Scottish Socialist No. 2

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[page 1]

THE SOCIAL CONTRACT

Fighting the Cuts Devolution The Split in the SLP Abortion in Scotland

Unionising the Rigs NUS Services Fold Gay Rights Elections

[page 2]

Editorials: Time to Break the Contrao The Assembly The SLP Split

Reports: Fighting the Cuts in Glasgow Glasgow Busworkers Set Up Action Committee - Fighting the Cuts in Edinburgh Edinburgh Campaign Against Racism NUS Services Collapse . November 17th Anti-Cuts Demonstration A Favour for the CLA EGA Stays OK SLP M.P. to Speak at SPUC Rally? New Threat to Scottish Gays

Articles: Assembly needs Powers to Implement Socialist Measures Oil: The Myth of Mr. Million. The Fight for Abortion Rights in Scotland The SLP Split: Blow by Blow The Press and the SLP Split A Socialist Election Policy for the SLP

Letters: Women's Rights A Question for Tom Nairn. Labour Against the Cuts? A Voice for Engineers

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Page Page 5 Page 4 Page 17 Page 6 Page 22 Page Page 3 Page 13 Page 7

Page 10 Page 11 Page 13 Page 16 Page 18 Page 20

Page 14 Page 15 Page 15 Page 22

[page 3]

Time to Breach the Contract

When Jack Jones first unveiled his blueprint for recovery the to the TUC, he explained that it meant a moderation demands in return for realconcessions to the labour movement; the Labour government, he explained, safeguard employwould be able to ment and maintain social spending by reducing inflation.

Jack Jones blueprint is and as the most gigantic, fraud perpetrated ever against the British working class. In return for accepting a cut in real what tangible results can working people point to? ***Spending Power?: The annual rate of inflation was 19.7% in October, *Employment?: The jobless total according to official figures has just about doubled to 1½ million. Hundreds of thousands of workers women are not even counted in these figures. 20,000 teachers are on the dole and thousands of public sector workers are now facing the sack. ***Healthcare?: 75% of hospital beds are in pre-1918 hospitals: this year the Government cut £80 million off the hospital building programme Between 1973 and 1975, capital spending fell from £610 to £365 million in primary and secondary education and from £207 to E152 million in further and higher education. Plans are under discussion to close all but two colleges of education in Scotland. The school slum clearance project has been stopped alto- ***Welfare?: In the period 1974-76, capital spending on social services has been slashed by 38%. Local Government spending in 1976-77 has been cut to £61.8 million the figure for the previous

As the cuts and unemployment increasingly strike home, the beginnings of a response are emerging. On November 17th, 60,000 workers from all over Britain, mainly from the public sector unions participated in an antiand demonstration rally in the Same day, there wasa large and militant demonstration

The response so far has generally been localised and episodic, lacking in a clear set of policies and demands. The trade union leaders, even the

"lefts like Alan Fisher of NUPE who addressed the November 17th rally, set their sights on convincing" Jim Callaghan to change course.

At its conference on 14th, the SLP adopted as official policy the demands of Resolution 17 at last year's STUC conference and pledged itself to united action with all those fighting for these demands against the government's Social Contract fraud: ***Immediate implementation of a 35 hour week without loss of pay. ***Longer holidays with no loss of pay. ***An opening of the books of all companies declaring redundancies. ***Nationalisation without compensation of any company unable to ensure employment at a living wage for its workforce. ***An end to cuts in public expenditure and a new programme to restore the cuts in housing, education and health. *** An end to incomes policy measures like the 4% limit and all similar schemes. ***Full cover of all wage agreements against inflation by cost of living Clauses. ***Full cover of all state benefits and grants to individuals for cost of living increases.

Help us improve "Scottish Socialist" and ensure it comes out regularly each month. After all it's a better investment than Dennis Healey and his IMF masters. Send what you can afford, down to the odd copper, to: Scottish Socialist (Finance) c/o Eve Oldham, 18 Carrington Street, Glasgow.

November

These demands, which mustered considerable support at the STUC against the block vote of the TGWU and GWU, lay the basis for a unified campaign by all the victims of Labour's social contract with the IMF: employed and unemployed, public sector and private sector workers, pensioners, students, the sick and the disabled.

At the same time as actions against the governfor all ment's attacks, it is necessary to begin now the fight for these policies at all levels of the trade union and labour movement. Now is the time to seck their endorsement by trade union branches and trades councils as the first step towards organising the fight at the 1977 STUC Congress. At the same time it is necessary to public meetings like the organise SLP raily in Glasgow on December 11th.

Finally within all existing campaigns and initiatives in supporters of Resolution 17 participate from the STUC youth unemployment campaign to Labour Against the Cuts and the Right to Work Campaign, these policies must be debated out to win the maximum support for a meeting of STUC delegates to coordinate the fight at conference.

mobilising

GIVE YOUR MONEY

[page 4]

scottish socialist editorial

Hamish immediate opening with the Sillars NEC for a democratic reunification. Within eight hours, without a whisper of consulation, Sillars had splased his refusal all over the pages of the press.

The future of the socialist alternative promised at the foundation of the SLP lies with those who attended or supported the November 14th conference. Socialism in the SLP has received its baptism in fire. We are confident that from it, a new and vital force in Scotland and Britain will emerge. This is where the ideals on which Scottish Socialist was founded lie. This is where we place our commitment.

JOIN THE SLP SUPPORT THE DECISIONS OF NOVEMBER 14TH.

Henderson calling for an of negotiations

The Split in the S.L.P

When launched, it was set up as a democratic journal produced by SIP members, controlled by its readers and supporters. It was launched as a socialist journal, with a commitment to clear socialist policies set out in its editorial statement.

At the October conference of the SLP. Jim Sillars Organising Committee set out to destroy democracy in the SLP. They did not succeed. The branches they expelled, together with a majority of delegates met together and called a reconvened congress for November 14th.

Those who led and upheld the explusions wanted room for Sillars to play the power game in Westminster to go over his members heads and concoct private deals with the SNP. unfettered by the trappings of democracy and unchallenged by committed socialists in his own ranks. They have given John Robertson the nod to continue the right wing antics which made him notorious as John Boyd's hatchetman in the AUEW, and, most scandalous of all, to continue his reactionary womens abortion rights.

Sillars and Robertson have shown that they have nothing but contempt for the party membership. They treat them either as whipping-boys. which they are now trying to build represents little more than the dreams of a few tired journalists. It is doubtful whether Sillars can now count on more than ten activists apiece in the major Scottish towns.

It is for this reason that the November 14th Conference embodies the real potential of the SLP. It expressed a commitment not only to democracy, but also to socialism. It secured the support of the bulk of party activists and its most prominent trade unionists: out of 130 people present, 52 were accredited delegates from the October conference.

It immediately set about implementing the October conference resolution for an open conference against

Scottish Socialist

and the National

campaigning

voting fodder or as The depleted

was

against

rump

the cuts. It gave overwhelming support to STUC resolution 17, charting a course of opposition for the labour movement to

a fully socialist society under workers control and rejecting class collaboration. It fixed a further conference for January for a fuller discussion of policy.

It is not the supporters of the November 14th Conference who have split the SLP. It is Sillars and his cohorts. The November 14th conference unamimously adopted a resolution from Edinburgh SLP chairperson,

the social contract

Scotland's Assembly

It is traditional for socialists of the British Labour Party variety to take a firm and principled stand nationalism. "We are Internationalists" they declare, "We oppose all barriers between men. This, no doubt, explains their frequent calls for immigration restrictions and import controis. And, no doubt, the insistence of their devolution White Paper on the sovereignty of the British parliament and the British Queen.

From their inflexible viewpoint, the debate on the Assembly is crystal The enemy is nationalism. clear. Concessions are needed to appease the enemy. But too much must not be given away lest the enemy take all.

This approach shows contempt for the working class and for the true ideals of socialism. This only makes it sadder that many marxists have mimicked the same approach.

It is true that the SNP presents a tremendous threat to working class unity. But the SNP only exploits the disunity imposed on the working class by continued failures of its own leadership: including its failure to recognise particular the problems of the Scottish working class and the right of Scottish workers to decide themselves how to tackle these problems.

regional and national

against

The editorial commitment given in our first issue stated: *As a socialist journal appearing in Scotland it is incumbent on us to take a clear stand on the national question. We uphold the right of Scotland to self-determination, and hence its right to an elected government. We recognise no higher authority than that of the Scottish powers of the Assembly"

We do not think that the assembly will usher in socialism, or even meet the simplest social needs of working people. There is room for wide debate concerning the attitude which Scottish workers should take towards it. But on one question there should be no debate. The Scottish people in their majority are clearly for an lected Assembly. Any attempt to bar its passage, to make it conditional, or to limit its powers, negates the right of the Scottish people to determine their own future, a right which no socialist can deny.

The recognition of this right by the whole British working class, and a recognition of the justified democratic feelings of the Scottish workers and the particular social problems they face, is the best possible guarantee of unity in the common struggle imposed by a common capitalist class.

people in determining the

[page 5]

London's 150

however,

women by women. service should

"inoperable" "unusable". those

all the

the

in hospitals all continue to lengthen dole queue.

more than

the

movement to expand

about

waiting lists

from NUPE and NALGO

alone gone on strike —

any point on the route.

Thursday morning,

take lobbies of parliament.

NICK LOCKHART

could

are

be a

STAYS OK

On November 15th workers at the Elizabeth Garrett Anderson Hospital (EGA) in London decided to occupy the hospital, which is threatened with closure, and maintain a 24 hour picket outside. On the 17th 2,000 supporters joined a demonstration organised by the Joint Shop Stewards Committee and the Save the EGA Campaign; they marched to Hyde Park to bring this first-ever hospital occupation in Britain to the attention of the 60,000 participants on national Anti-Cuts March.

The EGA is just one of 120 of hospitals currently threatened with closure. The EGA, is exceptional in that it is the only one for the exclusive use of patients and staffed mainly As such it provides a which the labour be attempting against the range of other attacks facing women as the crisis bites deeper: abortion restrictions, offensives against women's right to work etc.

The arguments used to ease closure were that the EGA was in a bad state of repair. Also the lift suddenly became making the Ist floor All very interesting for who remember the closure of Robroyston Hospital in Glasgow and made excuses sewerage and health hazards.

In Strathclyde it is rumoured that a new hospital at Monklands will not open. A little further down the Clyd we find another new hospital where top floor will be closed. (Lift problems perhaps?). The staffing levels over the country fall while and more nurses join the

The fine example set by EGA shows how to fight against the cuts. And the occupation of a school in Easterhouse closed years ago for conversion into a nursery (never carried out because of the cuts) gives a local lead on how to

then

Against Cuts 60,000 March

The massive turnout of over 60,000 in London on 17th November probably the largest mobilisation of public sector workers ever seen in Britain. All sections of the public sector were out, with five figure contingents Wave upon wave of demonstrators, many of whom had never been involved in any industrial action before — let Hyde Park to Westminster. onstration took almost six hours to pass It was an impressive show of feeling - but did it impress the Government? Certainly as the several thousand demonstrators from Scotland trooped off the trains and buses around dawn on

sions that the Callaghan Government is open to much persuasion. Everyone was conscious that the struggle to save social services from being decimated was only starting. Already defeats had been suf-

the fight beyond

The best solidarity that hospital workers can show with these actions is to follow their lead: to occupy against closures and for reversal of all

marked

marched from The dem-

few had any illu-

DL THE

SAVE THE E.G.A.

spectacular

cred - the school cleaners strike and" Educational TV among the most obvious. In ETV, a rearguard action by NALGO members did manage at last to save the jobs of those affected.

The 17th turning point bur only if it marks the realisation that every closure, every cut in expenditure, has to be resisted, not only by the workers affected, but by the Labour movement as a whole. Certainly many tests are at hand — in Glasgow alone Partick bus garage. Knightswood youth centre and the District Council Building Department are under immediate threat. Only a massive campaign will prevent these services becoming ghosts from the past like ETV.

(Asst. Sec. Glasgow Branch NALGO)

cuts. EGA shows the way. EGA stays

(Further infonnation and donations fo: AGA, Joint Shop Stewards Ctee,

in Strathclyde

November

WALTER MeLELLAN

HEATH

[page 6]

Edinburgh Against the Cuts

The last month has seen a flurry of protest actions against the cuts in Edinburgh. On November 17th, trade union delegations joined 1500 students in a demonstration coinciding with the 60,000-strong London march. A conference organised for the following Saturday by the Lothian Federation of Trades Councils was attended by 120 delegates from public sector unions. It discussed the latest round of savings" proposed by Lothian Region Council, and organised the first of a series of lobbies of Council meetings.

But despite this intense protest activity no movement yet appears to be emerging capable of throwing back the cuts. As Labour Councillor Sandy Ross pointed out at the conference, the cuts cannot be isolated from unemployment or the wage freeze. They are all part of the Social Contract. Protest marches will amount to little while their leadership is busy upholding the pivot of the policies which underline the cuts - the Social Contract.

And in all the protests, one question went a-begging. What would all these thousands out on the streets do back in their hospitals schools and offices to defend collapsing services?

All that was forthcoming at the Edinburgh Conference was of the turnout on the 17th, the umpteenth call to lobby MPs and a call for import controls. Missing was any talk of strike action against the cuts and the policies which cause them.

The demand for import controis is only a subtler variation on the kind of policies put forward by Fred Forres-

Scottish Socialist:

a lauding

ter who spoke for the EIS. He was repeatediy redundancies elsewhere in the public sector so education could be spared from the excesses of the cuts. import controls, apart from being no less unrealistic, are just another way of passing the economic buck in this case, onto workers overseas.

Having proposed import controls so enthusiastically, large numbers of Communist Party members present were clearly embarrassed when various Labour Councillors and union officials in the party started to demand the immediate storming of the "commanding heights of the economy through willy-nilly nationalisations. rhetoric of these Labour Lefts and their friends in "Militant. grand to listen to, was somewhat lacking in content. Once again workers were being asked to go home and wait

attacked for calling for

But

only,

But the

although

for yet another solution imposed by someone else.

Those marching against the cuts the Wednesday before had a better idea about how to fight for nationalisation. As they marched past the headquarters of the Bank of Scotland, the chant went up for the opening of its books, as a first step to nationalisation. A sharp contrast to Tony Benn, who has already agreed that the next election manifesto should omit the Labour Party conference decision to nationalise the banks.

It was left to George Kerevan, a local teacher militant on the Federation of Trades Councils Anti-cuts committee and a member of North Edinburgh SLP, to call for an alliance of public sector unions against the cuts. His demand for strike action in the event of even one redundancy put the union leaders and all their rhetoric right on the spot.

Kerevan called for those opposing the cuts to demand that Labour Party Councillors, who form a majority on the Lothian Regional Council, implement Party conference policy and vote against any If the cuts are to be reversed, this will require the broad unity of all those hit by the government's austerity programme, Success will depend on spreading the realisation that opposing the cuts means opposing the whole Social Contract, And it will take more than windy import controls.

cuts in services.

rhetoric and calls for

CHRIS BAMBERY

[page 7]

Glasgow Against the Cuts

Another round of public expenditure cuts is coming through. As usual is especially hard hit. The contribution spending -will not be increased despite a deficit last inflation and the difference between regional estimates of need (low) and Whitehall's estimates (even lower) are account, Scottish local authorities will have to make cuts of some £72 million to balance their

In Strathclyde in particular this increased spells for the ordinary people of the region. Even in a field where many might feel tempted to turn a blind eye to cuts, like the £1.7m off the Strathclyde Police budget, the result is not less parking tickets and harassment but the axeing of 53 School Crossing Patrols.

Glasgow Passenger Transport Executive is to increase all its fares including the concessionary fare paid by old age pensioners. The social work budget is to lose £4 million. Children's centres will be closed and hundreds of jobs are at stake. As many sewerage works could be closed with all the health hazards this could entail. In the Council Building Department 800 workers have received 90 days notice. Even if only half of those are it will still Glasgow's growing queues of jobless.

The most savage cuts, however, are in the field of education. At the same time as the teachers union complaints crowding in classrooms, at least £25 million is to come off the Strathclyde education budget, and possibly as much as E38 million when the cut in the rates support grant comes through. There will also be a 30% reduction in the school maintenance bill. Regional Council officials have magnanimously agreed not to reduce teachers any further — but since practically every classroom in the area is already monstrously overcrowded, this is not such a big concession.

The bulk of the education cuts will be in the field of Youth and Community education. Knightswood Youth Centre is to be closed down. And this

to local the Rates

year. Once

and misery working

day as six

add to

- the EIS about over-

the number of

at a time when the Scottish Office have just bought a large chunk of TV viewing campaign time to run a against vandalism. Yet is is firmly held by all interested parties - includsocial workers and the police ing the centres that youth are most effective check on vandalism.

The reasoning behind the cuts was spelled out by Jim Callaghan at the *We need Labour Party Conference. is just a surplus.

And surplus euphemism for profits" he said. And the interests of increased in IS profits that we will have to put up with the effects of all these cutbacks.

clyde workers are leading the way in fighting them.

On November 24th bus and underagainst job ground workers struck losses and fare increases. A march and rally called by them at short notice attracted 2,000 people; a similar stoppage and demonstration called by Council building workers on December received support from local 2nd

GLASGOW BUSWORKERS LAUNCH ACTION COMMITTEE Strathclyde's cuts have included a slashing [6 million in transport. Glasgow's already ailing transport system now faces the closure of the underground for two years for structhe buses, tural repairs, and on the axing of 750 jobs and the closure of Partick Garage.

Against these attacks, the Partick Garage workers have set up an action committee to fight the cuts. Their leaflet points out that cutbacks have resulted in continuous deterioration in services to the community, ever since the introduction of pay as you enter buses in 1967. Since then the workforce has been reduced from 7,000 to 4.000 and the number of buses from 1500 to 900.

The proposed cuts will result in a disastrous further decline in service unless they are stopped. The first shot was fired with a one-day demonstration and strike supported by over 5

public sector unions and Glasgow University SRC. Two special trains booked by the Glasgow Trades Council to take workers down to the November 17th demonstration in London were filled to capacity.

Elsewhere too the mood is increasingly militant. On December Ist alone there was a one day stoppage of NUPE members in Birmingham and marches London by Steel and Textile in workers.

Jim Callaghan's message has got through. Workers have what the cuts are all about. Their answer to the appeal for increased profits has been a resounding NO.

Two things remain to be done if victory is to be achieved. The first is the hammering out by the rank and file of the movement of policies that those of the present will replace government. The other is to build ever more effective action and ever more effective unity around such policies. The numbers and the will power we have with us already.

MARTIN O'LEARY

2,000 people on 24th November.

Messages of support and enquiries to:

Partick Garage Action committee, Hayburn Street, Partick, Glasgow.

SUPPORT SCOTTISH SOCIALIST Any member of the Scottish Labour Party in general agreement with our policy statement printed on page 14 of this issue, may attend the monthly aggregate meetings which plan and edit Scottish Socialist with full voting rights in any decisions taken. Scottish Socialist is an open and democratic paper; if it is to succeed, it needs the maximum possible active involvement.

[page 8]

union.

ment. As

number

NUS Travel Collapse Signals Endof Road For Broad Left

The collapse of NUS Travel and two other NUS service companies is a body blow to the national union. While the NUS itself will be the major victim, the more immediate casualty is likely tobe its Broad Left leadership. Not simply because they will be held for the collapse; also respensible because as the NUS has, over the last three years, moved deeper into political crisis, its Broad Left leaders have come increasingly to rely on the service sector to attract students into the

Initially, the Broad Left came to dominate the NUS executive on the backs of student campaigns against the attacks of Heath's Tory governthe Labour Party lefts' and Trade Union leaders, to whom they looked for an alliance, moved from opposition to Tory attacks to enforcement oF Labour ones, Broad Left tumed their backs on political campaigns. Instead of trying to link up with those trade unionists who were prepared to take on the government, the NUS anti-cuts campaign has been reduced to a twice ycarly protest march.

The Broad Left's inability to give a lead in organising resistance to the attacks of the Labour government has been reflected in the growth of the Federation of Conservative Students (FCS) as an organised right wing in the NUS; it has also led to a growing of colleges. especially Scotland, disaffiliating from the NUS. Fally, particularly in those sectors worst hit by cutbacks like Teacher Training and Further Education, it has given a boost to those socialists of the far left who have been prepared to give a lead in action against the government.

Lacking any national perspectives against the cuts, many students just threw in the hat. Particularly in the more middle class universities, students turned their back on politics electing "moderates to student union posts. But if you scratched one of these apolitical moderates" underneath lurked a Tory, given free reign by lack of student interest.

As the right grew in strength the Broad Left's reaction was to pursue a "historic compromise" NUS conference, the Broad Left voted a Tory, Steve Moon, onto the Union's executive, The FCS and Broad Left agreed on a voting block against the "extremist" left. Since then the Broad Left has pursued this unholy alliance, with Scottish Chairperson Melntosh, describing "radicalising influence" in the NUS.

the

learned lesson.

• At the Easter

the FCS as a

Stewart

As soon as it became apparent that NUS Travel was going to collapse the executive struck a rather sordid deal with the FCS. In return for what Steve Moon described as "substantial" concession, the Tories agreed to lay off a frontal attack on the Broad Left dominated Executive. These "concessions" can only be construed as some form of power-sharing arrangement with the FCS. Such a manouvre can only strengthen the right and enhance their possibilities of taking the union Over.

On the Friday night of the collapse the Broad Left in Scotland caucused in Edinburgh. Out of that meeting care another compromise. This time it was with the main force gunning for NUS in Scotland, the red-baiting Federation of Student Nationalists, controlled by the SNP. It was agreed to hold an emergency Scottish Conference which could recommend a more highly devolved" Scottish NUS, which one leading figure in the Broad Left described as the first step to a Scottish Union of Students. Once again the Broad Left stoked fires threatening to consume NUS. The drift away from a political campaigning union is clear.

Resistance to these dealings is growing and can be seen in the election of the first revolutionary onto the NUS Scottish Executive.

In the Glasgow and Edinburgh areas support has swung to the far left away from the Broad Left. Key colleges now have leaderships prepared to mobilise against the cuts.

The Broad Left's manouvres will only encourage the collapse of NUS SLP students must ensure that the fight over grants and cuts continues even if NUS does collapse or the right take over. To this end, the key task of the moment is to initiate united action of the far left and Broad Left members repelled by their leaders antics against the attacks of the Labour Government.

HUGH STEWART (Secretary Paisley College SRC, Scottish NUS executive).

GAVIN PIXTON (Vice-President Moray House Student Association).

Student Travelle

At the same time the Broad Left NUS leaders have toned down their political statements and attempted to build NUS in such a way as to avoid "alienating" the FCS. To this end the speeches of this year's NUS president, Charles Clarke, have been little more than a catalogue of wonderful NUS services. The collapse of NUS Travel, however, has undercut all this. Students who've been told NUS is about cheap travel and rail cards must be what's in NUS for them now.

Socialist students should have a clear answer for them. The main purpose of a national union is not cheap travel but a means of organising to defend student living standards and interests. And in the context of the encroachments of the last two goverments this is no small task! Unfortunately the Broad Left don't seem to have from their rather painful

NUS Trave Minter/Spring 1975 7)

asking

[page 9]

red to homosexuals.

This revelation

between males will offences in Scotland.

Offences

were over

home

after

question -

sexual

Scots Gays Made Illegal Twice Over

If you are thinking of applying for a teacher training place, think twice." Among the criteria on which you could be rejected are not only alcoholism and bad eye-sight, but also "personality defects". recently uncovered by student epresentatives on the Board of Governors at Moray House College of Education. Their enquiries as to what constituted a "personality defect" met with a stony silence from all the governors except one reverend gentleman who remarked that, in his opinion, it refer-

disturbing as it comes at a time when the Government is promoting a Bill which reaffirms that all

In reply to oponents of the Sexual Bill (Scotland) Advocate, Labour MP Ronald King-Murray, promised that noone would be charged as long as they 21 and affections to the privacy of their own the same "liberal" conditions which apply in England and Wales. But promises can be broken. What happens if a local chief constable is not well inclined or a less enlightened Lord Advocate replaces Murray?

The implications for gays of the revelations about Moray House is that the Bill won't gather too much dust; all prosecution is more likely under a law dated 1976 than the present one handed down from 1885. And for a law which won't be enforced, the Government has been very keen to get it passed. And though its attitude is the same as for all "moral" that MPs must decide on the basis of their own conscience the Callaghan administration has made clear its support for the Bill.

Although lesbianism is not outlawed in Scotland, this is largely because the law, like society, believes that the only enjoyment a achieve is in the service of her male spouse. The Bill clearly can't be seen as solely the concern of gay males.

This was

all the more is

sexual acts remain criminal

the Lord Leith, for

restricted their

woman can

It is simply another attack by the state on the small degree of sexual emancipation which has been achieved by women and gays. It follows on the heels of persistent attempts to infringe on abortion facilities. On that issue a large number of Labour MPs voted in support of reactionary legislation. The demand must now go up that all labour movement MPs vote against this Bill, and this applies, in particular, to SLP MPs Jim Sillars and John Robert- SOn.

The Labour afford to accept the view this is a "moral" issue or one that doesn't affect it as a whole. If the unity of

N O WILDE UR GAL AY 1976

Movement

cannot

the movement is to be preserved and the substantial number of gay workers defended, the trade unions must give a clear commitment to defend any of members charged for their their sexuality.

But such defensive measures, while vitally urgent, are not sufficient. The repeal of all anti-homosexual legislation would be a major victory not only for gays but all those fighting women's and minority rights. for Getting a campaign underway to secure this objective today confronts socialists in Scotland as an urgent priority.

HOMOJEXUAL

CHRIS BAMBERY

[page 10]

The Myth of 'Mr. Million'

Even if you are only applying for a labouring job, you usually have to fill in a four page application form to get onto an oil rig. When you're through, the personnel department will know a lot about you. When you arrive on your first rig, someone will tell you about Mr

*He started off plumbing in Canada, took his chance, kept his nose clean, worked his ass off, and now he's the ....

This is the golden carrot dangled far in front of your eyes and kept alive in the oil magazines. Forgotten is the fact that this plumber rose in the early boom days before the monopolies sewed up the field and that he was just one person

On the rig, the shift is a continuous twelve hours often in a fierce wind and on rainy decks not designed to shield workers from the weather. When it finishes, you are literally exhausted. Under

counter-weight in your own organisation, as an individual worker you feel alone to the point of dehumanisation.

This is the material basis of another reliant individualist. Pitted alone agthe elements, you can at least perserve self-respect and dignity by saying "I chose it, 1 can handle it', even if this means ignoring the unemployment and falling living standards which

The higher wages, longer shore leave and greater security and status of the semi-skilled and promoted workers are always there as a carrot — not to mention Mr Million. And there are always those below you: on many rigs immigrant workers spend months at a stretch as stewards with rock-bottom status. very long hours and no security

The presence of a few highly paid jobs is used to boost productivity and stifle discontent. Although the best jobs are generally 'kept in the family' of management and skilled American permanent employees, a few workers actually semi-skilled job despite the strict demarcation sustained by management.

of thousands of

and with

- the self-

promotion to a

rig

по

They usually fit into jobs in places unpopular with the Americans like Algeria and the Gulf regions. For most unskilled workers — even those undergoing year long training courses on low -the "big money' on which they wages set their sights remains an conjured up on a distant horizon.

UNIONISATION

To date, trade unions have not taken roots on the oil rigs. The North Sea is like a different world from mainland Britain with its eleven million union members. On the rigs. workers are isolated from their normal surroundings: even if they come from a strong trade union background, their isolation cuts them off from their origins.

The nature of the work attracts many like ex-servicemen - who peoplehave long been uprooted from working class struggle and culture, and have al-

illusion

trade

ready adapted to an environment in which they have no control and a rigid hierarchy provides food, bedding and pay, and dispenses orders.

Many rig workers are young and unskilled, frustrated by unemployment or dead-end jobs onshore, hoping to sweat their way up to the Big money' on the rigs. For others it is a last resort in their attempt to provide a living wage for their dependents after being made redundant in the declining engineering sector: many of them, under heavy influence, media which never defended their jobs for their redundancies.

So in addition to isolation from workers on shore and on other rigs. a strong current of anti-union feeling stands in the way of organising the workforce. A consequence of all this. which serves as a further obstruction, is

blame the unions

[page 11]

the searcity of examples of effective organisation anywhere in the union North Sea.

Given such a, favourable from their viewpoint, management in most cases adopt an open hostility to trade unions and exploit their absence to the full. The appalling conditions of work and inadequate wages, over which even middle-management has known to (melfectively) sympathise, produce a high turnover of labour, in turn reinforeing the disorganisation of the workers.

The trade union Teadership and their co-ordinating body, the Aberdeen-based Oil Action Committee, tedly with a very hard task, have been ineffectual and spasmodic in their activities. They have failed to initiate even the most rudimentary information network between the rigs or to make their facilities available for the production of a paper for rig workers.

Such trade union activity as has got underway has centred around platforms rather than rigs. While rigs perform an essentially exploratory role, move from site to site, and have a high turnover of personnel, platforms are moved to an oil field when serious exploitation is to begin and are likely to remain there for up to twenty years. They require more industrially skilled (and, therefore, gencrally unionised workers) and offer better accommodation and conditions. As the rate of oil fow from the North Sea increases, and the number of platforms grows, so too does the possibility of using them as a base to extend trade union activity to the rigs.

SECRECY Recently. Total Oil made a very good oil find in the North Sea. They made a routine announcement that was hardly reported in the press and quietly scaled The oil field won't be up the well. touched until the state of the market and a lull in Total's exploitation programme guarantee them the maximum profit.

This might be five years and it might When the Occidental be twenty. company opened their new Aberdeen offices, a senior management official discreetly let it be known that they planned to be there for 50 years!

According to a recent paper by Peter Odell and Kenneth Rosing of the Economic Geography Institute at Erasmus University, Rotterdam, tions are not untypical. The deciaration of a field's recoverable reserves. they conclude, this very firmly related to the level of investment that the company are prepared to put into the field. It is essentially the investment decision which

situation

been

faced admit-

oil

Total Oil's ac

NORTH SEA FINDS --end 1973

determines the quantum of the oil that is recoverable from a field reserves figures change as investment decisions are made (Odell and Rosing, Optimal Development of the North Sea's Oil Fields"). This explains how the reserves on the BP Forties field increased' from 400,000 to 500,000 barrels per day overnight!

Ever since it all started with North Sea Gas* the exploration and exploitation of the North Sea have been shrouded in secrecy; the oil companies have instituted a tirm control of intor mation and consistentiv estimated reserves to suit their convenience and their interests, In fact, thanks to Philip Agee, we probably know more today about the inner workings of the CIA than we do about the oil firms. Uncertainty about the potential of any oil field, and hence about the likely duration of their jobs, is an added burden that workers on the oil rigs could well do without. The oil companies' rigid control of information also adds to the difficulty of unionising

-THISTLE HUTTON I DUNLIN CORMORANT -08 O- BRENT Oil Find25-)

NINIAN, • 1-50-03150

* FRIGG BERYL-P,, CHEIMDALL

- Og -PIPER MAUREEN

@FORTUNS-D MONTROSE - • COD JOSEPHINES LEROFISH AUX-0 GROUP - ARGYLLI-

ROUGH

VIKING LO INDEFATIGARLE BROKEN BANK-0 •PLACED V DOTTIE HEWETT

A - OIL FINDS 1- GAS FINDS --- LANNED PIPELINES

and organising the rigs. and thus The demand for an end to commercial secrecy and the opening of the oil companies" researches, policy decisions, and accounts to the workforce must consc quently occupy a central position in a socialist policy on oil.

The SLP has already adopted a reso- Tution from Aberdeen calling for a campaign to unionise all oil-related industry. At the same time as discussing our what further demands must be incorporated into its oil and energy policy, it is necessary to go our now and start to implement this decision. As a first step, discussions are underway in Aberdeen as to how best, in collaboration with all other interested parties, a newspaper can be set up to permit the exchange of information and experience necessary to carry out such a fight.

CARL MAIN DAVID EDMONDS

[page 12]

For an Assembly With Powers To Implement Socialist Policies

The Labour Government White Paper on devolution is probably the constitutional most controversial reform since the Irish Home Rule Bill of 1913. Given this fact, it is remarkable how peaceful the debate has been. Not for Scotland the Carsonite rebellion and the 1916 rising. Not for Scotland the withdrawal of angry Home Rule MPs to form their own parliament, the tempestuous nor storms of the Civil War, nor even the mildest of demonstrations.

The measure of devolution proposed in the White Paper is very limited, It sets up an elected government, but that is all. In no way does it recognise the right of the Scottish people to determine their own future and relationship to the rest of the UK. The powers of the Assembly are to be settled, not by its own members or by the Scottish and Westminster: but by people, Westminster retains the right of veto over Assembly decisions.

No hint is given of any powers which could tackle the social crisis in Scotland, and no means whereby the Assembly can be made accountable to the working class. Even proportional

representation is ruled out for the present, for fear the idea might be proposed for Westminster itself.

Yet despite the proclamation of the SNP and the Scottish media of massive dissatisfaction with the scope of the White Paper, the issue has not as yet occasioned a single demonstration, strike or mass action. It is probably this fact which has led to the inability of the Labour Party and far left alike to come to grips with the growth of nationalism.

The Labout Party has reacted to nationalism as a threat to its votes and has failed to understand the rejection of its social and economic policies which is implicit in the nationalist vote. The far left has ignored it because it has never taken to the streets. The field has been left clear for the SNP to gather together all tire various strands of opposition to Labour policy without facing ever challenge.

SNP INCONSISTENCY Yet the most important fact about the present debate is the inconsistencies which it has exposed in the positions of the SP. It is only the pathetic showing of the Labour leadership which has prevented it from driving a coach and horses through the SNP camp. Unfortunately, the chance for the SLP to do the same is not being exploited by SLP MPs Sillars and Robertson with their present strategy of parliamentary deals with

a genuine socialist

the SNP around changes to the Bill Any party committed to giving the Scottish people a real say in their own future would not recognise the authority of the British parliament to legislate on this question introduce legislation into the Assembly in line with its party programme regardless of the formal powers given Assembly. This does not mean the abandoning any attempt to get a better deal in Westminster. It does mean refusing to accept that Westminster has the final say in the matter - which in effect the SNP does accept, since they offer no way for the Scottish people to challenge its decision.

The first and most obvious issue is how to deal with restrictions on the powers of the Assembly. What is outstanding is that all the parties accept that these powers should be determined in Westminster. This is on the face of it an extraordinarily inconsistent stand for a party of independence like the SP. which should least of all give recognition to a British parliament. But it is also unacceptable for a socialist party which nising the right of self-determination of all nations - must demand the right of the Scottish people to determine the Assembly's powers.

But of course the SNP. despite their radical demagogy, have no more interest in provoking a crisis around this issue than the Labour Party. What they seck is a negotiated, constitutional transfer of whatever state powers

but fight to

recog-

[page 13]

they can lay hands on, to a mini- Westminster in the Royal High School. "constitutional", whether And pronounced with an English or a Moringside accent, means that the working class does not get a look in.

Small wonder! Most of Scotland's particular social problems do not stem from its constitutional relationship to Westminster but from the changing relation of the Scottish economy to the world economy. They cannot be tackled without the institution of proper socialist planning. But this means taking on the oil barons, the monopolies and multinationals which now dominate Scottish life. It means taking them over and instituting workers' control. And this is the last thing any of the Westminster parties - including the SNP do. If the working çlass was allowed an independent say in the debate on the Assembly, the whole issue of its social role could come to the fore and blow apart the unstable coalition which is the SNP. Far better to concentrate on constitutional bickering than tackle such issues. Far better for the Labour Party, far better for Douglas Crawford, far better for all who serve the wealthy and powerful on both sides of

For socialists on the other hand it would be far better if the around the Assembly's powers was taken - and finally settled - by the Labour movement.

A SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVE The problem for socialists is that the parliamentary wrangling going on does not offer a choice between "internationalism' on the one hand and nationalism' on the other. The Labour Party has shown itself to be just as nationalist as the SNP, but under the Union Jack instead of the St. Andrew's Cross. And many working class people support independence who have no desire to place any more weapons in the hands of private enterprise. Rather it is a battle between two camps seeking to extract privilege for capitalists, both hiding their true aims behind their respective banners of "national sovereignty".

Socialists should not shelter behind either banner but fight for legislation and assembly powers which can help the working class meet its social needs at the expense of both. They should therefore call for an assembly with to implement a socialist programme.

it is

debate

For-a start, this would mean the power to nationalise. It is ludicrous to expect to deal with multinationals and oil monopolies employing over a third of Scotland's workforce without taking them over lock, stock and barrel. This job, it is true, could not be finished in Scotland, precisely because these companies are multinational. But a takeover of their Scottish operations and nationalisation of the Scottish banks would be a vital first step to real control over investment. And of course the Labour government would find it far harder to resist nationalisation demands in the rest of Britain if the Assembly was already taking such measures.

The Assembly would need powers to fight for workers control legislative sanction to measures taken by the workers themselves, to impose obligations on companies to open their books for inspection by union movement and to uncover the real workings of the economy and lay the basis for genuinely democratic planning.

Powers would also be required to initiate a programme of public spending in housing, education, health and social services. Nowhere is there a more glaring need for a properly planned, injection of public capital than in Scotland. It is needed to overcome the disastrous effects of the cuts. It is needed to redress the appalling social deprivation Strathclyde and Tayside - which has made Scotland infamous throughout

TAXATION AND REVENUE Taxation and revenue powers have been held up by the SNP as the touchstone of "real independence'. In fact the revenue powers they argue for would be quite inadequate to deal Scotland's social with Quebec, for example, has had its own Assembly with more extensive taxation powers for some years without any appreciable impact on Quebec's social

The reason the SNP is so insistent on taxation powers is that they want to be sure that the capitalist interests they represent can control the allocation of public money to private industry on a purely Scottish basis through revised regional grants and tax concessions. This is why the Scottish CBI, for example, were amongst the most stalwart of the Scottish Development Authority's more recent defenders. They see it, quite simply, as a

to give

the trade

problems.

potential source of additional revenue from public funds which they can tur to when for political or fiscal reasons, Westminster will not cough up.

The Labour Party's answer, which is to turn its back on the problem and refuse taxation powers, is no answer at all. It provides no prospect of resolving the social crisis facing Scottish working people while sharply cutting across their democratic rights.

A more effective way to deal with the SNP agrument is to put forward revenue and taxation proposals which would benefit the working class. Money raised by taxation should be allocated to deal with social needs and not to restore ailing private firms or for financing get-rich-quick investors.

ASSEMBLY NOT ENOUGH Can these powers on their own meet the needs of Scottish workers? Clearly It is always cannot. dangerous to try and erect an island of socialism in a single country. But in Scotland it is particularly dangerous, because the Scottish economy is a very dependent one. Assembly representatives will be subject to tremenfrom international dous pressures capital. The whole purpose of estaba parliamentary style lishing Assembly modelled essentially on Westminster and under its tight control is to ensure that the Scottish workers have no independent say in what the Assembly does. If these ties were broken. we can be sure that capital would find other means to keep the assembly on the straight and

The weapon which the labour

manouvres is its own strength and unity. Scottish Socialist has argued the English workers should guarantee this unity by recognising the right of Scotland to self-determination. But the Scottish workers must not lightly throw away this unity by cutting themselves off. We would not be thanked, for example, for withdrawing from Westminster and handing the. Tories a built-in majority for a generation. An SNP goverment in Edinburgh with a Tory government in England would be as fine a way to smash up the working class as any yet devised. Far better would be to fight for socialist measures in both Westminster and Edinburgh and put the weight of the whole labour movement behind both.

[page 14]

Tayside

11.2 11.1

The Fight for Abortion Rights in Scotland

The Natiopal Abortion Campaign (NAC) was set up in February 1975 as a : specific response to Glasgow Pollok Labour MP, James White's Abortion (Amendment) Bill, which aimed to restrict severely women's access to legal abortions.

Since then, NAC has been campaigning around the slogan of "A Woman's Right to Choose" abortion legislation, for full implementation of the 1967 Abortion Act and ultimately for abortion to be freely, and legally available on the safcly National Health Service.

James White claims that the intention of his Bill was to clear up the "abuses" of the 1967 Act. However, the most widespread abuse of abortion law in Britain today is the completely arbitrary variation in abortion services provided from area to area. This arises because of the way in which the health service is constructed.

The bureaucratic structure of the NHS has meant that although in some places abortion facilities are relatively available, in others they are virtually unobtainable. Because of the power they wield in the NHS, senior consultants who are personally opposed to abortion are able to restrict the number of abortions taking place within their hospital region.

against restrictive

hierarchical and

HONAL

Table 1: Rates per 1000 women aged 15-44

Ayrshire

4.5

1000

FAVOURITE

Lothian Grampian

10.3 12.6 12.3 10.0

discrepancies show up in comparing six different regions of Scotland.

As the Guardian noted at the time, in Scotland, the imbalance in the availability of abortion facilities lies in South West Scotland, Lanarkshire, and Ayrshire" (Guardian, July Ist, 1975).

The inadequacy of NHS abortion facilities in Scotland and regional variations in the number of abortions performed has led to an increasing number of Scottish women having to go to England and pay for abortions in the private sector there.

This is clearly shown by a comparison of the number of women travelling south for abortions with the total number of abortions performed on Scottish women. There is a clear need for an increase in NHS abortion facilities in Scotland, in particular in the western region.

Table 2: Proportion of women travelling south for abortions. 1970 1971 1972 8% 6% 10%

1973 12%%

N HOT BATH

[page 15]

At the moment the waiting period between initial consultation with a doctor and the actual operation is often undesirably long. In many cases the techniques used are not the safest and most up to date. And, in general, it is working class women who encounter the greatest difficulties in getting the help they need from the health service.

Such delays are clearly not in the interests of either the mental or physical wellbeing of the women concerned. Medical abortions are safest during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy.

On October 21st 1975, Barbara Castle told the House of Commons; tion is being taken on .... recommendations of the Lane major Committee. I have issued guidance on day-care systems to health authorities and hope to authorise day-care services in some private clinics with a record of high standards…... uniform and better coverage of provision in the National Health Service, which is one of the Lane Committee recommendations, because this would reduce dependence on the private sector which has been the source of abuse... 1 that there are areas in the agree... National Health Service in which women are unable to obtain the facilities provided for by Parliament, and many of them have been driven to the private sector".

In Glasgow, NAC is campaigning for the health authorities to take up Barbara Castle's suggestion that they should set up outpatient abortion units. Outpatient facilities cut waiting time for abortion because women are in hospital for much shorter time and so more women are able to take advantage of the service. This means that women can have their abortion earlier in the pregnancy when it is much safer.

Such clinics enable a more effective implementation of the 1967 Act and pave the way for abortion on demand. In addition, the cost of an NHS abortion is greatly reduced by setting up these facilities. There would be an estimated saving of f27 on cach abortion performied.

In November, Glasgow NAC held a meeting to launch its campaign for an outpatient abortion clinic. This meeting, chaired by Ruth Wishart of the Daily Record, attracted about 30 trade union- The speakers, ists. from Glasgow Geraldine Smyth from NAC called for trade union support for the campaign and explained how this could be built by inviting speakers from and affiliating to the NAC, by fighting for the TUC and Labour Party to implement their 1975 conference resolutions in favour of free

many of the

I should like to see a

Helen Gallagher Council Trades

abortion on the NHS, and by calling for trade union sponsored MPs to implement conference policy on abortion.

NAC hopes to hold further such meetings for trade unionists and urges the labour movement to take a stand on the abortion issue. From the start, NAC has understood that if its fight is to be effective, it must have the support of the labour and trade union movement.

Abortion is not a moral issue. It is a class issue. It is one of the democratic rights of the working class at present under attack. The cuts in public expenditure are forcing the burden of looking acafter the old, the young and the sick back onto women. Women are being forced back into the home in an attempt to divide them from the rest of the working class and cut workers" living standards.

Denying women the right to control their own fertility is just one more way in which women are being forced back into the drudgery of family and household chores.

church.

of the SLP demand and

GERALDINE SMYTH (Secretary, Scottish NAC)

"Went for that job..." "What happened?" "They said I wouldn't be able to manage the heavy weights."

Further information on NAC and its activities can be obtained by writing to the Secretary, 40 Regents Park Square, Glasgow G41.

Pride

SPUC has

No SLP Backing For SPUC!

The Paisley Express of November 24th carried an article on the issue of abortion. of place was given to a meeting organised by the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child (SPUC) in Johnstone Town Hall for December 9th at 7.30.

The article quotes John Robertson, the Scottish Labour Party MP for Paisley as saying he was "pretty much with Jim White's views" duties in relation to the Devolution Bill would probably exclude him speaking, he was fully in support of the SPUC meeting.

SPUC is a reactionary organisation enjoying substantial support from the Catholic It is against abortions under any circumstances and has campaigned vigorously on this basis for some years.

Its arguments all hinge on the rights of the unborn foetus without any iegard to the night of women to decide whether or not to have children. latched on to James White's Bill as a means of turning back the clock on abortion legislation - a clock which in the West of Scotland has not even started yet!

It is not good enough for John Robertson to justify his active support for SPUC as a matter of individual conscience. he now sits as a SLP member, having declined to submit himself for re-clection when he resigned from the Labour Party.

The Labour Party, the AUEW and the TUC have all committed themselves to support the demand for free abortion on demand. had it not been sabolaged by the leadership would also have adopted this by a large majority as part of an Edinburgh South resolution to endorse the Working Women's Charter.

As an SIP MP, Robertson's actions are construed as representative of SLP policy. But on abortion, he has not consulted the membership before embarking on his present SLP members must clearly dissociate themselves from his anti-abortion reactionary course. activities by such means as prove necessary.

He was clected as an AUEW sponsored Labour MP:

on abortion and that, while parliamentary

It is almost certain that the October congress

EVE OLDHAM

[page 16]

Dear Scottish Socialist.

We attended the re-convened Con gress at Stirling on 14th November as visitors, and were impressed by the emphasis on democracy and the right of all points of view to be heard.

We noted, however, as Mrs Mellis from Dunfermline pointed out, that hardly any women took an active part in the debate. Even in her contribution however, the matter was brought to the attention of the Conference in the form of an exhortation to the women to play a more active role, with nothing being said about the responsibilities of the party in this respect.

It is precisely this attitude, failure to look beyond the inadequacies of the oppressed for the roots of the oppression, which we party like the S.L.P. should be trying to overcome.

As socialists, we look to historical and current social, developments, political and economic factors, and not peculiarities of sex or race to explain difference in achievement levels between one race and another, one sex and another, one class and another, and as socialists we agree with Engels that the world-wide defeat of women coincided with the development of a class society. But we think that the analysis should go much beyond that, and must furthermore, be translated into the activities of any party claiming to be socialist.

This has seldom, if ever, happened. The history of the socialist and labour movement is littered with betrayals and broken promises of all descriptions. In regard to women the problems have never even been acknowledged and no attempt has been made to understand its scale.

No-one expects the S.L.P. to arise, like the Phoenix, fully formed from the not yet dead ashes of the British Labour Party in Scotland. The struggle to give flesh to the bare bones of the ! policies on which the party was founded will be a hard one, But the S.L.P. must be wholehearted in its attempt to effect a political and organisational departure from 'Labourism' and thus has to include a break

this

that a think

and status

WOMEN'S RIGHTS AND THE SLP with the chauvinist policies of the British Labour Party and labour movement.

This means that the party must recognise the class nature of women's pledge itself to fight oppression and manifestations. not only all its "society at large but also within its own ranks. It must accept that its women members might benefit from meeting together to discuss, as we do in Aberdeen, in preparation branch meetings, and also at a national level.

It must realise that it has a responsibility to campaign not just on unemployment, but also on abortion and understand why, to a socialist, these are questions of equal importance, equally involving questions of prinalthough ciple, at different different emphasis will be given to campaigning around them.

No one is suggesting that this is an easy task for any organisation to set itself. It involves facing up to problems which have personal, theoretical, campaigning and organisational implications. We would suggest that adopting the Working Women's Charter at the next SLP Conference would be a good place to start. It was on the agenda at the first Stirling Conference, and while it by no means provides a blueprint for Women's Liberation, it does provide the basis for an internal discussion, and the basis on which to take up current issues: employment of women; equal pay; nurseries; anti-

We would like. to add a note of caution at this point. Many bodies within the labour movement (particularly the T.U. movement) have charter without ever really examining it or discussing its implications. This has meant the loss an ideal opportunity to discuss of these neglected questions within the labour movement; worse still, it has often meant that when women members came back later asking the same body to support some activity related to a demand in the Charter, there have been ructions and accusations that these "poor befuddled trade unionists" "conned' We would had been like the SLP to let itself be conned" into adopting the Charter because the membership was not sufficiently interested to discuss it and its implications.

for

times

not

We hope to write an article on the relationship between women's oppression and the class struggle for publication in a future edition of Scottish Socialist. Perhaps we could meet with other women at the proposed January SLP conference to discuss and other related questions. this

LINDA SMITH, ANNE SHIRLEY, SANDRA WYLES, MeGEOCH, MARIE-LOUISE IRVINE MARIAN KEOGH. (Members of Aberdeen Women's Group who have joined the SL.P since November 14th).

THE WORKING WOMEN'S CHARTER We pledge ourseives to agitate and organise to achieve the following aims: 1. The rate for the job, regardless of sex, at rates negotiated by the trade unions, with a national minimum wage below which no wages should fall. 2. Equal opportunity of entry into occupations and in promotion, regardless of sex and marital status. 3. Equal education and training for all occupations and compulsory day release for all 16-19 year olds in employment. 4. Working conditions to be, without deterioration of previous conditions, the same for men as women. 5. The removal of all legal and bureaucratic impediments to equality, e.g. with regard to tenancies, mortgages, pension schames, taxation, passports, control over children, social security paymonts, hire purchase agreements. 6. Improved provision of local authority day nurseries, free of charge with extended hours to suit working mothers. Provision of nursery classes in day nurseries. More nursery schools. 7. 18 weeks maternity leave with full net pay before and after the birth of a live child. 7 weeks after birth of the child is stillborn. No dismissal during pregnancy or maternity leave. No loss of security or promotion prospects. Family planning clinics supplying free 8. contraception to be extended to cover avery locality. Free abortion to be readily available. 9. Family allowances to be increased to E2.50 per child, including the first child. 10. To campaign amongst women to take an active part in the trade unions and in political life so that they may exercise influence comensurate with their numbers and to campaign amongst men trade unionists that they may work to achieve this aim.

ANNE-MARIE

[page 17]

Dear Comrades, Many of your readers may be familiar with the writings of Tom Nairn. Author of the book and contributor to the best-selling Red Papers, he has been a member of the Editorial board of the marxist journal, New Left Review for ten years. Despite his long collaboration with socialists Nairn now seems to have found new friends, with a regular column in the Edinburgh magazine Question. Many of his colleagues from the NLR must have been surprised to see him associated with this journal, many of whose contributors are influential SP members such as Gavin Kennedy, Steven Maxwell, and Owen Dudley Edwards. Their inner circle of SNP policy makers, which includes Margo MeDonald and the Strathclyde economist David Simpson, is a far cry from marxists like Robin Blackburn or Perry with whom Nairn worked on New Left Review.

Their surprise no doubt turned 1o consternation when the same journal Question led off a press against the SIP left and came out with an editorial policy 100 per cent in favour of its exclusion from the party by any means necessary. As a leading Sillars" supporter in the Edinburgh SLP, Nairn is unlikely to have taken this amiss. But Question decided to add their own conclusions to the events. Callaghan, they suggested, should learn from Mr Sillars and take the first opportunity to boot out his own left wing from the Labour Party.

Undaunted by this editorial policy, Nairn took to print in the November issue, this time to attack the SLP left in general, and Scottish Socialist in particular. The failing of your journal, it seems, is its stone-age conception that the "class struggle has permanent priority, strategic and tactical, over all other issues"?

In my naivety, 1 always thought that the "class struggle" included such issues as the right of nations to self-determination, the struggle of the oppressed, and the battle against the multitude of social and cultural means by which the ruling class asserts it domination. But perhaps Mr Nairn considers these issues to be classless? As it is, his position is hard to divine, and "other issues" are more important than workers' democracy and socialism we are left guessing.

Despite the ambiguity, Nairn does go on to explain to the (rather small) readership of Question a clear enough

The Left against Europe

of many different shades.

preciscly which

Anderson,

witch-hunt

perspective. "Their goal", he says, "should be an advanced social constitution and democratic politics... will not be socialism. However it will be the precondition of whatever socialism can be made in this nation"

The most charitable thing to be said about this goal of an advanced social constitution"* confused. "Advanced" for which class, Mr Nairn? For some of the classes in Scotland, classes? Or maybe just for the editorial

Dear Comrades, The attacks on the living standards of working people and the policies of the Social Contract lower our living standards but also seem certain to let the Tories and SP sweep the board at the next General Election. Unfortunately, the traditional "Left" leaders of the workers' movement - the "Tribune" group of MPs - have without exception refused to meet this challenge and lead the fight back.

This was highlighted by their response to the recent disastrous by-elections. While Labour right-wingers such as Denis Healey and Shirley Williams blamed these results on the wild' policies of the left, the Tribune group could only squirm in embarassment and protest their innocence. As Eric Heffer put it, "Quite honestly, people in those positions shouldn't say such things. We don't go blaming them".

And, of course, Heffer was right! The Tribune group don't lay the blame at the door of Callaghan, Healey and co. They are content to talk loudly about 'socialism*, while at the same time making no attempt to lead any fight against the Government's policies, cither inside or ourside Parliament. prepared to let Callaghan and Healey off the hook.

A 'QUESTION' FOR TOM NAIRN

, is that it is absolutely

perhaps?

Maybe

Labour Against the Cuts?

around making statements

They are quite

This

for all

board of Question? After all, they have made their own particular commitment to democracy very clear in the stance they took over the events in Stirling.

What is more, if democratic politics will not be socialism', then presumably it will still be capitalism — perhaps showing its nationalist face by courtesy of the SP. Perhaps this is what underlies Mr Nairn's — no doubt purely tactical — form of entryism in Question!

In the past Tom Nairn has played a constructive role inside the left, raising questions in a forceful and articulate way which other socialists were content to mumble platitudes over. His latest contribution is a clear break from that practice. He now apparently prefers the stance of advocate for "democracy', but a democracy which he isn't even willing for inside his own political to fight party. I hope that your readers will draw the appropriate conclusion.

Yours faithfully. Neil Williamson

In this situation, the rank-and-file of the Labour Party and the Trade Unions cannot afford to wait for these fake "lefts' to provide a lead. We must do this ourselves. A step in the right direction has been the formation of the Labour Against the Cuts Campaign (LACC). This body attempts to unite the rank and file of the Labour Party in active opposition to the social expenditure cuts. After being set up in many areas of England, the LACC has now hit Scotland, its founding meeting being held in Glasgow on Tuesday December 7th.

The LACC can be an important first step in constructing the widest possible unity against the Government's policies. As such it deserves to be supported by all LP members, who should argue for it to unite in action with all other parties and bodies of the labour movement opposed to the cuts, like the SLP.

Finally, I would lik. to welcome the appearance of Scottish Socialist' which could play a very important role in helping to build a fighting unity of the labour movement in Scotland against the policies of the present Government. I hope it reaches a wide audience inside the Labour Party, Trade Unions and all other socialist organisations.

Fraternally, Stefan Piekarczyk (Kelvingrove CLP)

[page 18]

Many people, the SLP, have asked for factual information regarding the sequence of events which led to the split in the SLP at its recent Congress. 'Scottish Socialist' is glad to provide this information.

Before the Congress the woek preceding the Congress, some seven delegates received notification that they were not to attend the National Congress. The entire text of the letter, signed on behalf of the Standing Orders Committee (SOC), read unable to recognise you as a branch delegate, and request Congress", During the same period, credentials of the entire Leith Branch delegation were similarily withdrawn. Friday October 29th These suspended delegates attempted to attend the SOC meeting prior to the opening of Congress, but were refused a hearing.

and

duced the item

remained silent.

During from the

organisation Marxişt Group.

ations.

erson, newspaper, had contacted

evidence

both within and without

that you do not attend

*The SOC are

the

was

their

the

The SLP Split :Blow for Blow SLP SOUR PARTY 1976

They remained in the Golden Lion Hotel, the venue of the Congress, in order to lobby delegates; to ask delegates to raise the matter on the floor of Congress; and to appeal to Congress for the right to be heard. Friday October 29th - Evening.

Congress opened. The SOC itself raised the question of the suspended delegates, allowed time for discussion of the matter. The Chairman of the SOC introthe first part of the SOC Report. He merely stated the text of the letter sent to the delegates concerned, and asked for Congress's endorsement. No reasons were given: no evidence was led; and demands for the suspended delegates to be heard were rejected. Despite repeated calls for reasons and evidence, the Platform

debate, delegates speaking the of the SOC Поог, favour in decision, made it clear that the suspensions were a result of an alleged dual membership of the suspended delegates with an International known as the No evidence to support At the and of these allegations was given. the debate, Mr. Jim Sillars, in summing up, was allowed double the time of any of the these alleg. previous speakers to repeat

The only piece of evidence that he presented was that a certain Neil Asch- Scotsman a journalist with the and a member of the SLP an un-named person at the who had IMG headquarters in London, said that the IMG had made a decision to infiltrate the SLP. Since this isolated item of was presented during the Tinal remarks of a summing-up, it could not be challenged from the floor.

A card vote was then taken, and Congress decided to accept the SOC action. The rest of the evening's business was then dealt with - in an orderly fashion.

Saturday October 30th. - Morning: proceeded Congress business orderly manner. At lunchefficient and delegates called a the suspended time, meeting in the nearby Station Hotel, to state their side of the case. They extended an invitation to all delegates, and over attended. They explained that the sixty allegations of dual membership with the IMG were untrue, and appealed to delegates not to walk out of Congress in protest at their suspension, but to stay to support the left wing resolutions which were due to be debated.

A number of delegates then intimated that they aware that the National weTC Organising Committee (NOC) had organised a slate of approved candidates for election to the incoming National Executive Committee, and it was therefore agreed to reply in kind, and urge delegates to vote for an alternative left slate. This was then drawn up.

Saturday October 30th. - Afternoon:

On the resumption of Congress, it was announced that the Cumbernauld delegation had submitted an Emergency Resolution "This Conference, in view of recent reading cvents, instructs that no national official of the party shall make unauthorised personal statements to the press regarding party business. Further, that in future, no prior notice of Congress agenda shall be released to the press until it has been discussed and amended by party branches. Only the final agenda for Congress shall be issued to the press."

The SOC reported that they recommended that this resolution should not be debated. Congress, however, on a show of hands, referred back this SOC Report. The afternoon's business proceded quickly and efficiently. Once again, SOC reported on the Cumbernauld Resolution, and recommended no discussion. Again Congress referred back

in an

Report. The day's business this concluded.

Sunday October 31st. - Morning:

When Congress reconvened, the Chairof SOC read out an Emergency man Resolution from the Ayr branch calling for the dishandment of the Kelvin, Stirling. Stirling University, and the Cumbernauld and the branches. of expulsion delegates for disrupting Congress.

Robertson, Paisley. John M.P. for proposed that Congress moved straight to a card vote.

The Chairman immediately announced that Mr. Robertson's proposal had been carried by the acclamation. No evidence was presented; no arguments were heard, and those who were accused were given no opportunity to speak. The vote was taken and the branches were expelled. St. Andrews branch walked out in sympathy with the expelled branches.

Those expelled then called a meeting to discuss what had happened. Over eighty delegates, representing 19 branches than half the total number of Congress delegates attended and pledged their the expulsions.

A press opposition to statement was then unanimously approved and issued to the Press; (this statement is reprinted Scottish in the Socialist broadsheet on the split).

SOME EXPLANATORY POINTS

Democratic Procedures.

One of the most noticeable features of the whole series of events is the absence of The probasic democratic procedures. cedures used were contrary to all standards of natural justice. The accused were not informed of the allegations made against them; no evidence was presented; and no right of reply allowed. In the case of of expulsions branches, the the

[page 19]

opportunity for discussion was allowed. No Scottish court, tribunal or hearing would membership with the IMG was ever be conducted in this way. as a reason for the Dual Membership. expulsions. Yet no evidence other than a The NOC had never, in fact, been given single phone call by a journalist to an unthe authority to rule against dual named person (of which no record was membership. The branches — (whether they kept) was advanced. Such hearsay evidence had had their own members accused of dual would be given no credibility in any court membership, no 1) had always maintained that questions of this sort would be thrashed out at Congress during the The IMG is the British Section of the debate ratification of the Draft Fourth International. It admits to being a Constitution.

Trotskyist organisation. Though it does not reveal its membership figures, informed Yet before Congress, delegates had their observers estimate its total UK membership credentials withdrawn on the basis of at 600, with perhaps 10% of that located in alleged dual membership. In acting in this Scotland. Even if all Scottish IMG members the SOC pre-empted Congress, and way. joined, they would be a small and insignianticipated ratification the relevant ficant group within the 2,000 strong SLP. clauses in the Draft Constitution.

Some of the expelled members admitted The Cumbernauld Emergency Resolution. prior membership of the IMG. This was not discussed at the Saturday However, meeting in the Station Hotel. It is eminated solely from Cumbernauld in response to General Secretary of the SLP some months carlier in order to explain this, and the Secratary General had confirmed his membership of the SLP. It would appear, however, that the NOC subsequently decided that even former membership of another political organisation lays members the charge of "dual membership". open to But if this is the case, it is not clear why members such as prominent Bob Tait (formerly of the SP) or Norman Easton (formerly Scottish the Workers Republican. similarily disqualified from SLP membership. place. All the Saturday sessions of Congress ended on time, and were conducted in an orderly fashion.

Friday evening's session ran late, but this was on account of the excessive time taken to count the card vote on the suspension of delegates credentials the result of a debate initiated by the SOC. The only other possible disruption" was the presentation of Cumbernauld The Emergency Resolution, which was submitted in accordance with Standing Orders, and which the delegates indicated they wished to discuss.

published in the Press on Jim Sillars had denounced certain resolutions placed before Kelvin and Stewarton

an Edinburgh Congress, and had grave implications for the building principle of the Party leadership's accountability to the membership. The Party leadership obviously regarded the disquiet with which the Press reports were received as important, for much of Mr. Sillars interview on the front page of the special Congress was given over to a refutation of the charge of pre-empting ment. Congress, Yet this same leadership twice refused to allow discussion of the matter, despite a majority of Congress delegates

expulsion of the four branches. It is difficult to see when or where this disruption took

STIRLIN

After the Expulsions.

After expelling the four branches, Congress was faced with a motion critical of the procedures used by the Party Leadership. Even with a Congress depleted of all indentifiable opposition, 230 votes were cast in favour of the motion. This was regarded by the Party Leadership as a vote of no confidence and there followed the well-reported series of threatened resignations by leading figures in the Party. This was only halted by Congress's acceptance of a personal vote of confidence in Jim Sillars which was carried with only three abstentions.

A personal vote of confidence is not a vote in favour of policies or administrative procedures.

JIM MacKECHNIE

from

now are

support for a

KEVIN HOLMES

Organising Against Racism

A response by Edinburgh Overseas Students Action Group to fascist intimidation of the Edinburgh Sikh Community this summer led to the setting up of (EARC). Since its formation it has been movement and student movement for an ongoing campaign to expose the lies of the racists that immigration and immigrants are ar the root of the working class's problems and to organise against racism in the media and labour move-

When the anti-racist committee organised a public meeting in a local Sikh Temple, over 120 people turned up to discuss how to go about fighting racism in the locality. Since this meeting the EARC has organised support for two major demonstration against racism —

support in the local labour

Anti-Racist Committee

in Blackburn in September and the massive Labour Party/TUC demonstration in London in November.

Involved in the committee just now are delegates and individuals NALGO, Labour Party, NUS, Scottish Minorities Group, Overseas Students Action Group, Working Womens Charter Group, the SIP and others. The two key tasks facing the EARC investigating racism (in all its aspects) locally and mobilising national fightback against racism.

In the next issue, we will publish a dossier on racism in Britain. For further information on EARC. phone 031-554 2775.]

[page 20]

would

Kelvin

as to

Kelvin

The Press and the SLP Split

From very early in the history of the SLP there amount of disquiet in the Kelvin branch about various decisions taken by the National Organising Committee. Frequently, it has considerations of defending their own position important factor in their making. Certainly, as a branch, we have felt that many of their decisions and policies have been neither socialist nor democratic.

On a number of occasions we have exercised our democratic stated our opposition to some of these decisions, such as: * Dissolution of the Glasgow Branch without informing the and without reference to the democratic decision of the membership. *Organisation of the members in the North of Glasgow in a way opposed to the votes of those members. *Extension of the powers of members of the NOC — a body which was hardly constructed in an ideal manner beyond the remit of the founding meeting of the SIP. * Refusal to allow observers from all branches to attend NOC meetings. * Issuing policy discussion papers, through confirmed party policy.

This has led to us being accused of being "troublemakers", or labelled as

has been a considerable

been felt that petty

and power have been the

the media as if they were

Marsisk

a view from the Kelvin branch

decision-

rights and

membership,

cists

"trotskyists" or 'extremists". In this way, the fundamental questions we have raised have been defused and avoided. Afier all, if that is what we are, what need is there to actually examine the substance of our complaints? 1 still believe in the correctness of our arguments on these issues. In the face of the witch hunt that our complaints stirred up, the majority of the branch believed it necessary to prove our whole-hearted support to the party, apparently by forfeiting our democratic rights, and silencing ourselves. It appeared to me that the demands made of us, and the branch's interpretation of them, required blind rather than principled support of the party.

This might have been to the advantage of the NOC but it was not to the advantage of the whole party. Nevertheless at the time I was willing to accept the majority position.

THE KELVIN RESOLUTION AND THE PRESS On September 21st the Daily Record carried an unsigned article, headed 'SLP fights move to left. This report predicted a 'stormy time' at the forthcoming SLP Congress. It stated that the extreme left had proposed certain motions and identified the Kelvin and Stewarton branches. It concluded that the party leadership had made it very clear that they would oppose any bid to

saved a ban the SLP on the -by the

turn the SLP into a front organisation for the extreme left.

I saw the report while aiding the SLP candidate in Clydebank. Both SI.P and SNP members who were present at the time believed that the press were up to their usual tactics of manufacturing a story out of nothing, that they were abusing a straighforward socialist motion, and that it was unfortunate that resolutions had been leaked before Congress.

That night 1 was disgusted to discover much fuller press reports in the same vein, and that they were reporting an official Party Press Conference. Glasgow Herald would be 'effectively excluded by banning them, and that the leadership was opposed to the 'wilder motions' such as the Stewarton and Kelvin resolutions, that the latter meant a 'head on confrontation with the leadership, and that Jim Sillars had said that it clashed with existing policy and that he expected that the conference would come out with sensible left-wing points of view that he could 'defend and espouse"

In the Scotsman the Kelvin branch alone bore the brunt of the textrelist" attacks. As in the Herald article, Jim Sillars was reported as calling it 'unrealistic, and that it would be a pretty remarkable organisation that emerge if it were carried by the Congress. He also distinguished between "marxists" and "pseudo-Marxists", the latter of which were unacceptable and presumably referred to branch. Alex Neil informed the press that the SLP would not be dominated by students or any group of left-wing extremists'.

How accurate are the press reports? There may well be detail errors, but as no disclaimer has been issued by the SLP representatives who called the press conference, presumably the articles are generally correct. All socialist organisations are rightly wary of the ability of the press to misrepresent their views, but in this instance it appears that a reasonable degree of accuracy has been achieved.

Given the SLP's journalistic connections, some suspicions arise whether the lobby method, well beloved of Westminster politicians, was used in order to raise certain questions, especially those surrounding the Branch and its motions.

THE PRINCIPLES AT STAKE It would obviously require a much longer article than this to deal with every one of the points raised by Jim Sillars and Alex Neil's comments to the press.

said that

extremists

the

Marxi:

[page 21]

Here it must suffice to consider the central questions of principle involved: 1. They suggested that respectable socialist strategies are not worthy of consideration and debate, that they are 'unrealistic*, would make the party a 'pretty remarkable organisation. 1 would then have assumed that we wanted to be a pretty remarkable organisation, the only truly socialist, and truly democratic mass party in Scotland.

The other epithets smell of hypocrisy. The Kelvin motion has many points of similarity to the pre-war policy of the ILP an organisation which the SLP has drawn parallels both at, and since, the inaugural meeting. If the Stewarton motion is "wild", then presumably the SLP will not again allow official SLP speakers to honour the memory of the man who first called for a Scottsh Workers Republic - John McLean. 2. They pre-empted Congress discussion. While no-one would deny the right of any member of the SLP to their own views abour resolutions, the place to debate and discuss them is at Congress, not to present a one-sided view, five before weeks National Press. 3. They gave the impression that Congress is not the making body, otherwise how could resolutions clash with declared policy before the first Congress. Surely they could clash with policy discussion documents. What is more, policy is not fixed, for once and for all. Congress is the place to democratically discuss and argue out policy. Even when official policies do exist, some resolutions put forward must always clash with existing policy, otherwise how could the party go forward? 4. They adopted the Labour Party's unacceptable face with a tartan tammy on its head. The Tribune Group made justified criticisms of Callaghan's similar attempt to denigrate the resolution advocating the nationalisation of the banks before the British Labour Party Conference had discussed it.

Turnoull.

"wild' or

the Congress, in the

'extreme' and

supreme policy

people "disruptive elements',

article which exposed

thats how lim Sillars rates the SI. P's first congress

SCOTLAND

GERRY FINN

at the

FORWARD ITS MAKE • OR BREAK

FORWARD SCOTLAND On October 1lth, prior to the SLP Congress, I submitted an article containing the substantial points above, t0 the official SLP journal, Forward Scotland. On October 18th, Alex Neil sent me a letter informing me that it could not be included in the next issue because of lack of space. A brief letter on page six of the Congress edition of Forward referred to the press campaign. This letter agreed with Sillars' comments but thought they were mistimed. the letter it was stated that no other correspondence was recieved on this subject. No mention was made of my article, submitted on that very subject.

In reply to Alex Neil's letter, re-submitted my article for publication in the following issue. I have received no reply. Presumably now thai l am a member of an 'expelled' branch I can expect none. Alex Neil also refused, without giving any reasons, to include supplied copies of the article pre-Congress mailing to the branches.

In the article 1 speculated on the use of sympathetic journalists by the SLP leadership. The press campaign continued after the article was written. On Friday, October 29th, the first day of the Congress, Stewart McLachlan warned in the Daily Record of the twin threats facing the SLP. These threats, which had to be overcome, came from the International Marxist Group (IMG), and Kelvin Resolution No. 41. Mc- Lachlan is a non-attending member of the Kelvin Branch of the SLP!

Given that the same tactic of labelling troublemakers",

to expel the democratic elements from the Congress, it is not surprising that an use of this manoeuvre was refused publication prior to the Congress. Similarly, the events of the Congress justify the warning in my article of the dangers to the SIP from the anti-democratic practices, manoeuvring, manipulations and autocratic rule of the leadership. The Congress showed that the leadership's criticisms of the British Labour Party on these grounds amount to the sickest political joke of all time.

in the

in this case was used in order

the leadership's

PARTY DEMOCRACY® At the SLP's inaugural meeting, Jim Sillars said that while the Labour Party said, 'Join us and change, the SIPsaid 'Join us and make us*. socialists heard this as a clarion call. Many who were disillusioned by the old Labour Party, with its bureaucratic manoeuvre, its autocratic, anti-democratic policy making, and its behind the scenes' manipulations as well as its lack of socialist commitment, answered the Sillars, Jim inaugural meeting, that those who had organised the party were irrelevant, that the party would survive without any of them, that the party arose because the Scottish people needed it at this moment in its history. By the first SLP Congress, he obviously had decided that the party could do without its active membership if only it defended the position of its The interests of a party are best served by the fullest discussion throughout the party, on all matters pertaining to the party. True democracy is difficult and it is troublesome; it maximises dialogue, it increases criticism, especially of committees which the party has allowed to hold certain powers in trust, but those who wish to serve on them understand and accept through a fully democratic process can the party come to behind, policy decisions. membership of Kelvin have been branded as extremists and troublemakers for fighting for full democratic rights for all members and for democratic decision making party. Now they have been expelled. The events of the last year only go to show how necessary these rights are.

In the pursuit of them, 1, for one, will certainly remain as much of a troublemaker' and extremist" as is required.

*The original article for Forward Scotland included most of the points raised in this section. Copies are available from: Gerry Finn, 25 Highborough Road, Glasgow.

himself, said

[page 22]

A Socialist Electoral Policy for the S.L.P

Three days atter the tirst String Conference of the SEP, a resolution was placed before Aberdeen Trades Council by the building workers' union UCATT. It demanded that the local SLP branch be evicted from the offices it rents from the Trades Council. It was not the undemocratic practices of the Jim Sillars leadership which prompted the UCATT branch to move this resolution; it was not even the performance of Sillar's supporters in the leadership, who had just announced through the press that they would expel a number of delegates to the SLP conference who had dared to support the democratic rights of suspended delegates and expelled branches.

Rather, it was the decision announced the previous candidate against Bob Hughes, Labour left MP for Aberdeen North. This decision strong opposition of all the Aberdeen SLP members subsequently expelled. and, indeed, a number who have not been, who argued that the SLP should ruther stand against lan Sproat, the redbaiting Tory MP for Aberdeen South The debate in the branch was a protracred and heated one, and it is worth considering some of the issues involved both because of the light they throw on the Sillars electoral policy, and also for the general issues they raise.

When Jim Sillars came to Aberdeen to discuss the issue, he said that there was no essential difference between the Labour Party and the Tories and SNP Aberdeen SLP branch chairman and ex- SNP left, Bob Tail, concluded his written contribution to the debate by explaining that we had to stand where we could get the most votes. Unfortumately, as the UCATT response to the SLP standing against Hughes indicates, despite the anti-working class policies of Callaghan and co., the Labour Party and particularly its left" — remains politically. rooted in the labour movement and the organised working class. And it is here that any party which seeks to offer policies to the left of the LP has to be built.

If we want to build the SIP, we must understand this fundamental difference between the LP and the Tories and SNP We must stamp out any flirtation with

Aberdeen branch

week to stand an SIP

was taken against the

socially and economically

the

by Pat Kane Aberdeen S.L.P.

tactical voting for the SNP and campaign for a class vote — a vote for Labour where the SLP is not standing. and a clear interests of the working class before we decide where to stand.

A vote for Labour would not mean political support for the Labour government - whose policies we have consistently opposed. Rather, it would offer us the chance to campaign For our own policies among workers who still see the LP as their party — a possibility sharply cut across by the sectarian approach of the Sillars supporters. We should say to working people: vote for your own partes in order to create a government both in Westminster and in the Assembly, which is based on and responsible to the organised working class. This would carn the SLP wide respect in Scotland as the real fighters for unity in the labour movement.

In order to get across our opposition to the Tory policies of the present

PARLAMINTART ELECTION Gerbals Division. CANDIDATURE OF JOHN MAGLEAN, MA.

TREUTERAN

assessment of the best

government, the SEP should also run its own candidates. Where supporters of Callaghan and Healey are put forward as LP candidates, it is our duty to the working class to They are the people who actually divide the labour movement by maintaining and developing anti-working class policies.

In order to expose the pro-capitalist character of the SP, the SLP should also stand candidates in selected SNPheld constituencies where this can best be demonstrated: for instance, against the SNP council in Cumbernauld which attempted to strike. There can't he many Tory seats which justify at this stage the expense, time and energy to stand a socialist candidate; but Aberdeen South, and Tan Sproat, would be a notable and exemplary exception.

What then of Bob Hughes and the Labour "lefts'. There seems to me to be no reason at all why the SLP should from standing against all LP refrain candidates who just mouth verbal opposition to the opposed standing against Hughes was that he had at least towards translating his opposition into. practice by resigning from the government.

In a situation where Benn has remained silently in the cabinet and most Labour lefts" have marched through the lobbies to vote for the cuts, standing against Hughes would not be under stood by Aberdeen workers as a critique of his policies from the left impediment to a united fight against the government's policies.

The best way to explain our opposition to his class collaborationist and chauvinist policies of import controls and opposition to devolution, would be to mount a genuine socialist campaign against Sproat, Hughes against the Tories and the SNP.

But to do this, it is no use to put forward a class collaborationist platform of your own as Sillars" supporters in Aberdeen intend to do. Standing against Bob Hughes on the basis of the Jobs and Industry" policy document which seeks to resolve the economic crisis through a Scottish Assembly subordinated to the

stand against them.

smash the dustmen's

The reason we CUTS.

taken one

critically supporting

step

Lur an

[page 23]

capitalist EEC will clarify no-one and merely serve to let in the SNP. ›Any break from the political tarianism of the Sillars supporters' attitowards parties of tude movement should also include a new and fresh approach to the mechanism of the election campaign itself.

Labourism has been described as paternal, and it is in the electoral arena that this attitude high and holy science. With the opening of the election campaign, the worker is suddenly transformed into a voter, the person with power to decide the future of the 'nation. These voters, who for the past five years have seen their living standards dropping dramatically, have suddenly regained importance.

Those leaflets with ever-so-nice pictures of the candidate begin to through your letterbox, telling you all aboul the candidate: their age, the colour of their eyes, their shoe size everything except what they will do when elected.

Our candidates have to break with all these methods, "voters" as working people who need real political and economic power all the year round, and not just at election time.

This attitude to clections should be seen as an extension to our activities against cuts, for women's rights, against uncmployment. Our election campaigns should be aimed at motivating ordinary people into activity groups and through the trade inions. Contrast this to the method as expressed in Bob Tait's document on elections: "our access to the media through friendly journalists will get these (our socialist alternatives) over locally and Nationally*

Scottish Socialist THE SPLITTERS OF THE SLP

15p • SCOTTISH SOCIALIST 40 Regent's Park Square, Glasgow

the labour

becomes raised to

begin to. treat and

in local action

SPECIAL ISSUE 5p

It is obvious that next year will be make or break for many political parties which profess to hold socialist objectives both inside and outside the electoral secarena. I believe that a party which has a clear economic programme, which seeks a real socialist solution to the problems

fall

CHI TEC

WIENER

FIGHT PR PARTY DEMOCRACH

FIGHTTHE O ALL OuT NOVEMTER 17%

faced by working people and which puts forward a socialist answer to the problems of Scottish government, can secure itself a real and lasting Scottish working class politics.

FIGHT FOR PARTY DEMOCRACY

position in

PAT KANE

John MacLean

C.Bambery, 30 Crighton Pl

his life by his daughter Nan Milton special, limited, offer £1.50 for 1copy (normallyf2) send cheques etc. to;

Edinburgh

[page 24]

Dear Comrades, Readers of "Scottish Socialist" especially those in AUEW and AUEW- TASS, may be interested to know that engineers* the rank-and-file paper, "Engineering Voice" has recommenced publication. The "Voice" folded earlier this year after a long record of socialist activity in the AUEW. Its collapse wasn't inevitable: it was caused by withdrawal of support by "lefts" who preferred to water down their opposition rather than break with former lefts in the leadership such as Hugh Scanion, now among the foremost supporters of the Labour Government's right-wing policies.

Jimmy Reid conducted his election under the rallies for AUEW «Engineering Voice,Posts banner. But he let the "Voice" go to the wall when he no longer saw it as useful to him. leaders in the Communist AUEW Party, too, were part and parcel of a boycott of sales of *Engineering Voice" and the winding up of meetings of its supporters.

The "Voice" , however, is not dead. Backed by Assistant General Secretary Ernie Roberts, Lucas Combine Secretary. and former TASS President Mike Cooley, Vickers Combine Chairman Jim Murray, and groups of activists in Birmingham, Sheffield, London, Newcastle and elsewhere, the new "Engin- Voice" published this eering was month. It aims to provide a forum of debate for militants and a centre of action in the fight against the right and Callaghan's cronies in the AUEW.

The need for such a paper must be clear to many Scottish AUEW members fiasco of Jimmy after the Reid's campaign for the job of Scottish After a year's Divisional Officer. campaigning by the Broad Left text- Reid was defeated by postal book, balloting which excluded a third of AUEW members in Scotland, allowed non-members to receive ballots, and union's leadership makes the and policies dependent on massive press interference.

Even the "Sunday Mail" questions a dubious system, but Reid such doesn't propose a campaign throughout the membership against this system

Published by Scottish Socialist, 7 Madeira Place, Leith, Edinourgh

and its backers such as John Boyd and Laird. He talks of taking the Gavin union to court = the right-wing's favourite ploy! Meanwhile, his comrades in the leadership of TASS give the right the green light to split the refusing to accept the union principle of election of officials in TASS!

The need has never been greater for building a socialist alternative which fights for working class democracy throughout the engineering union. "Engineering Voice" just that if it gets the support it deserves. Copies (10p plus postage — reduc-

Voice of the Engineers

promises to do

tions for bulk) and leaflets can be obtained from: Vickers Shop Stewards Combine Committee, c/o Tyneside Socialist Centre, 235 Jesmond Road, Newcastle.

Any readers of "Scottish Socialist" who want to help build a network of "Voice" supporters in Scotland can get in touch with me at my address: 230 Liberty Road, Bellshill, Lanarkshire.

Fratemally, Mike Jordan (AUEW Shop Steward)

Agee appeal tribunal where no evidence will be presented, and no witnesses crossexamined. And after the Tribunal there is no facility for appeal or judicial review.

It is imperative that all trade unionists come to the support of Agee and Hosenball by raising the Home Office order in their branches and ensuring that resolutions are passed condemning the order. These should be communicated to the Home Secretary, local MPs the NUJ, to which both men and belong

Printed by Buncle Print, Arbroath

LARRY HERMANN

C.LA.Gets a Favour

At its November 23rd branch meeting, the NUJ West of Scotland Freelance Branch unanimously passed a motion condemning the Home Office deportation order against two American journalists, Philip Agee and Mark Hosenball. No reason was given by the Home Office, but Agee and Hosenball, who have lived in Britain for several years, believe the British Government issued the order under pressure from the CIA, because of the two journalists activities in bringing to light the activities of the CIA all over the world.

The NUJ Branch resolution noted that the use of a deportation order in this case was a potential threat to all foreign journalists working in Bri-tain.

The General Management Commof Kelvingrove. ittee Labour Party has also come out publicly against the CIA - Home Office attack on Agee and Hosenball. It has called on local labour MP Neil Carmichael to withdraw his support from the Government in the voting lobbies unless the deportation order is withdrawn or criminal charges brought.

Agee and Hosenball are in an almost impossible legal position. Their only appeal is to a permanent Home Office

Constituency

[page 1]

Notices

ISSUE NUMBER 2 Price 20p (25p in shops) December-January

STOP CUTS

BREACH

[page 2]

[page 3]

Social Contract

of wage

Today, exposed successful,

wages of 6%,

1976.

(mainly

**Education?:

half year.

cuts London. On

in Edinburgh.

scottish socialist editorial

which

[page 5]

Rsin SAVE MORE CUTS THE EG.A.

ASTMS THE NHS

OK.

Euston Road, London NI).

[page 6]

Sunday 19December 2pm

...AND PLAN THE NEXT.

Edinburgh Trades Council

[page 7]

Scotland government government Support Grant

taken into

budgets.

news squalor

implemented

raising is

understood

[page 9]

ACTS ARE ILLEGAL!

[page 10]

Million.

President of Gedce Oil.

among tens workers who never made it.

autocratic supervision

myth of the oil business

ainst

drove you to sea.

at all.

succeed in securing

[page 14]

EE ABORTION ON DEMAND WOMANS RIGHT TO CHOOSE

Year Greater Glasgow 1974 6.4 1975 6.2

If rates of NHS abortion per women aged 15-44 are examined, gross

OBE DRUNK

Lanark

3.0 2.9

DID

[page 19]

STI

reports widely September Congress by branches.

It was felt that such remarks preempted

issuc of "Forward Scotland"

indicating that they wished to do so. Disruption.

This was the official reason given for the

21st., that

the

[page 20]

threat KRUAN CLAT

Breakaway party fights for life

[page 23]