[page 2]
LETTER FROM JIM SILLARS
SCOTTISH LABOUR PARTY M.P. FOR SOUTH AYRSHIRE
[page 3]
For three years the Labour government has broken every promise in the book. Under the cover of its "social contract" with the trade unions, it has cut real wages and social expenditure and raised unemployment back to prewar levels. Faced with the worst crisis of the economy since the 1930s, it has resorted to more vicious attacks on the working class than the Tories ever dared.
Its commitment to democracy is wearing paper thin as its own left wing attempts to sabotage its devolu- - a bill which was only introtion bill duced under the threat cf an electoral disaster at the hands of the SNP and which proposes a Scottish Assembly devoid of powers.
But resistance to these attacks is growing. An increasing ordinary working people are no longer prepared to put up with endless sacrifices just to save a decrepit capitalist They do not accept Jim economy. Callaghan's excuse needs a healthy capitalist economy" or any other variant of the that the working class must pay for the failures of the private enterprise system.
they were serfs"
one third.
less"
number of
"socialism that
argument
Resistance has been all the more powerful in Scotland where it has combined with the national question to produce a more contradictory, rejection of Labour's Together with the rejection solutions. of the government's miserable record in the face of Scotland's acute social and economic problems, search for a greater degree of democratic control by the Scottish people over their own lives.
It is a savage indictment of the Labour Party that this has expressed itself in a massive growth of the SN a party whose do more for the bankers and oil multinationals than for the Scottish class. The working the Labour Party nor the managed to produce a democratic answer to the national question only serves to remind us that there can be no democracy without socialism and no socialism without democracy.
The growth of resistance to the Labour goverment has brought with it a tremendous ferment of political ideas, a tremendous questioning. We believe that this can be turned into a
widespread, if
has come a
policies would
fact that neither SNP has
positive force for socialism. But this requires a fight. It requires information, socialist education and, above all, socialist answers.
Scottish Socialist has been produced by members of the Scottish Labour Party as a contribution to this fight. We believe that the formation of the SLP was a vital first step. It has shown that Labour's traditional responses do not have to be accepted for ever. It has shown that an alternative is not only desirable but also possible.
Scottish Socialist aims to provide the reportage. analysis which can light the road from today's first stirrings of resistance towards a real socialist society.
WRITE FOR SCOTTISH SOCIALIST Is there something going on in vour area that readers of Scottish Socialist would like to know about? Or do you want to submit your point of view for debate in our pages? Either way, we would like to hear from you.
Please write to: Scottish Socialist, c/o John Whitman, 7 Madeira Place, Leith, Edinburgh.
debate and
We
JIM McKECHNIE
Highland Cleaners Strike
In the Highland Region, 300 school cleaners are showing the way to fight the Government's public expenditure cuts. Despite the Regional Council which the cleaners" union, NUPE, says is *handling the matter as though they were Highland lairds and treating their staff as though October the cleaners had entered their fifth weeks of strike action, determined to force the Council to withdraw the decision to cut their working hours by
The strikers are well aware what the Council is doing amounts to a wage cut of over 30%, and they are solid in their refusal to accept this "We want our hours back, nothing pickets at Lochaber High School, Fort William, told Scottish Socialist.
In an area where industrial disputes are uncommon, the women have built a powerful strike organisation. schools in Inverness, Dingwall, Nairn and Lochaber have all been affected by industrial action. At Lochaber High School, where cleaners hours have been reduced from 17 to 124, all 18 women are out, with the support of
manoeuvres of a
" by the beginning of
that
and
the janitors, staff, pupils, and even the with a role of Rector. The school, 1500, has been closed, and a picket has been kept up during all normal working hours. Pupils have joined the picket line, with their own banners supporting the strike.
One of the pickets who had worked at the school for ten years emphasised health hazards that a partially the school held. We wash the cleaned scrub the toilets. I know walls and what can be done, and what can't, and we can't clean this school in 12% hours"
But it is not only in the larger schools that action is being taken. Even in the small schools, scattered throughout the Region, the cleaners In Mallaig, stayed have away. example, the solitary school, cleaner is supporting the strike. conducted a The Council have vicious campaign against the strikers they have: - been the first Council in Britain to sack workers for going on official strike dismissed all those on strike and advertised the posts as vacant
1
used non-union members to try to break the strike. accused the pickets of intimidation of those wanting to work. Nonetheless, the cleaners are determined to keep up the fight. Reports of a trickle back to work have been flatly denied by the union. The strikers are particularly encouraged by the decision of the teachers union, EIS, to back headteachers who refuse to recruit blackleg labour, but they are still looking for more active support from other local authority workers.
They point out that if they are defeated, the floodgates will be opened for all local authorities to impose massive wage cuts across the board, in line with the Government's antisocialist economic policies. Some of their placards pointedly state want your support not sympathy".
As we go to press, the cleaners have accepted a new deal proposed by the council. We will print further details in our next issue.
[page 4]
policies,
profits."
gigantic
levels.
sacrifices.
to
better
Callaghan Backs Profits... 'Lefts' Back Callaghan
"In order to nightmare vision of a mad society of carry out socialist Newspeak and Doublethink in which healthy first capitalism you need everything is turned into its opposite.
But it is sadly all too common for This was the blunt message delivered anti-working class policies to masquerto the British Labour Party conference ade as socialist, Callaghan has simply by Prime Minister Jim Callaghan. And taken things to their logical conclusion. just in case his meaning was mistaken, Ever since the days of Ramsay he spelt it out:
McDonald, the Labour leaders have "What Industry needs now is a used the mantle of socialism to cloak healthy surplus. And by surplus, and their betrayals. Without this cover-up, we must be perfectly frank, we mean it would be just that bit too hard to persuade the party, the unions and It was left to Dennis Healey to set members their to swallow the seal on this message when securing government pill. conference a further for approval It is, therefore, not surprising that foreign loan to prop up the the most acute discomfort at the conailing pound. Stability, he said, could ference was suffered by those gallant only be obtained by cuts in social defenders of the faith and free false restrictions, spending, incomes and teeth, the labour left. A government acceptance of pre-war unemployment which is sabotaging everything socialism stands for puts them in an awkward The problem, of course, is that as spot. Do they continue to stand for things stand, British Industry is just its treachery, or do they, heaven not profitable. In order for the bosses forbid, risk its downfall? to make profits, someone must make The party conference was domin- What Jim Callaghan was ated by the pound, the cuts, saying to the Labour Party conference devolution. It was on devolution that was that it was working people who their dilemma was highlighted most Everything the had to foot the bill, dramatically. As Scottish Labour Party conference was asked to approve by MP Jim Sillars pointed out at his the goverment was a cut in some press conference, a referendum would aspect of workers living standards.
With Westminster be a manoevre. Simple-minded folk might be exasking the questions, and a stark cused for asking what this has to do choice between the present miserable with socialism. With only eight years devolution bill, independence and 1984, it seems as if go until union, it would afford no real freedom Callaghan is bent on bringing into of choice.
The Assembly elections being the novelist George Orwell's themselves will express the feelings
2
the
and
of the Scottish people far than a referendum. And it would be a gross infringement of democracy to conduct the referendum in the rest of the UK, as is proposed by some antidevolutionists. practical policy Yet the only change extracted from the government commitment to a garbled was a referendum!
The labour left have been the most powertul torce behind opposition to devolution. The leading lignts or the anti-devolution campaign are Bolsover MP Dennis Skinner and Liverpool MP Eric Heffer, both well-known left wingers. Why are the lefts taking such a position?
They have put up no resistance on the cuts; the rank and file of the party are angry and rightly feel that there has been a betrayal of socialist ideals by So the lefts put up a pseudosocialist smokescreen to cover their own nakedness. Heffer even calls himself a Luxemburgist. Rosa Luxem burg would not have called herself a Hefferite!
The lefts say that socialists should be against devolution because they should be internationalists, and therefore against nationalism. They say the SNP is growing because the Labour Party is giving in to nationalism.
In fact it is deeply antisocialist to oppose democratic rights and above all the right of nations to determine their own future. And the reasons for the SP's success are not to be found in a capitulation to nationalism but in the Labour party's failure to meet the
[page 5]
social needs of the working class and its refusal for years to offer or even consider a democratic answer to the national aspirations of Scottish working people Pee about Panted n confidence of hundreds thousands of Scottish voters because it simply hasn't delivered the goods.
And worse still by trying to present "left" appearance to the angry Labour Party rank and File, the lefts play into the hands of English nationalism and encourage the division of English from Scottish workers. In the name of unity they disunite the workers' movement.
The other debates of the conference overshadowed rather collapse of the pound. The large foreign holdings in sterling which result from its role as a reserve currency make it particularly liable to rapid fluctuadistant tions as speculators overeact to minor political events in Britain. This makes it very easy for the Bank of England to express its distaste for anything unfavourable to the interests of capital by simply withdrawing its support for the pound. In fact one of the most disconcerting results of being a Labour left MP in 1976 must be to have the pound drop three cents every time you bleat on the conference floor.
In the end, although the lefts captured party treasurership and sang the Red Flag with their usual gusto, net result has been virtually no change in government policy. This despite the fact that conference accepted a left wing motion calling for the nationalisation of the banks. This would immedi ately bring foreign exchange under tight control; it is a vital socialist But Callaghan made this motion's fate very plain. He personally canvassed the union delegations over lunch before the vote to gather a large body of abstentions. Then he announced that the motion was an "electoral albatross". Since conference decisions are in no way binding on the government, this obviously means he the slightest intention of carrying it out.
Of course, the government would not be able to continue this cynical disregard of its supporters and party for a moment if the lefts put up any all even to
conference decisions. But the Tribunites remain in the cabinet. The left MPs continue to troop meekly through the lobbies in support of the cuts.
They argue that they must not bring down the government - as the government steadily but surely guarantees its own downfall. In practice they accept the authority of the government and not of the Labour Party
financiers
by
the
ranks. This is why their fine resolution will not be implemented. It will remain - a fine resolution.
Their opposition to the cuts, if it lead nowhere. Action is needed, not words. The most positive step taken by the conference was to pass a resolution opposing the cuts and calling for a united campaign of the labour movement against them with support for councils refusing to implement cut- If the left MPs have any respect for their principles at all, their entire energies should be put behind such a campaign. If they want to promote socialist policies and build real unity between English and Scottish workers, they should start by throwing their weight behind the Highland cleaners
same level, will also
strike described elsewhere in this issue, behind the students and teachers fighting education cuts and, indeed, behind each and every fight against the cutbacks in social spending.
This would make a real change from their record in Westminster where the only votes against the cuts have come from the MPs of the Scottish Labour Party. It would make a change from their record in Scotland where they have stood on the sidelines of every major struggle for working class living standards and rights.
But then, isn't that too much like making a real fight instead of a sham one? Wouldn't it be a bit for the pound? Wouldn't it be a bit too close to real socialism for comfort?
ALAN FREEMAN
too risky
Bus Cuts, Fare Rises for Edinburgh?
Edinburgh busworkers are to refuse to implement cuts in services proposed number of services have been scrapped in plans now wending through the Council. In addition a further increase in fares is proposed with the maximum fare rising from 20p to 25p.
These plans have angered the busworkers who have seen their numbers fall from 3,000 to 1,700 over the last
Particularly badly hit have been women, most of whom were previously employed as conductors, who have lost their jobs with the introduction of pay as you enter buses.
A number of campaigns have arisen in those areas, like Gilmerton, Clerm-
the planned withdrawal of services.
The proposals have still to be voted on by the full Council and indications are that some Labour councillors will vote against them risking disciplinary moves. Several groups can be expected to demonstrate outside the Labour controlled Council when the plans come up for a vote.
The possibility of a campaign against both the service cuts and increases will be raised on the Lothian Federation of Trades Councils anti-cuts committee. One of the suggestions being discussed is a campaign along the lines of the one being run on the London Tube.
Regional
Stockbridge, worst hit by
3
There. passengers pay the old fare and hand in a slip with their name and address promising to pay the increase if they are billed. London Transport then has the option of scrubbing the debts or posting out thousands of requests for five or ten pence.
Whatever against the Council plans can be expected. It is not surprising when at fell swoop one Council is adding to Edinburgh's jobless, stopping people travelling and hitting the pocket of nearly everyone in the city.
happens
Lothian
CHRIS BAMBERY
campaign
Regional
[page 6]
colonies,
some measure
in Portugal,
odd
perched.
stop diplomacy" to grasp
behind
Corrigan, is the largest
ments"
indeed
the IRA.
the
- one of a
ever been.
the
basic
Whats happening in" ZIMBABWE
It is just eleven years since Tan Smith's ruling Rhodesian Front Party made its Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from Britain in order to avoid making any commitment to black majority rule. One after another, the other previous African despite continued their Western economic domination by achieved imperialist countries. have of self-determination. For eleven years, the Rhodesian white minority, together with the racist apartheid regime in South Africa and the colonial regimes of fascist Portugal held the line against any devolution of power to the black majority.
Today, things are changing. Victorious liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau have brought about the downfall of Caetano secured their national independence and embarked upon farreaching programmes of social reform. In Rhodesia, the Zimbabwean freedom fighters of the ZAPU and ZANU factions of the African National Congress (ANC) have continued to step up their Out of the 170guerrilla activities.
Rhodesian soldiers and police killed in action since 1972, more than half have met their deaths in the last nine months. What is more, with the level of white emigration now topping 800 a month, the military staying power of the Smith regime is being increasingly drained. Even in South Africa, massive demonstrations in the African townships have begun to show up the potential powder-keg on which Mr. Vorster's apartheid regime is
This is the background to Henry Kissinger's attempt to bring "shuttleto Southern Africa "the last chance of negotiated settlement" • It also lies Vorster's sudden and Mr. belated conversion to the principle of majority rule in Rhodesia — but not in South Africa itself! An extension of the guerilla successes in the previous
Portuguese colonies into Zimbabwe (to use the African majority's name for the country the white settlers call Rhodesia) would give a massive boost to the armed struggle in South Africa itself. For Vorster, this would spell the end of the whole social, political and economic structure which his apartheid regime is built on. For the US government, and indeed the British it would threaten the government, vast profits of some 360 American and 500 British firms with investments in mineral-rich, the starvation-wage economy of South Africa.
It was, no doubt, the combination of the military pressure of the Zimbabwe freedom fighters and the diplopressure of Kissinger, Vorster matic and Callaghan to which lan Smith was referring when he announced Rhodesian TV that "We" (the white minority) have go to face up to the realities and that some form of transfer to majority rule (but not necessarily black majority rule) was inevitable.
These harsh realities particularly the implicit threat that there will be no more support from South Africa will make it much more difficult for Smith to break off negotiations today in the way he did with Harold Wilson after the talks on HMS Tiger and Fearless in 1966 and 1968 or with ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo carlier this year. Despite the pledges of all guerrilla factions to keep on fighting at present, the greatest threat to the aspirations of the black majority in Zimbabwe for full democratic rights, political emancipation and economic equality may well come from a deal between Kissinger and Vorster and some of the ANC leaders politically closest to the overtly neo-colonialist regimes of black Africa, which sells out their final victory and that of their brothers and sisters in South Africa at the final hurdle.
STEVE KENNEDY
4
Peace
At What Price On 25th September, Ulster's peace marchers came to Glasgow. They held a rally in George Square series planned for England and Scot- Tand. On a wet raining afteroon, the marchers sang hymns in George Square and listened to an address from Mairead The present Uister peace movement Despite its middle class leadership it has attracted many frustrated or frightened Irish people. It has acquired support in working class areas, whích predecessors never did. In the event the rally was attended by clergy men of various denominations and by about 1500 layfolk. This was a low turnout compared with the moveprevious which attracted 5,000 people, and low compared with the 30.000 which the Orange Walk can notch up.
There were two significant developments associated with the march. The first is the support which the march got from the Grand Orange Lodge in Scotland, which was declared a few days before the march. The second was the counter demonstration organised by Pastor Glass and the Twentieth Century Reformation Movement, protesting about the presence of Roman Catholic clergy on the demanding the excommunication of Pastor Glass and his cohorts are notorious for their intransigent and often lunatic opposition to the Church of Rome. Just the same, by the end of the march it was impossible to say whether they were protesting against Ms. Corrigan herself contributed to this impression when interviewed by STV the night before the rally. We want to live together in peace as Northern Irish people" the problem is that a large minority of the Northern Irish people catholics - have never been left in peace because of the grossly undemocratic and sectarian structure of the Northern Irish statelet.
Can a movement which does not question this basic feature of Northern Ireland put an end to sectarianism? And could it not be that the ready assimilation of the Grand Orange Lodge and the Twentieth Century Reformation Movement owe more to movement's questions than to any sudden weaning of these bodies away from sectarianism?
there has
rally in Liverpool.
march and
she said. But
Silence
MARTIN O'LEARY
[page 7]
them
the
from
COn-
the
the
to
SCOTTISH SOCIALIST DOSSIER ON EDUCATION Jordanhill to Job Creation
Joanna Haynes came to Glasgow in the Autumn of 1975 and did a one year graduate course in primary teaching at Jordanhill College. She was active in the student teacher campaign last summer and has recently been elected Secretary of the Job Creation Branch of the Transport and General Workers Union. Scottish Socialist asked her about her experiences
Why did student teachers at Jordanhill occupy the college?
We occupied the college when it became apparent that so many of us were not going to get teaching posts. We hoped that the occupation of the Colleges of Education would enable us to build a much broader campaign against education cuts as a whole. The occupation was used as a centre for organising meetings in schools, factory gate meetings and protest actions such as the occupation of the Education Offices in Bath Street, the City Chambers and so on How many graduates from Jordanhill were unemployed at the end of the occupation?
At the end of June the number was somewhere around 400 from Jordanhill College. The vast majority of these teachers. Some have were Primary since found jobs outside teaching, some were given teaching posts over the summer. Since term started, the policy of the Education Authority seems to be one of ringing people up or Friday and telling Thursday school the Start in to a on following Monday. If you're not in or don't happen to be on the phone, it's tough luck.
About 120 teachers are now employed under the Job Creation Programme in Strathclyde. unemployed How come so many teachers in Glasgow are employed in Job Creation Programme which particularly to help was introduced school leavers?
I think it's because the student teachers campaign had great support general public. In the an "educationally deprived" like area Strathelyde in particular people feel very strongly that all these teachers are desperately needed in the schools. The goverment was forced by the
militancy of the national campaign and by public support to make some sort of concession to get student teachers off their backs.
Most of the schemes relate broadly speaking to Education. For example, English language for Immigrant adults, Road Safety and Health Education in schools. We feel that if these schemes considered educationally worthare be made while then they shouid a permanent feature of the education system. If they are not then why waste money which could be used to employ teachers in schools? Jordanhill College, who are our employers, are keen to Keep the schemes as job creation projects to hand out as a concession to student teachers should they become militant about unemployment next summer. Do teachers employed in the JCP have the same wages and conditions of employment as teachers in schools?
Not at all. When we started work the wages were £56 per week. Suddenly we were told that a mistake had been made and we were only to receive £50 per week. Secondly we have no security of employment. Our employers have the power to terminate a scheme at any time after three months, no matter how successful it is. Thirdly we are not classified as teachers but as workers; work we are general the doing does not count towards the two year probationary period required by Council Teaching General the Scotland. Lastly, because of the length of the schemes and because we are in temporary employment we will not be entitled to redundancy payment at the end of it. What have you done about this?
We have organised a branch of the Transport and General Workers Union. This enables us to have all the people
5
in the different schemes in one branch, we are entitled to a delegate to the Trades Council and to have official representation in the negotiation of our contract. Since the occupation we have asked consistently for membership of the teachers union, the EIS, but we have been equally consistently refused. We would be much stronger if we were organised with teachers in the EIS. Why were you unable to get the EIS involved?
From the beginning of our campaign we saw our fight as part of a broader one against government cuts in public spending. The EIS leadership stantly argued teachers as a "special and Scottish teachers as an even case" more "special case"* It also became clear to us that the contract of employment, EIS Executive argue must be defended at all costs, has loopholes in it which positively lay the basis for teacher unemployment. For maximum class size is 33, but there is a flexibility clause which means that teachers can be asked to take up to 39 "where reasonable". Some would argue that in the present climate of education cuts a class of 39 is a good economy measure!
At a conference of unemployed teachers in Edinburgh, Mr. Forrester (EIS Executive) stated that if we were to join ElS it would make allowed the union undemocratic! The EIS and democracy is another story: at EIS Annual General Meeting teacher unemployment could not be discussed because it was not on However, intend to continue we work alongside teachers in EIS against and education cutS that will guarantee a job for every teacher.
which
example, the
the agenda!
for a contract
[page 8]
tions."
believe
ture cuts
which
ted
The Occupations and After
all the
MORAY HOUSE AGAINST THE CUTS
*I hope it would be possible that young school teachers would endeavour to find jobs in other suitable occupa-
This was Sunny Jim Callaghan's not so sunny response to the wave of occupations which were then sweeping through the country's teacher training colleges. Moray House College of Education in Edinburgh initiated and provided a political leadership for this campaign of militant direct action.
The writers of this article, along with many other SLP comrades, were actively involved in the occupation. We that many lessons can be learned from our experiences; above all, we have reached the conclusion that direct action is a positive way of challenging Labour government's the reactionary policy of public expendi- -a policy which frontally attacks the health, education, housing. and general well-being of the working class throughout Britain.
The Moray House occupation began on May 12th, the day of the local authority's annual visit to the college to recruit a new year's intake of teachers. On this occasion, nearly half of the student teachers of Moray House and the other Scottish colleges were presented with an unexpected predicament - unemployment. Confronted with a situation 2430 trained teachers (45% of the total number graduating) had not got a job, it was not unnaturai that they almost unanimously suppor Society inspired the Socialist motion calling for occupation.
This motion laid the basis for the whole campaign, It argued that public spending cuts were absolutely central to the policies of the Labour government.
Already at this stage we understood that if students attempted to fight on their own, they could not expect any significant concessions; the fight to get jobs for the unemployed student teachers necessitated an attempt to unite all sections of working people against the economic policies of the Labour government. But why occupy? Quite simply Ic provide a 24 hour base from which Ic organise. In the first week this meant, spreading the occupation through the other 10 colleges in Scotland by sending out speakers urging support for Moray House. Then, in the second week, this was extended to England. Soon all the Scottish colleges and most of the English colleges were occupied.
Simultaneously, scores of students - most of whom really were completely unaccustomed speaking - went out to the schools to argue that employed teachers should take industrial action to lower class This would not only solve the sizes. problem of teacher unemployment, but would also improve the overall standard of education. We also proposed that teachers should support the national day of action called for May 26th by Assembly against unemployment.
In the Lothian region, this led to a meeting of some 400 teachers at Moray
Labour Movement
6
public to
House on May 25th. They accepted that education should not be treated as a special case and that cuts were unacceptable even if education were to be exempted. From this meeting a Lothian Teachers Committee against the cuts was set up consisting of delegates elected from meetings in fourteen local schools.
The May 26th day of action was the high point of the campaign. Massive railies were held in Dundee, Glasgow and Ayr; in Edinburgh over two thousand people - mainly students and delegates from schools and major public sector unions - heard rank and file activists explain how cuts affect the whole working class.
With great confidence we increased the scope and frequency of our visits to schools, workplaces and trade union branches in the area urging support for a one-day strike on June 15th.
While the turn out on the day was not a complete failure, it showed that the broad labour movement was far less prepared for action than the students had been. This point wasbrought home with a vengeance on the next day when the recall TUC conference in London voted overwhelmingly for the inseperable complement of the cuts: Dennis Healey's 43% wage-cutting pay deal.
The college occupations up and down the country ended with the summer term in mid-June. Moray House continued to occupy ever hopeful ofevoking a response from the local labour movement. By early July, the number of students actively supporting the occupation had declined so drastically from its peak of one thousand in May that further continuation was pointless. then did the occupation What actually achieve? Some would argue nothing at all; after all, it is widely estimated that in June 1977 there will still be nearly one thousand teachers who qualified in June 1976 without a job. We believe that such an assessment of the campaign is unjustified.
The very fact that the occupation was largely financed through donations from all sections of the labour movement is evidence that during the eight weeks we were constantly in the news, the issues of unemployment and the cuts were successfully brought before a wide and receptive audience.
More concretely, the EIS Annual General Meeting in June demonstrated
[page 9]
that, following our action, a significant minority of teachers, mainly in Glasgow and Edinburgh, were prepared to - against their leadership argue industrial action to win jobs for unemployed teachers. This minority also accepted the Moray House argument that it was essential to organise to gradual but prevent the crosion of educational provision which we predicted for 1976-7.
In Edinburgh, these militants have grouped been around the Delegate Committee Against the Cuts set up from the May 25th meeting at Moray Structures however important than the fact that ordinary EIS activists since the pay struggles of 1974, prepared to challenge the EIS leadership which - as George Kerevan shows in this issue of Scottish Socialist - is wedded to the Labour government and The Delegate Committee in Edinburgh works closely with the Lothian Unemployed Teachers Action Group (LUTAG) set up specifically to expose the effects of the cuts in Lothian schools. Unfortunately, because it was not set up until July when the college term had ended, LUTAG remains a rather skeletal body lacking any real mass base.
These problems have not ruled out the possibility of organising against the cuts, for example through mounting pickets on schools where cuts are occuring. In this type of action, LUTAG hopes to be aided by this year's student body at Moray House whose present leadership is to a continuing totally committed campaign of opposition to all public expenditure cuts.
Finally, it is estimated by none other than EIS General Secretary, Pollock, that two to three thousand student teachers will be thrown on the dole in June 1977. The experience of this year's occupation is likely to ensure that Moray House will again be part of a widespread united student opposition when this materialises.
In the face of the militancy of the student teachers, the authorities are increasingly attempting to save money whole variety of ways more in a underhand than straightforward redundancies or job cuts. Hence what might be termed "creeping cuts"
In primary schools this session there are around 2,000 classes where children of different age groups are being taught in the same classroom by one teacher. This means that roughly one in every ten primary classes in Scotland are "composite" or vertically-streamed classes. Moreover, 807 of these have 25 or over pupils; not only reachers expected to teach two classes at once - but do so with a very large
- for
escalating
action
John
ате
number of pupils virtually ruling out individual attention.
As a leading member of the EIS teachers in Glasgow last June, composite classes are being used to avoid class sizes above the maximum of 33 specified in the EIS contract of employ- "This disgraceful expedient is not only a cause of teacher unemployment but also represents a dramatic deterioration in the quality of educacation provided." (Scottish Educational Joumal, June 25th 1976).
The way the authorities are doing this is by simply not replacing teachers family. We don't have exact figures on the extent of this but know that it is commonplace. "Composite" classes are only one of the most obvious ways in which standards are being reduced in the name of economy. Individual needs like jotters and books are being hit as well as maintenance and security. The size and quality of school meals have also suffered: for example if you choose braised beef instead of spam fritters at Tynecastle High School in Edinburgh you don't get potatoes! Schools are also being charged for the first time for services like libraries and sports facilities.
To combat the creeping cuts, what is needed in the first place is information implemented and how. We believe that the best way to do this is for socialists in the education sector to reactivate a proposal but remitted to the National Executive and thus effectively nullified. What are needed are Cuts Monitoring Committees actually in the schools. The membership should, where possible, be drawn from all trade unionists schools and from amongst parents.
of such
7
MUKAT HOUSER COLLEGE
SA
might tollow the lines proposed by LUTAG.
We would further argue that the most vitally important issue to take up now is that of composite classes. If EIS members who have over-sized or composite classes do not use the so- "independent tribunals", arbitration system set up under the EIS contract, then their leaders will use this as an excuse for the union to soft-pedal on composite classes.
But the reason why reachers are not tribunals is because the system is not a fair one. The individual teacher has to plead his or her case individually rather than as a member of a union and alone face the likely hostility of the headmaster. In only half of all tribunal hearings do teachers have a majority on the adjudicating panel and, even then the teacher members may well be heads who most teachers regard as management.
Our message to socialist teachers is, therefore, to force the EIS into action on these questions as a whole. This means setting up and organising around against without risking
As members of the Scottish Labour Party, we draw a further conclusion from our experiences at Moray House. The success of the Socialist Society's initiative demonstrateshow, even while the SLP remains low on electoral credibility, it will be able to support for real socialist policies by giving the lead in action against the cuts of a Labour spending government committed, as Callaghan spelled out in Blackpool, to profits rather than principles.
MIKE ANDERSON DAVE JOHNSTONE JIM ATKINSON
the
win
EDUCATION
or leave to bring up
about where they are being
adopted by the EIS AGM
who work in the
committees
Activity
called
public
[page 10]
ARCHIBALD ARMOUR
This school term opened to warnings *confrontation of a the Educational Inauthorities and stitute of Scotland, Scotland's largest teaching union, from EIS president Archibald Armour.
Such outbursts of verbal militancy
ference in June at which the cuts in
condemned. Proposals for practical opposition were, however, restricted to a call for rigorous implementation of the recently agreed contract of ser- This states that no EIS member was to teach any class larger than 33. In theory this would prevent local councils economising on teaching staff as they could not force fewer teachers to take bigger classes without breaching the contract. start of the new term has shown this campaign up as a damo with the EIS abdicating leadership and leaving it to individual teachers to initiate complaints about any breaches in the contract. Many of those asked to take classes numbering over 33 are new to teaching. They are the most vulnerable to intimidation by headmasters.
What is more, even if the contract was rigorously enforced, nowhere near sufficient jobs would be made available for the 2000 teachers now jobless in Scotland.
The real the contracy purpose of the line is to prevent any recurrence of what happened in 1974, when 15.000 EIS members went out on unofficial strike for a ElS pay award. The EIS leadership wishes to avoid any similar challenge leadership.
The September 1976 EIS News spells this out when it says of the contract campaign that it "does not
between local
"defend
to its
Pressure from such people, striving to defend forced the EIS to shift from being a professional institute representing nonteaching headmasters towards acting as a genuine white collar trade union. Regionalisation put further pressure on the EIS for a professional bargaining approach when faced with the giant Labour-controlled regions like Strathclyde in Scotland.
Crucial to an understanding of the emergence of the EIS as a professional trade union is the politics of the Pollock leadership. Many fulltimers, like organising secretary Fred Forrester, are long time Labour Party members. Pollock himself is a former Labour Party chairman in Scotland.
The Pollock leadership has consolidated itself by trading cessions between its political base in the Labour Party machines of the big regions and its base inside EIS amongst newly promoted teachers in the secondary schools.
It is on this basis that Scottish teachers have avoided the redundancies suffered by their English counterparts. Instead the Scottish authorities have consciousiy placed the burden of the cuts on the shoulders of the less well organised janitorial and cleaning staffs.
In return for this soft-pedalling by his friends in the Labour Party, Pollock delivered his side of the bargain. Whilst giving "security" to those teachers who had gained promotions (a goal they had sought since the contract of service signed by the EIS gave the local authorities most of the prizes. Some regions were able to raise class sizes as a result of what Pollock termed the "marriage contract" between EIS and the convention of Scottish local authorities. All benefitted in one way or another.
JOHN POLLOCK
their salary and position,
the largest single employer
off con-
EI.S. Needs Action Not Words
mean a repetition of the old work to rule in which the rules were made by the Institute, but a campaign in which members are asked to work to the letter of the contract - and to keep within it". In other words: no strikes in support of the teacher training college occupations, or against the cuts; no refusal to cover for absent teachers (a means of winning new jobs successfully used in England) and - above no attempts to renegotiate the sufficiently to give every teacher a job.
Through a skilfull mixture of militant demagogy and blackmail threats to the effect that any attempt to breach the contract would provoke a from the authorities, EIS leadership has succeeded in isolating the left in the union. The once influential Rank and File grouping has been whittled away to a rump largely consisting of members of the Interreflected in the 1976 Office bearer elections which showed a marked swing to the right.
But the left must take much of the blame for this situation. appeals of Rank and File for "greater militancy" have to deal with the manouvres of the Institute's The left's basic failure has Pollock. been its inability to see what lay behind the emergence of the Pollock leadership.
class sizes down
The simple proved insufficient Secretary John
The try bat airc
The expansion of education in Scotland during the late sixties created an enlarged layer of young teachers, newly
schools, worried about their career prospects as the expansion slowed down. At the same time the crisis of British capitalism brought about a marked decline in the status of the middle classes, of whom in Scotland the "Dominie" had been pre-eminent.
8
[page 11]
entering
Pollock membership
conservative
to
scale were routed
etically.
to doubt. undermining
central
the union
action committees. Given the correct powerful alliance of leadership, the 1974 could be rebuilt.
Pollock won't, however, aside by simplistic appeals for more militancy. Ultraleft calls to ignore the only isolate militant will contract schools. In the first place Pollock must be forced to really implement the contract. EIS must be made to initiate appeals against contract-breaking authorities, not leaving it in the hands of individuals. EIS must be made to composite stamp OUT industrial action if necessary.
At the same time, the weaknesses of the current contract must be revealed by a demand for renegotiation to lower class sizes sufficiently to give every teacher a job. This will only be won in opposition to the EIS leadership who are bitterly opposed to any idea of renegotiation which would only embarrass their friends in local government and put EIS on the spot over industrial action.
By rebuilding the alliance of promoted and unpromoted teachers in a fight to implement the contract, an alternative leadership to that of Pollock can be built to organise action to defeat the cuts rather than the smokescreen of words promised by Archibald Armour.
GEORGE KEREVAN
be swept
classes, by
TEACHERS ACTION GROUP
But Pollock hasn't had everything his own way. In 1974 he lost control of those people who had given him a base in EIS when promoted teachers allied themselves to young teachers just during the the profession unofficial strikes. This golden opportunity for the left was thrown away. Rank and File failed to challenge on his weakest ground demands which could unite the whole for instance, a call for an index-linked salary increase monitored by the union itself. They limited themselves to an assault on differentials through a call for a single salary scale with a common maximum.
Pollock seized on this as a means to the prochampion the interests of moted layers who had grown more 1975 Following Houghton pay settlement which seemed promise better salaries and strengthened careers structure. Those forces grouped around the single salary the December at 1975 Emergency General Meeting of the EIS. Pollock presented his "contract campaign" in the absence of any would alternative leadership which challenge the miserable conditions enshrined in the contract. The mass of teachers accepted the contract apath-
Whether Pollock's mancouvres will continue to be as successful is open conditions Objective are Pollock's hold the on local authorities. As the IMF demands further massive cuts the regions come under pressure from the Labour govemment. Strathclyde maintains the fiction of the contract but makes its economies by directing teachers to supervise composite classes in more than one age group or subject at the same time.
The recent proposal by the secretary of state which enables him to veto any pay or conditions award, which was opposed by both EIS and COSLA, can
be seen as the first government to ensure that the cuts are not obstructed by the requirements of local labour politics Pollock's diplomacy with his Labour Party cronies will not prevent the coming redundancies, which will only be stopped by massive industrial action.
Pollock's other problems are subjective ones: the state of the left and the membership's political consciousness. EIS members have been through the experience of mass action organised independently of bureaucracy in democratically elected
steps by
[page 12]
alternative
Dear Comrades,
However,
at Perth. Aberdeen made the incorporating resolution resolutions to the SLP conference.
recognisable
debate.
Instead
eventual rejection.
The resolution
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) health; (7) (8) (9)
union branches, lay district
therefore becomes
limited, though,
working class and
Corrie MeChord, Stirling branch SLP.
S.T.U.C. Resolution 17
One of the motions being discussed at the forthcoming Scottish Labour Party conference in Stirling, tabled by Aberdeen branch, calls for the SLP to adopt the demands of the controversial Stirling Trades Council resolution to this year's STUC conference.
This resolution, passed on a show of hands by the STUC but defeated on a card vote, lays out a general plan of opposition to the goverment's cuts in social spending and incomes policy. It was the subject of a barstorming attack by Jack Jones because of its opposition to govemment policy, but still acquired very substantial support. indicating both the depth of feeling amonst trade unionists against goverment policy and the desire for a fighting We asked Corrie McChord, who proposed the resolution on behalf of Stirling Scottish Socialist on its context and significance. We print below his letter and the resolution itself.
which effectively removed the para- Having been invited to write on graph criticising the Labour governmotion Number 17 to the STUC this ment. On arrival at Perth, however, the year, my first reaction was to refrain 3 Stirling delegates were subjected to from resurrecting a defeated resolution. strong pressure by the standing orders reflection there are committee and told that the General important lessons for socialists on how Council would ask that the unamended and why the resolution was defeated motion be rejected. SLP have also topical by subject more Being informed that the motion had discussed substance the of 17 into one of Party and that their support hinged on their
reluctantly accepted. Despite excellent The demands of resolution 17 were benchmark progressions to a planned support from Jim Dollan of Irvine socialist economy and will be instantly Trades Council, Mick McGahey and John Walker (ASLEF), the motion, after being visibly carried by hand committed socialist. So it will be more vote, was defeated on a block card vote. fruitful for Aberdeen to open the I would hope it The repeated pleas for loyalty to profitable to explain how the resolution the Labour Government, came about and the reasons for its attendant ills of expenditure cuts, unemployment and wage erosion, at was the result of the expense of jobs and free collective agreement among the Stirling Trades bargaining, poses the Council executive, which comprises a whether the trade union leadership has wide spectrum of socialist viewpoints. forgotten its raison d'etre. On being put to the full council as one The hand vote following the debate of seven prospective motions to the STUC, it was overwhelmingly carried were not convinced by the arguments as one of three motions to go forward. of these stalwarts. Inevitably the cry The council initially rejected an amendment from Irvine Trades Council GWU and AUEW duly cast a third
"That this Congress recognises that the 16 wage limit and cuts in public expenditure are measures which help to extend mass unemployment. We have no option but to conclude that the present Labour Government is deliberately using mass unemployment as an economic policy. *This Congress rejects policies which are aimed at making working people pay for the crisis in the capitalist syster. It instructs the General Council to fight unemployment by campaigning for:immediate implementation of the 35 hour week with no loss of pay: longer holidays with no loss of pay: no redundancies without adequate alternative employment at an equal status being provided; an opening of the books of any company declaring redundancies; nationalisation without compensation of any company unable to ensure full employment at a living wage for its workforce; an end to cuts in public expenditure and a new programme to restore the cuts in housing, education and an end to incomes policy measures like the 26 wage limit, and any similar scheme; full cover of all wage agreements against inflation by cost of living clauses; full cover in all state benefits and grants to individuals for cost of living increases. "The General Council should co-ordinate a campaign against unemployment and the cuts; this should be done at two levels, nationally through the unions and locally through the Trades Councils."
by the Communist
delegates
with its
question of
250 delegates
came, and the TGWU
10
Trades Council, to write for
of conference votes against the motion to gain an effective majority.
The voting machinery allowed these 3 unions to cast over 600 votes whilst Trades Councils like Glasgow, Edinburgh, Clydebank, Aberdeen, Dundee and Stirling, each with thousands of affiliates, were holding cards showing three votes. obvious that resistance to the classic conservative methods of government will not come from the trade union leadership. Rather the potential lies in the committees and trades councils.
The potential is by the lack of leadership. The traditional leaders of the Scottish working class, the Labour Party, the Communist Party and the STUC have abnegated their role by a deafening silence and sheer inertia. The mantle lies unworn. Whether the SEP will pick it up depends on the October conference. But one thing is clear. The formula for success must include the winning over of the organised this will not be achieved by the politics of expediency.
Fraternally Yours,
[page 13]
We Only Want Womens Rights'
Women might have expected. a ar ago, that the Labour Goverent's Equal Pay Act would give em just that. But now many women e beginning to realise that not only the new legislation totally inadequate it that they are having to fight for eir jobs as well. Cutbacks in public spending have government t women hard. Local nployees like cleaners, teachers, hostal workers and nursery nurses 1 predominantly, or even exclusively, male - have found that the cuts can it them out of work. This and the vernment's wage restraint policy which is is produced climate stile to any advance on equal pay. The results of the tribunals set up • the act reflect this. On 7th June 176, the Guardian said: *1,754 women have started industrial tribunal action in the first four months since the Equal Pay and Sex Discrimination Acts came 18 have been into force.
Only successful, 100 have had their cases dismissed, and 69 have settled out of court.
The largest proportion (Tribunal backlog apart) have withdrawn without gain. Most of the disputes taken to the ribunal so far have been equal pay ther than sex discrimination cases. ut even so, the dice are heavily aded against complainants. There e countless "atrocity" stories about ribunal operations and findings. In ne case, a female playgroup supersor was paid less than a male playoup supervisor. The Tribunal ruled
that as the women's job carried more responsibility than the man's and was therefore not broadly similar - she was not entitled to equal pay!
An even more staggering case came to light during the recent equal pay strike wave. A woman assembly line inspector had an equal pay complaint turned down because, said the tribunal, she was carrying out a preliminary inspection whereas the male inspector further down the out the more responsible final spection. A subsequent Tribunal ruled in an almost identical case, where the woman was carrying out inspection, that the equal pay act could not uphold the woman's complaint because the man was performing the more arduous initial inspection!
A survey published by Women's Own in March revealed the uselessness of the Act to most women. average pay packet of the full time working woman was £33.46. whilst the average pay packet of the man was E52.15. Only two thirds of those readers doing similar work to a man were being paid the same rate. Excuses ranged from men having higher qualifications to the plea that they worked longer in the job. Only 43% of the sample were doing the same job as men; the other 57% were left to the mercy of the job evaluation experts, who constantly downgraded the jobs that women do.
The strike at London, shows how hard women have to fight for what should be theirs by right - basic equality. It is probably
NIGHTS
line was carrying
2Trico-Folperth,
11
in-
the final
The
QUAN
the most significant dispute since the Equal Pay Act came into force, and Britain's longest running Equal Pay strike.
The battle started when 400 women production workers additional E6.50 per week paid to five who. men management agreed, were doing precisely the same job.
In fact it was management went to the Tribunal in an effort to defuse the strike. They case, but did not dent the solidarity of the strikers who already felt that it was their strength and the support of the labour movement that was going to win the case, which in their eyes needed no further justification. shop steward Betty Aiston said: "We don't need any outside body telling us what we know we are entitled to"
The struggle reveals the Equal Pay legislation as totally inadequate.
But it is not only the weakness of the Act that stands in the way of equal pay but also the lack of a sufficient response from the labour movement to women's struggles. The AUEW declared the strike official but for a long time gave no strike pay. When the women asked for Trico products to be blacked, the AUEW fulltimers offered precious little practical help.
Despite the fact that most of the male workers at Trico continued working throughout the whole strike, on October 15th, faced with the threat of a national solidarity demonstration, management caved in.
The victory of the women of Trico confirms the lessons of the Scottish equal pay struggles of the last two years: the way to win equal pay and effectively fight sex discrimination is to rely on your own fight for the support of the labour movement.
JENNY DONALDSON
asked for an
and union
that
"won" the
As
strength and
WOMENS NANT
[page 14]
imbalance
politics are
of
kind of phenomenon tends to provoke much cynicism and contempt among local activists.
Another response is to withdraw from the hustings and wait for the revolution, preserving socialist purity while castigating labour leaders for their betrayals successive working class. The small left-wing sects "national interest" so laughable find that they fail to come to terms with its plausibility.
A socialist party has to take seriously the structure of beliefs held by most people about how things are in our society, and neither laugh it out of court as a pathetic tissue of falsehoods, nor be seduced into accepting it uncritically. Such beliefs should be tested as a scientist tests theories of nature, not simply by promoting an alternative theory, but by first showing their inadequacy in the face of social reality.
For example, consider the view that the E6-a-week pay limit is "fair" and represents an equal sacrifice by all sections of society in the national interest. An alternative view of wage "restraint" is that it represents an attempt by capitalism to solve its problems at the expense of the working class. But to say this is merely to preach to the converted, challenge the majority view.
What are needed to reveal the class bias inherent in the i6 limit are systematic studies of the way it actually discriminates against working people. Such studies would reveal how the bosses and their administrative and managerial personnel benefit from incremental pay structures, the rapidlycash value of increasing benefits like company cars, concealed pay increases due to "job reclassification" , and the lack of any upper limit on increases in unearned income.
In a highly unequal society, equality of sacrifice can only be at all meaningful if the wealthy bear by far the largest burden; the effect of the £6 limit has been the exact reverse of this.
The nation/class polarisation is a particularly sensitive issue for socialists in the face of resurgent national feeling. is shown by the wide as socialist responses to the SNP upsurge in Scotland. This is a debate which will have to steer a careful course between the abstract and simplified extremes of "a Scot is a Scot" and "a worker is a worker"
Socialists will do well to enter this with a healthy debate phrases like regarding and its more populist cousin. interests "the interests of the Scottish people". Those who use such phrases should be asked, what interests?, which people?
CRAIG MCFARLANE
of the
not to
"fringe"
range of
scepticism "Scotland's
Nation or Class?
There are few more crucial issues faced by a socialist party than the attitude it takes to the notion of a "national interest"
Explicitly, of documents it the policy Course, debates and the resolutions which it considers may never raise such an issue; nonetheless, within the political left as described by the tradition ult remains virtually "social democracy" unchallenged.
To social democrats the fact of a less capitalist economic system is of Important than the presence universal suffrage, regular elections and the other formal attributes of political democracy. They see the function of a socialist government with regard to capitalism as being one of removing blocks to efficiency such as an old boy network" by more "professional" recruited from management, members of all classes.
On these grounds, nationalisation "failing the of industries which are nation" is acceptable but public owner- "on principle" , of the Clause 4. ship They admit that type. iS not. unregulated capitalism tends to produce bad social "side effects" from pollution to unemployment, and see the role of a socialist state as supplying the necessary regulation, together with the "safety net" of the welfare system. This view of society, with the state "harmonising" the interests of various with groups, is perfectly compatible the Idea of a national interest umling all classes and creeds, and the political argument with Conservatives is largely over rival claims to interpret this inferest correctly.
The traditional left-wing response is to deny the validity of appeals to the national interest because society is divided into classes with • mutually opposed interests. The phrase "canital-
Scottish Socialist:
Ist society" underlines the difference the social democratic position, with implying that economic power inevitably creates an imbalance of political power in favour of the possessing classes, despite the formal political equality of the ballot box.
From this viewpoint taking industry and commerce into public ownership is not simply a means to their greater efficiency, but a prerequisite for the creation of a truly democratic society. If one accepts this "class struggle" position as being a more accurate reflection of social reality (those still not convinced should read R. Miliband The State in Capitalist Society, Quartet Books) then it becomes obvious that the concept of a national interest is a real obstacle to seeing social relations as they really are.
In reality, of course, socialists do not stand outside a capitalist society. analysing its workings in a spirit of detachment. Every time they watch television or read a newspaper, they are confronted with "current affairs coverage" which proceeds from a ready acceptance of the priority of a national interest. In these circumstances, the task of sustaining a socialist consciousness of contemporary events, day-in day-out, let alone taking the offensive, is considerable.
If, in addition, Socialists participate in electoral politics, the temptation to deal in the accepted currency of political debate is immense. So what tends to happen is that a split develops between a public face (in which the given terms of reference, national and all, are accepted, and interest "moderate" "realistic" framed in these terms) and a private face, reserved for pubs and branch meetings. Close-up observation of this
Edinburgh Trades Council
12
[page 15]
WORDS THE LEADER CANNOT BEAR TO HEAR In the ministries it is well known that the Leader winces Whenever he hears words which begin with the syllable PRO- Such words as *proletarian" and "profit" seem to disquiet him too. Whenever these words are mentioned in his presence He glances up shyly with a hunted, guilty expression Which the speaker is hard put to explain. Another syliable which causes him difficulty Is the syllable GRAM, occurring in the word "gramme" Which designates a small unit of weight, and in words such as • Since the Leader Exhibits such antipathy toward these two syllables, it follows Quite naturally that, above all, a word which contains them both Wherefore, at Party and theatrical functions The word PROGRAMME is always replaced by the expression "sequence of events"
Brecht's polemic against Hitler increases respect for the poem, so too In Britain in 1976 the poem invites slightly different interpretations. In the context of a Labour Government which continues to react "sequence of events" acquires an added irony.
But interpretation need not stop negatively there. Socialists today have to come to terms with the Labour Party's record of consistently preaching socialism without putting it into Even looking at what is apparently one of the most positive examples of the Labour Party implementing socialist policies — nationalisathe way in which it has been carried out has only served to make the tasks of socialists more difficult. As Raymond Williams wrote in the "The systems taken into public systems no longer attractive in profit terms (coal, railways), new systems requiring heavy initial investment (airways) and systems formerly municipally or publicly developed (gas, Some of these systems electricity). have been much more successful than is generally allowed, but it remains true, first, that they have not only failed to alter the "profit before use" in the general economy but have also been steadily themselves reduced to this old criterion, and, second, that they reproduced.
Sometimes with apalling accuracy, the human patterns, in management and working relationships, of industries based on quite different social principles. The multiplication of such effects is indeed uninviting, and the easy identification of these institutions, supposed new society, has added to the back to the processes of the old dysleed 13
"provocation" or "pro and con". "prose",
yet at the same time offered as witnesses of the new, they have so deeply damaged principle in the economy as to have British emptied effective meaning.
These comments are depressingly easy to bring up to date when the British Steel Corporation redundancies to make itself *profitable" and pensioners freeze so that Electricity the Central Board can prove itself competitive in strict capitalist terms.
Brecht's poem illustrates the kind of regime which does not plan for the people. But for any long term planning. control of the economy is essential. Every political party is now publicly agrinst unemployment socialist party "commanding heights" can hope to do more than mouth platitudes.
After all, Nixon's directive on Chile to "make the economy scream" equally well be applied to Scotland by either Ford or Carter through mani pulation of American investment. The for any ensuing events" could not be written by any Scottish government unless the people owned or took into ownership the means of production, distribution and The socialist teeth of a clause 4 have not been drawn, only blunted by it must be the job of socialists to make them bite. We need to put Scottish Labour Party must fight for a programme of socialist nationalisation and for a planned socialist economy. Only in this way will it be protected against unprincipled pragmatism where
alternative any socialism of any
creates
Generating
but only a controlling the
"sequence of
DAVE McKIE
POETRY!
Why poetry in Scottish Socialist and why this poem? Firstly, to provide the socialist movement with a wider awareness of the major socialist poetry of such writers as Brecht, MacDiarmid, Mayakovsky and Neruda.
Secondly, this particular poem because of the cunning way it unfolds its meaning in the final line and the increasing importance of that meaning. Clarity of thought is conveyed in language close to spoken speech - in Brecht's own phrase he *watched the people's mouth".
In this country the gulf between writers and activists is particularly wide yet this is not inevitable, universal or desirable. In many other countries censorship betrays the deep-seated fear repressive governments have of political writers and audience coming together.
At Pablo Neruda's funeral in 1973 the Chilean people chanted the poet's name with that of his friend Allende first public demonstration
Allende un solo combatiente » Y 1 they were indeed one fighter and the struggle to honour Allende by restoring democracy in Chile continues and is fuelled by the poems and songs of Neruda.
Perhaps this seems to digress from *rhymeless what Brecht called his verse with irregular rhythms" - But, as his own statement of the circumstances surrounding this attack on the Third Reich makes clear, their form was anything but the product of artistic self-indulgence: "The German Satires were written for the German Freedom Radio. It was a matter of projecting single sentences to a distant, artificially Scallered audience. They had to be cut down to the most concise possible torm and to be reasonably invulnerable to interruptions (by jamming). Rhyme seemed to me to be unsuitable, as it easily makes а рост seem selfcontained, lets it glide past the саг. Regular rhythms with their even cadence fail in the same way to cut deep enough, and they impose circumlocutions; a lot of everyday expressions won't fit them; what was needed was the tone of direct and spontaneous speech." "Cut deep enough" using "everyday *the tone of direct expressions" and and spontaneousspeech" the method of Brecht's poetry in the fight against fascism still remains valid.
If knowledge of the genesis of
[page 16]
what
by
What is Scottish Socialist?
Scottish Socialist will be a campaigning journal produced by SLP members and dedicated to informing and educating the labour movement on every aspect of resistance to the attacks of the government and the betrayals of the labour leaders.
First and foremost we aim to inform. We will report place in Scotland and give a mouthpiece to those involved cannot find in the Tory and Labour press. We will provide a, forum judge and evaluate the experience of struggle. We will explain and report goes on behind the scenes: the wheeling and chambers, in the clubs and boardrooms of the wealthy.
We aim to educate: to provide basic arguments socialist explaining why and how a fight back should take place, why alternative can be created. We aim to expose the underlying causes of inflation, unemployment and oppression,
and
and
Published by Scottish Socialist, 7 Madeira Place, Leith, Edinburgh.
struggles taking the
which they
te
dealing council in
the job of for
and how an
self-
to reassert the teachings of Maclean and the early Scottish socialists on the workings of the capitalist system. aim to provide analysis debate on the issues confronting the movement in Scotland. Our pages will be open to discussion and comment on all aspects of the political and social scene, spectrum of views to be found in the SLP and the broad labour movement.
We will take a stand on the basic Scottish Socialist will stand control and for a planned socialist nationalisation of private property. It will stand for world socialism and the international solidarity of working people. It will stand up for the rights of the oppressed: for women and for racial, sexual and national minorities. Scottish Socialist will support every fight against capitalism and its effects. And if is committed to the democratic self-organisation of the workers'
ever the importance of this issue, it hardly seems to justify the prominence In view of the absence of either socialist editors or contributors, it is hardly surprising that the volume is almost useless to activists. John Firn's article on unemployment and Scottish economy fails to provide even the most elementary facts for trade militants, let alone anything more. What is surprising is the range and importance of topics completely omitted. The introduction only briefly mentions the convulsions inside the Party over the national question and no space is given to the birth of the SLP or the debates of the SNP.
All in all the book serves little rationale except as a justification for the existence of a university department. Even the bibliography has been from obvious sources which been given virtually no critical assessment; consequently it contains useless material and ecludes many valuable contributions. It can in no way stand comparison with other of the EUSPB's usually admirable output like the Red Papers on Scotland which, despite all its shortcomings, set out to make itself part of a debate right in the mainstream of Scottish political life rather than sitting on the academic sidelines waiting for the money to roll in.
movement and the whole of society. These are its basic principles.
As a socialist journal appearing in Scotland it is incumbent on us to take a clear stand on the national question. We uphold the right of Scotland to self-determination, and hence its right to an elected government. We recognise no higher authority than that of the Scottish people in determining the powers of the Assembly.
But our journal will be open to all opinions within the broad lab our movement whether or not they are in agreement with our editorial policy, and we welcome support and participation from wherever it comes. Our editorial stand is not intended as a noose to strangle discussion but as a beacon to guide it.
We are not an official journal of the SLP but, like Scottish Worker a journal reflecting particular views within the SLP. We fully support the SLP and will be giving the widest possible coverage to its activities and policies. We urge our readers to buy and support the SLP's other publications. And if you agree with what you find here and want to help - join the SLP for a fighting socialist alternative.
EDDIE MILNE COMES TO LEITH On Monday September 27th, a meeting of fifty people in Leith heard Eddie Milne, former Labour MP for Blyth, speak at the invitation of the SIP on the subject of corruption in the Labour Party. Eddie left the Labour Party after a fight on this issue and has formed a new political party in Blyth with strong local support and representation of the local council.
The meeting was a substantial Interviewed afterwards success. Radio Forth, Eddie said he felt the fight he was waging was very similar to that of the SLP. At the meeting itself, he said that although the fight. for socialism would be carried forward by people ou side the Labour Party, no party could be clear about where it was going unless it was clear about its background. It was for this reason felt that in order to build a that he strong socialist party, it was essential to develop a serious analysis of the decline of the BLP and the growth of corruption among its ranks.
Printed by Buncle Print, Arbroath
JOHN WHITMAN
BOOKS
Our Changing Scotland: A yearbook of Scottish polities 1976-77, M.G. Clarke.
H.M. Drucker (Eds), EUSPB £1.75.
In recent years, universities have set about competing with each other for sponsorship as they turn increasingly to industry for finance. One product of this is the grandly titled Unit for the Study of Government in Scotland at Edinb ugh University which was rather hurriedly assembled earlier this year to attract such sponsorship. Its first product, titled, rather in the style of a junior grade school text book, Our Changing Scotland reflects this hurry reads like justification and self-advertisement for the unit's existence.
This new book more than a compilation of various articles reprinted from The Scotsman, Question and the Times Educational Supplement sandwiched between an introduction and a long section bibliography Such articles are, by their material. very nature, limited as to what they can cover. I am, however, baffled that the editors chose to devote so much space to reprinting a debate over the role of separate catholic schools. What-
3 straight
in fact, little
other reference
[page 1]
Notices
E FINTE
MORAY HOUSI OCCUPATION FIGHT TAR
The Labour Party Conference Equal Pay and Women's Rights STUC Resolution Seventeen
ISSUE NUMBER ONE PRICE 15p (shops 20p) OCTOBER-NOVEMBER
The Highland Cleaners Dossier on Education Zimbabwe
LAUST SOE
[page 2]
Editorial
The Highland Cleaners' Strike The Labour Party Conference Bus Cuts in Edinburgh What's Going on in Zimbabwe Peace Marchers Come to Glasgow Education Dossier: Interview with Joanna Haynes The Occupation at Moray House and After The Left and EIS. STUC Resolution 17
Trico and the Fight for Women's Rights Nation or Class? Poetry What is Scottish Socialist?
Book Review
Eddie Milne in Leith
Mr. John Whitman, 7 Madeira Place, Edinburgh 7.
Dear John,
Many thanks for your letter informing me of the meeting to discuss establishing a new journal to be produced by members of the SLP.
I will be unable to attend the meeting as the South Ayrshire SLP is holding its rally and field day on 28 August to raise cash for the election fund. However, I wish your meeting well.
There is a need for education and in-depth reporting of critical issues, and for analysis of trends in Scottish, European and International events. If your suggested magazine can accomplish these ebjectives or, given how slender are your resources, make a contribution in that direction, it will be worthwhile.
From the draft proposals I was pleased to note the recognition that some editorial views would not correspond with the views held by all members of the SIP, and that part of your purpose is to stimulate debate. I am sure you will ruffle a few feathers, but I think that given all criticism is fair and non-personalised and that a genuine effort is made to see, and give space to. differing views no harm will come to anyone or the party all will benefit. If it can be of any help at any time just contact me.
Page 1 SCOTTISH Page 1 SOCIALIST Page 2 Page 3 Anyone can sell Scortish Socialist. Just write in enclosing money with Page 4 order. Page 4 * Up to 4 Copies cost 15p each plus 10p post and packing. * Over 5 Copies 15p each post free. * Over 10 Copies 13p cach post free. Page 5 Page 6 SUPPORT Page 8 SCOTTISH Page 10 SOCIALIST Page 11 Any member of the Scottish Labour Page 12 Party in general agreement with our policy statement printed on page 14 Page 13 of this issue, may attend the monthly aggregate meetings which plan and edit Page 14 Scottish Socialisz with full voting rights in any decisions taken. Scottish Social- Page 14 ist is an open and democratic paper; if it is to succeed, it needs the maxi- Page 14 mum possible active involvement.
Yours sincerely,
JIM.
SELL
10 August 1976
and that indeed,
[page 14]
Sunday 14th November 2pm
...AND PLAN THE NEXT.