form the "democratic wing' of the SLP.

ED ROBERTSON

Sillars 'reconvenes' SLP

BY A DELEGATE TO THE SILLARS CONFERENCE. On January 15th, the group around Jim Sillars toconsened the SEP conterence in the Lesser City Hali, Glasgow"

The conference was by uny standards a subdued affair and, for the leadership's purposes exceedingly well-organised. There were some one bundred delegates; only delegates and pressmen being allowed to attend. In arder to be clected a delegate one had to be a paid up member for 1977.

Most branches only received their con- Terence materials and delegates' cards the day before the conference, so attendance was limited to members in good'standing with branch leaderships.

Entire branches were disenfranchised. Delegates from the Grenock branch tried in vain to get in. Their branch, according to party reneral secretary, Alex Neil, was not

recognised'. In Edinburgh South branch, right-wingers mancouvred to have Sillars" opponents ousted from the branch delegation.

One member of Glasgow South branch, who had voted against the expulsions at Stirling was turned away at the door because he had not rejoined for 1977. Other members of the same branch with a "more reliable voting record arrived to find their 1977 membership cards, ready, signed and prepaid, waiting at the door. They confirmed that no branch meeting had taken place since November and that the 'delegates! had been appointed by phone by branch secretary, John McMillan on the previous day.

Perhaps it is not so surprising that it was a subdued affair!

Despite all this, there was a great deal of left-wing rhetoric at the conference, both from the floor and from the platform party. Delegates talked of removing the god of profit from Scottish economic life. Sillars, himself, in a widely-reported speech which was the centrepiece of the conference, condemned the TUC bureaucrats for policing their members in the name of the Social Contract, and complained of the IMF running the country-

Several good socialist motions were passed. One called for the unionisation of all oil-related industry; another for the nationalisation of the banks, insurance companies and building societies. (Sillars even added from the platform that this would be real socialist nationalisation and not the "state capitalism' of successive Labour governments). A motion attacking incomes policy was also passed.

Another commendable motion, from Tillicoultry, called for self-determination for all oppressed nations and equal status for the Gaidhlig language. An emergency resolution from Ayr branch attacked the proposed dumping of nuclear waste at Mullwharcher in the Galloway hills.

Opposition to Sillars from the left, such as it was, was muted and, although sincere.

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[page 11]

2,000.

on the Council.

and one other.

deen South.

Where is Sillars going?

Since the first Congress of the Scottish Labour Party in October, there has been an almost incessant cry from Jim Sillars, MP, the Party leader, that all the disruption was caused by the International Marxist Group raembers and their fellow travellers. The Scottish media have promoted this Left witch-hunt with vigour. This is not surprising when one considers the number of media figures who are not only SIP members but who participated in the formation of the Party.

But at no time has any real evidence been offered to support this witch-hunt, The total IMG membership in Scotland does not exceed 5O, and it is difficult to understand the fear which they have created in the leadership of a party which claims a membership of

One must look elsewhere to determine the reasons behind the various expulsions that have wracked the new party, and I contend that the main reason for Sillars actions was the forging of an electoral pact between himself and the Scottish Nationalist Party. In the recent Glasgow District Council clection in Darnley, the first campaign the SLP has undertaken, we took 15% of the vote as a huge swing against Labour saw the return of an SP Councillor, the only one

It was obvious from an analysis of the canvass returns in Darnley that our vote had been taken almost exclusively from the British Labour Party. At the National Organising Committee meeting on October 9, it was decided that in the event of an early election, seven Parliamentary seats would be fought: Paisley, South Ayrshire, North Aberdeen, Central Fife, Pollok (a constituency in the southwest of Glasgow), one in Edinburgh

The fighting of the Paisley seat was regarded with some concern by the NOC as, with only 30 SLP members in the Paisley branch, no one could believe the probable candidate, John Robertson MP, would save his deposit. The desire to contest North Aberdeen was presented to the NOC by two of its members Bob Tait and Danus Skene, both members of the Aberdeen branch. They claimed this desire had the full support of the branch and said nothing of the arguments which had been caised there against fighting Bob Hughes in North or lan Sproat in South Aberdeen. Bob Tait, formerly a member of the SNP, is now on the new NEC of the SLP, and Danus Skene, who is expected to be the Party's prospective Parliamentary candidate in North Aberdeen, is now the SLP Executive Vice Chairman, Bob Tait has since expelled from the SLP those who agitated for the party to fight lan Sproat in Aber-

Pollok branch, through expulsions and resignations, now has less than 20 members of whicht the Party would enable the Leadership to

fewer than five are activists. It is impossible to believe they have any chance of fighting what is the biggest Parliamentary seat, in population terms, in Britain. Looking at the Edinburgh situation, it was the general feeling of the whole SLP membership that they should fight the Leith constituency at a General Election. Jim Sillars, and Alex Neil, the SLP General Secretary, were strongly opposed to this and advocated that the SIP should put up against Robin Cook, the Tribunite in Edinburgh Central. It is again dificult to understand this decision unless some form of electoral pact has been concluded with the SNP. At the October 23 meeting last year of the NOC, the Secretary of the Standing Orders Committee, Litster Craig Gardiner, stated that the whole of the Leith branch would need to be suspended as it had been infiltrated and controlled by the extreme left wing. The only evidence produced against the branch came in a letter from Tom Nairn, a New Left Review editorial board member for the past ten years. In his letter he stated that he had been in touch by phone with a personal friend who was a senior official with the IMG in Eondon, This person had confirmed that it was IMG strategy to infiltrate the SLP. Several individuals from four other branches were also suspended because of previous IMG connections, No evidence was offered against them. Jim Sillars did not find it necessary to inform those present at the October 23 meeting of the NOC that the previous evening he had addressed a meeting of the SP-controlled Andrew Fletcher Society in Edinburgh, He had stipulated that the text of his spech should not be published, or released to th press No other member of the SLP was present at the meeting, In spite of the embargo on the speech, it has been reported, without any disclaimer from Sillars, that the question of dual membership and joint work between the SNP and SLP was discussed. There followed the first Congiess of the SLP in Stirling, opening on a day when an Opinion Research Centre Poll conducted for The Scotsman revealed that 28% of the British Labour Party vote would swing to the SLP at the next General election, In contrast, only 9% of the SNP vote would swing to the SLP. The leadership were contirmed in their decision to expel the Leith branch and the named individuals. They saw a triple benefit: firstly, increasing electoral credibility by being seen to do the one thing the British Labour Party had been unable to do - the purging of extremists from within its ranks. Secondly, this purge would also make the SLP palatable to the SNP; and thirdly, the removal of the bulk of the active socialists from

11

pick on more seats held by the Tribunite Left Labour MPs, Although the SLP share of a general election vote would only be in the order of ten to fifteen per cent, it would be taken almost exclusively from the British Labour Party, so SLP intervention in a labour-held seat would almost certainly ensure SNP success. The extraordinary undemocratic poenes which occurred at Congress culminated in the disbandment of Kelvin, Cumbernauld, Stirling and Stirling University branches, Their delegates were expelled on Sunday October 31 for "disruption" without any evidence being presented or discussion allowed. The Kelvin branch had long been feared by the leadership, who had made previous attempts to destroy it. Their main fear seems to have been the wish of Kelvin to build a large Glasgow membership which could balance the artificial card-vote majority enjoyed by the Ayrshire branches. A large SLP membership in Glasgow would also perhaps want to fight its own constituency seats, and this would not please the SNP, who need to make substantial gains in the industrial belts of Scotland in a General Election to justify their position. The reasons behind the disbandment of the other three branches are not so clear. Not one of these branches has a single member who has either been a member or associated with the IMG. In fact the bulk of their membership is ex-Labour Party, and their only connection is that they are all members of the Central Area Federation of the SLP. The Cumbernauld branch of the SNP was deeply involved in supporting the Cumbernauld dustmen's strike against an SNP-controlled District Council and also against the publiclyexpressed wish of Jim Sillars. The branch membership was also seriously considering standing several candidates against the SNP at the district elections in May 1977, and has given consideration to fighting the East Dunbartonshire Constituency seat at a General Election. This seat was won by the SNP From the Tories in October 1974 by 22 votes. Stirling Town and Stirling University branches have extremely good relations with the Labour and Trade Union movement in the Stirling area, and in the past, prior to joining the SLP, members from these branches were sympathetic to, and worked for Denis Cavan, Tribunite Labour MP for West Stirlingshire. It has been difficult even for myself, who was a member of the old National Organising Committee of the SLP, to understand the motivation behind Sillars' decision to destroy the major portion of the Party. I am convinped that time will prove my contention that only an clectoral pact with the SNP can adequately explain one of the worst disasters ever to be inflicted on the Scottish Socialist movement.

The Leveller January 1977 JOHN NAIRN

[page 12]

ment

mittees

leadership. mobilised.

It was unfortunate that these recomendations were not subject to critical discussion within the labour movement. The "alternative strategy" they embodied with its calls for changes and extension of government policy would have been exposed to be inadequate as a guide to action for rank-and-file activists. It provided for no initiative at all from the grass roots of the movement. There was no suggestive of self help in overcoming the scourge of unemployment.

In April 1976 at the STUC conference in Perth, a resolution from Stirling Trades Council commanded majority support on the hand count after a paragraph criticising the Labour Government had been amended out. This motion, resolution 17, rejected the empty rhetoric and concentrated on a programmatic basis for the fight against unemployment.

It was of course defeated by the block votes of the oligarchs present but the earlier support was aging. It will be interesting to note to what extent the resolution 17 percolate through to the General Council of the STUC.

On the 23td October, the Youth Advisory Committee tried again. A demonstration and rally was held in Glasgow; the speakers, and Dennis Canavan, were heckled from the floor as they reiterated their "alternative" strategy, without explaining what action should be taken by

A few days later at the special oneday conference on unemployment carled by the STUC, Hugh D'Arcy, this years STUC Chairman, opened the conferrence by saying the purpose was not discuss how bad the unemployment situation was, but to find ways and means of mobilising the movement to

An all Scottish demonstration was arranged for December, to coincide with the STUCs meeting with Jim Callaghan, Jimmy Milne outlined the aims of the STUC campaign. A shorter working week with no loss of wages, restrietions on overseas investment and selective import controls.

It was pointed out from the floor that the social contract effectively blocked any moves towards a shorter

encour-

points of

Jimmy Milne

a chink of light

Inside the unions The STUC and the Fight for Jobs

Where is the Scottish labour movegoing? freshly augmented by the first unemployment figures of 1977, certainly beg that question.

One remembers the carly 70s alive with resolve, determination and anger caused by unemployment going over the 100,000 mark. Local action com- Hourished, abounded: UCS and Plessey workers were in occupation of their workplaces. From grass roots to union

What has changed now? What cataclysm has paralysed the movement, rendering it impotent and virtually immobile? Are unemployment figures subject to some physical law of diminishing concern?

This is hardly likely. The answer lies rather in the changing face of government. Changing face because the election of a Labour government has not meant a change in the policies; in fact the same policies are being pursued with, if anything, greater zeal than under the Tories.

The events of 1976,

demonstrations

the movement was

Let us examine the performance of the labour movement in the past year, culminating in a post war record of 8 percent unemployment.

In February 1976, the STUC Youth Advisory Committee held what could be kindly described as an exercise in chaos. The well-meaning attempt to hold a conference on youth unemployment was doomed because of the diverse bodies invited.

Representatives from the Labour Party, LPYS, Communist Party and the trade union movement were joined by Tory, SNP and Liberal Councillors expounding their own brand of economic theory. This recipe was enough to ensure that everybody talked and nobody listened. The proceedings were only enlivened by the emergence of SNP Councillor Robert Brotherhood as a promising comedian. He informed the delegates that he was the proud owner of two suits, and talked esoterically of "you're ain fish guts in you're maws nest". Thus was the opportunity lost to discuss the recomendations of the Youth Advisory Committee.

from the start,

later,

those present.

appeared.

fight it.

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12

[page 13]

working week; overseas investment have indeed been rising in relation to home investment but while remains in the hands of financial and industrial capital it will also be investon the blunt criteria of the ment biggest return. The demand for import controls however certainly deserves a critical response from the labour movement. The implications for world solidarity must be realised. It is highly debatable whether the export of unemployment is a suitable method of resolving Britains economic crisis.

It is rather the demands of the Stirling STUC resolution which show a way forward, by linking the need for a shorter working demands for nationalisation and inflation prooling of wages and public spending.

The December demonstration which thousands of trade unionists from all over Scotland took part was successful in displaying the degree among the rank and file. They were met with a disquieting ruling from the demonstration's organisers. anti-Labour would be allowed. The logic is abysmai. Against the scourge of unemployment we may chant placards, but at all costs we must be refrained from criticising the agents of that scourge.

The rally which followed like many recent rallies, took the form of economic lectures; and this to a massed gathering of economic and political consciousness.

So while Jim Callaghan rejects the STUCs demands for the implementation of the "alternative strategy"

Scottish unemployment rises to the 183.418.

The Labour Government attempts to implement the program of the IMF; British Industry must be regenerated at all costs. At the expense of employsocial services ment we must subsidy the crutches of capitalism.

The public sector is stirring with NALGO calling a one day strike, and NUPE on the verge of supporting it. The public service unions must not be left to go it on their own. The support of the industrial unions is essential to asuccessful fight back against unemployment, and the cuts. Whatever happens. 1977 promises to be a highly politically charged vear.

(Stirling Trades Council Exec; in a personal capacity)

InSIO

wealth

week with

concern

placards Government

slogans and wave

and education,

CORRIE MeCHORD

said

with

100 at SLP Rally

On Dee Iith a demonstration against unemployment, took place in Glasgow. There was a high turn out. Some estimates put it as high as 5.000 pcople. Most major trade unions were represented. Political groups included the Labour party, the Communist Party, and the SLP. There was also a contingent from the Right to Work Campaign.

The STUC demonstration finished with a rally in the addressed by leading trade unionists and lert Labour MPs. The organisers of the demonstration urged caution in criticising the government. This contrasted with their continual assertions that current economic policy was wrong-headed. Indeed it con with trasted demonstration.

A some-what different attitude prevailed at a post-demonstration meeting in City Halls later that same afternoon. Over a 100 people gathered for a rally against the cuts organised by the SIP. Opening the rally Douglas Gilchrist of Cumbernauld SLP and EIS commented on remarks that the morning's demonstration had not been against the government. "I submit that it was" he to be greeted with applause. He went on to call for opposition to all cuts and unemployment. He emphasised the need to make representatives of the labour movement accountable to the rank and file. The rest of the meeting was taken up with contributions from the floor. Unlike the STUC rally this meeting was allowed but encouraged contributions from all shades of socialist opinion.

Corrie MoChord - an executive member - of Stirling Trades Council and TGWU branch chairman stressed that to challenge the weak-kneed policies of the STUC leadership you needed an -alternative economic programme. He dwelt on the importance of

organised by the STUC,

Apollo Theatre.

the very need for a

13

It was

only

Stirling Trades Council resolution 17 to the last STUC Congress, using it as an example of such an alternative.

Joln Glen of the Right to Work Campaign laid the stress in his contribution on the need for action. He told the rally that the Right to Work campaign organising a march to the next STUC and appealed for support.

Donald Anderson of the Scottish Republican Clubs commented on the failures of the Labour party. He considered that the left as a whole supporting labour in 1974. He asserted that the main sources of hope were the SNP and SLP.

Charlie: involvement at the grass roots. In his view the emphasis of much action was overconcerned with the work place and was over-organised. He held up the Fair Fares campaien, of which he is it member, as an example of more constructive action.

The theme of action was also taken up by George Kerevan of Edinburgh SIP and FIS. He endorsed John Glen's remarks. But, he said, as well as demonstrating outside the STUC. socialists must also fight on the foor of congress. He went on to discuss carrying the fight into the political arena. He said that in the District Council clections the labour movement must put up anti-cuts candidates and oppose councillors who refuse to oppose the plans of Edinburgh SIP to conduct such an election campaign.

In all 15 people spoke. Despite politienl differences the meeting was friendly. The sceds of future co-operation were being sown.

hade made a great error in

Baird concerned was

cuts. He outlined the

MARTIN O'LEARY

would be

[page 14]

The unions EIS: Pollock tries for TUC

A big shake-up of the Educational Institute of Scotland is planned by General Secretary John Pollock, an ex-chairman of the Labour Party in Scotland.

According to inside sources, plans to complete the transformation of EIS from a professional association run by a clique of headmasters into a full-blooded trade union run by J.D. Pollock. Long term plans include: * expanding recruitment to include all workers in the education service (not just teachers). * scrapping the educational advisory committees through which EIS acts in a senu-managerial role by helping run the SED examination system. * using the money saved on the advisory committees to affiliate to the British TUC. Pollock's plans to get a seat on the TUC General Council will be opposed by the reactionary headmaster-dominated National Council of the EIS which does not wish to upset the cosy relationship between the headmasters and the Directors of Education.

Pollock, however, is playing his own Since 1974, he has been building game. a personal base in EIS through balancing between the conservative promoted teachers in the secondary are jeopardised by the cuts in public spendand his Labour Party cronies in the ing. Regional Councils. In return for the mess of potage of a weak contract of service dear to the heart of the promoted teachers, Pollock has tacitly taken the heat off the big Labour controlled Regions on the cuts issuc.

Pollock's current chief concern is to head off any alliance between the young non-promoted teachers, who wish to take militant action against the cuts, and the increasingly disenchanted promoted teachers. This requires a bit of 'left demagogy

schools whose prospects

Scottish Socialist:

Pollock

on Pollock's part against the cuts: witness his speech to the STUC unemployment rally in Glasgow on December Ilth.

It also requires an attempt to free himself from the headmasters whose craven before the cuts will drive the retreat promoted teachers in the class room to the sort of unofficial strike action which gave John Pollock so many sleepless nights in 1974, It is known that Pollock was annoyed when the National Council vetoed his taking part in the November 17 anti cuts lobby of Parliament.

As yet, Pollock is not strong enough to take on the headmasters directly, but as time goes by we are likely to see Pollock make moves to reduce the power of the National Council and concentrate decision making in the National Executive Committee which is more open to his influence. It is rumoured that Pollock will try to outflank the National Council by breaking up the EIS into a series of semiautonomous sections along the lines of the newly-created Further Education Sec- These would reduce the power of tion. Council by exercising extensive independent negotiating powers. They would aiso help Pollock divide and rule.

These manoeuvres are being given free reign by the failure of the left inside EIS to reform a coherent opposition alter the crushing of the Rank and File group at the December 1975 EIS Special General Meeting which endorsed the Social Con- The failure of Rank and File to tract. develop policies capable of uniting all groups of teachers against the government's attacks has left the way open for other political currents to regroup the FIS left. Thus the recent formation of a broad left Organisation of Progressive Teachers in Glasgow.

OPT is composed largely of members of the Communist Party and the left wing of the Labour Party. The CP, though it boasts a fair number of EIS members, has always been reticent about organising openly in the union and lacks influence except peshaps in Aberdeen. Which direction OPT will take remains unclear, but CP broad left groupings in other unions have generally in the past restricted themselves to "pressuring" left bureaucrats. An ominous sign has been a quiet approach to pro-Pollock rising star of the EIS, Keir Bloomer, to joinOPT. Bloomer has let it be known he is "sympathetic" but unwilling to be openly associated with OPT.

At the moment, in obvious danger might be that Pollock would use OPT as a left cover in his tight with the headmasters, and the CP would take on the mantle of loyal opposition. The greatest failing of the left in ElSihas been to underestimate Pollock's opportunism. After all Pollock the man who claimed he would rather see a Tory government in London than a Labour government in Scotland campaigning in the EIS journal for greater devolution of education

Any serious left opposition in the FIS must be prepared to confront the Social Contract head on, and be prepared to do battle, not just with a clique of archreactionary head teachers, but also with John Pollock himself.

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14

[page 15]

socia-

neview This in itself is of enormous importance, because only ten years ago MacLean and his ideas were being brushed aside as "irrelevant" or "impossiblist" or *out-ofdate". Nan Milton's book has had not a little to do with this remarkable transformation.

In academic circles her book is also treated with respect and is on the bookshelves of every university in Scotland. Not that her book is written in an academic style, but the objective, factual and welldocumented narrative of her father's life, Ideas and activities has the ring of authority and truth which cannot fail to impress any serious reader.

This is the story of the greatest period in the history of the Scottish working people, when they took on the whole parasitical class of exploiters, rack-renters, warmongers, imperialists and chauvinists and fought for the establishment and maintenance of independent working-class organisatit was the period of war against the bosses, of persistent industrial struggles, of the fight against a murderous war, and most glorious of all the fight for the maintenance of the young Sovict republic and the rights of all nations to national independence. It was the period *When Marxism became more deeply rooted in Scotland than in any other part of the British Empire."

And there in the midst of all the battles was the heroic figure of the greatest Marxast of them all, teaching, agitating, urging. exhorting, patiently explaining, building the morale of tens of thousands of working-class. fishters, forcing them on to more and more determined action, making leaders of men and women who, otherwise, might not have achieved even a marginal note in the history of their class.

The English never needed to suppress Scottish national institutions to impose a uniform state and system of commerce as happened with the Basque and Catalan nationalities. The Scottish rulers set up national institutions tailored to the needs of the Empire - from Scottish regiments to Scottish banks. This is why movements of national revolt have never sunk deep roots in Scottish life.

But this does not justify the author's refusal to acknowledge any expression of national sentiment except that of the bourgeoisie. He fails to analyse the working class response to nationalism - both Scottish and British. This is why he has nothing to say about the British nationalism of the anti-devolutionists. This is why he also has nothing to say about the Scottish institutions the working has created. Nor its class tradition of militant struggle. This is why he completely misunderstands the SLP. detining it as a kind of mini-SNP.

15

This then is the portrait which emerges: 'John MacLean, the man of indomitable will, the man who did not recognise the word "retreat, the man who was prepared to sacritice everything his job, his family, his health. his life in the interests of his class, the man who "forged the Scottish link in the golden chain of world Socialism".

A previous reviewer of tnis biography objected that there was little attempt to get close to him as a man". but Nun Milton makes it quite clear in her introduction that she sees her father as Guy Aldred saw him: "The workers message dominated ind consumed him until that message became his personality. Apart from his class he was nothing, because his class, its sorrows, it's strugales, had become he life and bein".

And that is why he was, and remains, the living conscience of the Scottish working "storin-centre Scottish class and the of polities". Any 'storm' that ignores MacLean will blow out only too quickly inimominy and betrayal.

But let the last word remain with the poet, Hugh MacDiarmid, who over the last four decades has fought, as persistently as MacLean himself, to establish the paramount importance of MacLean's message: "For I um corn and not chult, and will neither Be blown by the wind. nor burst with the flail, But will abide them both And in the end prevail".

By Our Guest Reviewer MORRIS BLYTHMAN Chairman, John MacLean Society Nations and nationalities are rooted in all aspects of social existence, including that of working people. We can all cross our hearts and curse the Tartan Tories, But why do they get support? And why. when there is real national oppression as in Catalonia and the Basque country, do we find national demands spearheadine great waves of anti-fascist and even anti-capitalist revolt led by workers" organisations?

Are not democracy and democratic rights as relevant to workers" needs as the severest attack on living standards? Is not the nationalist tide in Scotland swelled by genuine problems that will have to be tackled on a Scottish basis, whether by workers" councils or the Rank and File The domination of the muli- Movement. nationals, the social squador and deprivation of Clydeside and Tayside. enforced migration, the decline of traditional industry: we must meet these problems head on and so we must put forward our solutions cverywhere they will reach willing ears including the assembly.

Of course it is true, as Armstrong says, that "the creation of a Scottish Assembly would still leave us with our daily dictatorships*.

But the same could be siid of universal suffrage. Was it not worth winning? The same can be said of women's rights. Are they not worth fiphting for? Of course it is not enough to have an assembly. Or course it will not bring socialism.

But neither will the readers of his pamphlet uniess they understand that nationalism is too important to bedeft to the nationalits.

ALAN FREEMAN

Books:

John Maclean John MacLean, Nan Milton, Pluto Press, £2.00

This book has already had a considerable influence on the Scottish political scene since its first publication three years ago, and this limited reprint (a very small one, unfortunately) is more than welcome.

Nowadays activist in the Scottish movement list or nationalist who has not heard the name of John MacLean and who does not understand, in some degree, the importance of his work and the central position he holds in Scottish politics.

there is not one leading

Pamphlets Nationalism and Socialism

Nationalism and Socialism. Allan Armstrong, Socialist Worker, 10p

The traditional left lays itself open to the charge that it has a blinkered view of life. Tom Nairn for example thinks it is so besotted by wage struggle that all other problems of social and political existence escape it.

This pamphlet will not allay Nair's fears. Sadly, it provides few prac tical pointers for those who reject Nairn's outlook but still want a socialist approach to the national question.

This is a pity, because the analysis of the first half is valuable.

The writer points feature of Scottish distinctive out the nationalism: "Parcel o' Rogues" the signed away Scottish sovereignty did so voluntarily.

It was the only could discipline the unruly highlands and open the way to the clearances, to industrial expansion and a stake in the Empire.

who

way they

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article.

cxample

Published by Scottish Socialist, 7 Madeira Place, Leith, Edinburgh.

no real

British

Dear Comrades,

attacks on

create the

on the

views

SNP V Nationalism

Dear Scorrish Socialist.

Although in general agreement with much of what he wrote, I found Chris Bambery's" article, "Behind the SLP Split" in the last Scottish Socialist' a little confused.

When will socialists in Scotland realise that there is a difference between supporting self-determination for Scotland (Le. Scottish independence) and supporting The SNP is not Scottish nationalism and in the last analysis the SNP. with its capitalist "nationalism' can only betray the struggle for Scottish independence. At best. what they land Sillars and his supporters, for that matter) can offer the working class of Scotland is a pathetic sham, 4 devolved Scottish toy government no more free of English capitalism than the 'Free State' in the 26 Counties of Ireland, or the "Transkel" from South Africa There can be Scottish freedom without socialism.

Silues crime for that is a fraud socialism. Something which Chris Bambery never really got to grips with properly in his

To be real socialists we the right of oppressed nations, like Scotland, Ireland and formerly Angola, Vietnam, etc, to self-determination Le. to secession from their imperatist masters.

Bambery fails to do this and instead holds up the Labour "Letts" to us as an all talk and ao action, whose socialism is the defence of the unity of the imperial stute, complete with inport controls to increase unemployment.

Bumbery Implies that it is wrong to sland candidates against these people, who are about is uscless to the Scottish working class as the likes of Sillars and Robertson with their Jobs and Industry socialism and "devolved" FEC independence". / The choice is not "Nationalism or Class Struggle", as Neil Williamson put it in Red Weekly but between both or neither.

The future of Scottish socialism lies in the lang overdue reunification of the strungle for real socialism democratic workers control of all means of production, distribution and exchange in 1 world cconomy planned for need and not for profit for the fullest democratic rights including the nebt to self-determination.

It is my hope that the democratie wing of the SEP will begin to do this.

Printed and Toeset hy Trade Union Lahmur

the SNP:

is not his nationalism' but his lack of

must support

Shese toothless tigers like Cunavan.

nationalisation under

together with the struggle

Yours fraternally: ED. ROBERTSON

A Message Left 'Dangerously Unclear'

Dear Scottish Socialist, Alan Freeman's article in issue number two on an assembly with socialist powers was in many respects excellent; in its analysis of the maneouverings around the Devolution Bill, and in stressing that we cannot build socialism in an isolated Scotland.

However, it leaves a great deal unsaid. My first criticism is not just of this one article but of the paper as a whole. It discusses the "powers of the assembly and offers page upon page about the right of the Scottish people to self-determination. Yet little is said about the equally important and different question of whether socialists should support this particular demand (for the assembly) at this particular time.

The editorial does admit "We do not think the assembly will usher in socialism or even meet the simplest social needs of working people". This is not claborated on in the editorial and is hardly mentioned elsewhere. If the assembly is not going to meet the simplest social needs of working people, then Scottish Socialist must hammer this home loud and clear.

What makes Alan Freeman's article potentially dangerous is his failure to make clear the role Of all parliaments under capitalism.

I think it is correct to make demands of the Assembly when it eventually appears. It is correct to say that the assembly must have powers to implement socialist policies; for socinlists, "powers' are only meaningful when used for a purpose - to advance the workingclass cause.

But we must distinguish ourselves from those reformists in the labour movement who believe, or pretend, that power is created in, and dispensed by, parliaments. The sirugele for power is one fought between classes throughout the whole domain of social life; it is our job to expose parliaments - whether in Westminster or Edinas the creatures and burgh props of copitalism.

Alan Freeman's parliamentarist obsession continues into his last paragraph. I certainly don't believe that the British working class sees the highest expression of its unity as the presence of Scottish MPs in Westminster: why then does he pick the withdrawal of these MPs as his sole example of potential blows to British working class unity?

Fraternally, EUAN SHORT

Printed by Buncle Print, Arbroath

Take Care

Let me congratulate you on your magazine Scottish Socialist, long overdue on the Scottish political scene.

I would urge that you do nat fall into the old Left-Wing trap of using the pages of the magazine as d platform for indivi duals to vent their spleen on their own particular hang ups in relation to other progressive newspapers and parties, ie. the Tom Nairn, the SNP et al. If criticism is to be made let it be particular and accurate, not general and unfounded. Alan Freeman, in an excellent article, spoils it by repeating IS attacks on the SNP. With all its imperfections the SNP helped whole present storm and laid the groundwork for the formation of the SLP and the "Scottish dimension" in political le in Scotland. Let us confine our attack main enemy, the British Labour Party and its allies on the British Left.

You can he assured that the Security Services, British and American, will analyse the pages of your paper closely, and at a later date will be able to exploit personal differences should, nuy when, your members reuch positions of political power.

The time now is for co-operation on common ground with other parties and troups: this can be done without com promising principles

JOHN CARLYLE. Scottish Republican Socialist Club, (Glasgow Central).

Write in and tell us what you think of the expressed in Scottish Socialist. All letters welcome. We reserve the right to cut letters over 250 words.

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Notices

Scottish local government officers in NALGO are to take one day strike action against spending-cuts and redundancies proposed in the 1977-8 local authority - budgets. These arise from the Labour government's 4%% cut in the Rate Support Grant.

The strike decision was taken at a special NALGO conference in London on January 14th. The date is to be fixed by NALGO's Scottish Local Government Committee in conjunction with other unions willing to take joint action. The most likely time is in early March. despite widespread, Already, uncoordinated, opposition to spending cuts, increased charges and deteriorating services have hit hard in trans port, housing, health, education, librarles and all other aspects of the welfare proposals would The present state. axe a further 11,000 local government jobs, as well as virtually eliminating nursery school, community and youth centre provisions.

The NALGO strike call has already won backing from the Divisional Coun cil of NUPE, which has called a day of action for their 55.000 members in the Health Service as well as in local government. This decision lays the basis for unifying the entire Trade Union movement in Scotland in effective opposition to the cuts.

It represents a big step forward. Unfortunately, at this time, a Day of Action is not enough. The STUC's campaign against cuts and unemployment has singularly tailed to impress the government or mobilise the Scottime for tish working class; the Saturdar marches and lobbies of parliament has passed.

if By WALTER McLELLAN, Assistant Secretary. Glasgow Branch, NALGO Sterner measures are required; and that means united strike action against the cuts. Also necessary is a fighting programme which demands that the burden of the crisis in the capitalist system must be borne by the financiers and industrialists who created it not by the workers and the most deprived sections of the community.

That is why, at its recent recall conference, the SLP adopted a fighting programme of demands first raised by Stirling Trades Council at last year's STUC congress. This programme, defeated there by the block vote of the general unions, demanded: - A thirty-five hour week and longer holidays without loss of pay. Cost of living clauses in all wage agreements, pensions benefits. A crash programme to restore social spending cuts and inflation-proofing of all social expenditure.

1

and state

STOP THE SFA CHILE GAME

Nationalisation pensation of firms declaring redundancies. Also crucial is the demand for the nationalisation of banks and finance houses whose crippling interest charges now constitute the main element in social expenditure.

The proposed Day of Action must not be another one-off protest, but the first step in a co-ordinated campaign of industrial action to defeat the anti-working class policies of the Labour

without com-

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the

places,

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LABOUR EXCHANGE

"Oh its Mr Jones, isn't it - my old careers master?

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Yours,