The Leninist Theory of Organization: Its Relevance for Today

[page 1]

15p

by Emest Mandel

The Leninist Theory of Organization

[page 2]

The Leninist Theory of Organization: Its Relevance for Today by Ernest Mande!

Translated by David Thorstad in collaboration with Theodore Edwards

The Leninist concept of organization explains the relationship between the masses, the advanced workers, and the revolutionary party. Mandel clarifies the process by which class consciousness is developed, and explains the role of the party in that process.

standing that political class consciousness — as opposed to 2 serious discussion of the historical importance and mere "trade union" or "craft" consciousness — grows neither current relevance of the Leninist theory of orgaspontaneously nor automatically out of the objective denization is possible only if one determines the exact position of this theory in the history of Marxism — velopments of the proletarian class struggle.! And the Leninist concept of the party is based upon the premise or to be more precise, in the historical process of the unof a certain degree of autonomy of scientific analysis, folding and development of Marxism. This, like any proand especially of Marxist theory. This theory, though concess, must be reduced to its internal contradictions through ditioned by the unfolding of the proletarian class struggle the intimate interrelation between the development of theory and the first embryonic beginnings of the proletarian and the development of the actual proletarian class strugrevolution, should not be seen as the mechanically ingle. evitable product of the class struggle but as the result of Approached in this way, the Leninist theory of organizaa theoretical practice (or "theoretical production") which tion appears as a dialectical unity of three elements: a theory of the present relevance of revolution for the unis able to link up and unite with the class struggle only derdeveloped countries in the imperialist epoch (which through a prolonged struggle. The history of the worldwas later expanded to apply to the entire world in the wide socialist revolution in the twentieth century is the epoch of the general crisis of capitalism); a theory of the history of this prolonged process. discontinuous and contradictory development of proletar- These three propositions actually represent a deepening ian class consciousness and of its most important stages, of Marxism, i.e., either of themes that were only indicated which should be differentiated from one another; and a but not elaborated upon by Marx and Engels, or of eletheory of the essence of Marxist theory and its specific ments of Marxist theory which were scarcely noticed due relationship to science on the one hand and to proletarian to the delayed and interrupted publication of Marx's writclass struggle on the other. ings in the years 1880-1905.2 It therefore involves a fur- Looking more closely, one discovers that these three ther deepening of Marxist theory brought about because theories form, so to speak, the "social foundation" of the of gaps (and in part contradictions) in Marx's analysis Leninist concept of organization, without which it would itself, or at least in the generally accepted interpretation appear arbitrary, nonmaterialist and unscientific. The Lenof it in the first quarter century after Marx's death. inist concept of the party is not the only possible one. It What is peculiar about this deepening of Marx's teachis, however, the only possible concept of the party which ing is that, setting out from different places, it proceeds assigns to the vanguard party the historic role of leading toward the same central point, namely, to a determinaa revolution which is considered, in an intermediate or tion of the specific character of the proletarian or socialist long-range sense, to be inevitable. The Leninist concept revolution. of the party cannot be separated from a specific analysis of proletarian class consciousness, i.e., from the under- *Footnotes begin on page 19.

[page 3]

T contrast to all previous revolutions—not only the 4, In constrast to all previous social revolutions, which bourgeois revolutions, whose laws of motion have by and large have taken place within a national or an even more limited regional framework, the proletarian been studied in great detail (in the first place by Marx and Engels themselves), but also those revolutions revolution is by nature international and can reach its which have hitherto been far less subjected to a systemconclusion only in the worldwide construction of a classatic, generalized analysis (such as the peasant revolutions less society. Although it certainly can achieve victory and those of the urban petty bourgeoisie against feudalat first within a national framework alone, this victory ism; the uprisings of slaves and the revolts of clan sowill constantly be endangered and provisional so long cieties against slaveholding society; the peasant revoluas the class struggle on an international scale has not tions that occurred as the old Asiatic mode of production inflicted a decisive defeat upon capital. The proletarian periodically disintegrated, etc.)—the proletarian revolurevolution, then, is a world revolutionary process, which tion of the twentieth century is distinguished by four paris carried out neither in a linear fashion nor with uniticular features. These give it a specific character, but formity. The imperialist chain breaks first at its weakest also, as Marx foresaw,* make it an especially difficult links, and the discontinuous ebb and flow of the revolution occurs in conformity with the law of uneven and undertaking. 1. The proletarian revolution is the first successful revcombined development. (This is true not only for the olution in the history of mankind to be carried out by economy but also for the relationship of forces between classes; the two by no means automatically coincide. ) the lowest social class. This class disposes of a potentially huge, but actually extremely limited, economic power and The Leninist theory of organization takes into account is by and large excluded from any share in the social all these peculiarities of the proletarian revolution. It takes wealth (as opposed to the mere possession of consumer into consideration the peculiarities of this revolution in goods which are continuously used up). Its situation is light of, among other things, the peculiarities and conquite different from the bourgeoisie and the feudal notradictions in the formation of proletarian class consciousbility, who seized political power when they already held ness. Above all, it expresses openly what Marx only inin their hands the actual economic power of society, as timated, and which his epigones scarcely understood at well as from the slaves, who were unable to carry through all, namely, that there can be neither an "automatic" overa successful revolution. throw.of the capitalist social order nor a "spontaneous" 2. The proletarian revolution is the first revolution in or "organic" disintegration of this social order through the history of humanity aimed at a consciously planned the construction of a socialist one. Precisely because of overthrow of existing society, ie., which does not seek the uniquely conscious character of the proletarian revto restore a previous state of affairs (as did the slave olution, it requires not only a maturity of "objective" facand peasant revolutions of the past), or simply to legaltors (a deepgoing social crisis which expresses the fact ize a transfer of power already achieved on the economic that the capitalist mode of production has fulfilled its field, but rather to bring into being a completely new historic mission), but also a maturity of so-called subprocess, one which has never before existed and which jective factors (maturity of proletarian class conscioushas been anticipated only as a "theory" or a "program."4 ness and of its leadership). If these "subjective" factors are 3. Just like every other social revolution in history, either not present, or are present to an insufficient extent, the proletarian revolution grows out of the internal class the proletarian revolution will not be victorious at that antagonisms and the class struggle they inevitably propoint, and from its very defeat will result the economic duce within the existing society. But while revolutions in and social possibilities for a temporary consolidation the past could by and large be satisfied with pushing of capitalism.® this class struggle forward until a culminating point was The Leninist theory of organization represents, then, reached — because for them it was not a question of creatbroadly speaking, the deepening of Marxism, applied ing completely new and consciously planned social relato the basic problems of the social superstructure (the tions—the proletarian revolution can become a reality state, class consciousness, ideology, the party). Together only if the proletarian class struggle culminates in a giwith the parallel contributions of Rosa Luxemburg and gantic process, stretching out over years and decades.

Trotsky (and, in a more limited sense of Lukacs and This process is one of systematically and consciously Gramsci), it constitutes the Marxist science of the subjecoverturning all human relations, and of generalizing first tive factor. the independent activity of the proletariat, and later (on the threshold of the classless society) that of all members of society. While the triumph of the bourgeois revolution Bourgeois ideology and proletarian class makes the bourgeoisie into a conservative class (which consciousness is still able to achieve revolutionary transformations in the technical and industrial fields, and which plays an r * he Marxian proposition that "the dominant ideolobjectively progressive role in history for a rather long ogy of every society is the ideology of the domiperiod of time, but which pulls back from an active trans- . nant class" appears at first glance to conflict with formation of social life, since in that sphere its mounting the character of the proletarian revolution as the conscious collisions with the proletariat it exploits make it increasoverturning of society by the proletariat, as a product ingly reactionary), the conquest of power by the proleof the conscious, independent activity of the wage-earning tariat is not the end but the beginning of the activity of masses. A superficial interpretation of this proposition the modern working class in revolutionizing society. This might lead to the conclusion that it is utopian to expect activity can end only when it liquidates itself as a class, the masses who, under capitalism, are manipulated and along with all other classes.

[page 4]

tifying influence of this very imprisonment upon mass exposed to the constant onslaught of bourgeois and pettyconsciousness rapidly recede. bourgeois ideas, to be capable of carrying out a revo- The Leninist theory of organization therefore attempts lutionary class struggle against this society, let alone to come to grips with the inner dialectic of this formation a social revolution. Herbert Marcuse, who draws this of political class consciousness, which can develop fully conclusion, is (for the time being) simply the latest in a only during the revolution itself, yet only on the condilong series of theoreticians who, taking as their point of tion that it has already begun to develop before the revdeparture the Marxian definition of the ruling class, finish olution.!° The theory does this by means of three operaby calling into question the revolutionary potential of the tive categories: the category of the working class in itworking class. self (the mass of workers); the category of that part of the The problem can be solved by replacing the formalistic working class that is already engaging in more than and static point of view with a dialectical one. The Marxsporadic struggles and has already reached a first level ian proposition simply needs to be made more "dynamic." of organization (the proletarian vanguard in the broad The dominant ideology of every society is the ideology sense of the word);!! and the category of the revolutionary of the dominant class in the sense that the latter has conorganization, which consists of workers and intellectuals trol over the means of ideological production which sowho participate in revolutionary activities and are at ciety has at its disposal (the church, schools, mass media, least partially educated in Marxism. etc.), and uses these means in its own class interests. As long as class rule is on the upswing, stable and hence The category of "the class in itself" is linked to the ob hardly questioned, the ideology of the dominant class will jective class concept in the sociology of Marx, where a also dominate the consciousness of the oppressed class. social layer is determined by its objective position in the Moreover, the exploited will, as a rule, tend to formulate process of production independent of its state of consciousthe first phases of the class struggle in terms of the forness. (It is well known that the young Marx —in the Commulas, ideals and ideologies of the exploiters.7 munist Manifesto and in his political writings of 1850- However, the more the stability of the existing society 1852, for instance—had put forward a subjective concept is brought into question, and the more the class struggle of the class according to which the working class becomes intensifies, and the more the class rule of the exploiters a class only through its struggle, i.e., by reaching a miniitself begins to waver in practice, the more will at least mum degree of class consciousness. Bukharin, in consections of the oppressed class begin to free themselves nection with a formula from The Poverty of Philosophy, from the control of the ideas of those in power. Prior calls this concept the concept of "the class for itself,” as to, and along with, the struggle for the social revolution, opposed to the concept of the "class in itself.")'!* This oba struggle goes on between the ideology of the rulers and jective concept of the class remains fundamental for Lenin's the new ideals of the revolutionary class. This struggle ideas on organization, as it did for Engels and the Gerin turn intensifies and accelerates the concrete class strugman Social Democracy under the influence of Engels, gle out of which it arose by lifting the revolutionary class Bebel and Kautsky. !4 to an awareness of its historical tasks and of the imme- It is only because there exists an objectively revolutiondiate goals of its struggle. Class consciousness on the part ary class that can, and is periodically obliged to, conduct of the revolutionary class can therefore develop out of an actual revolutionary class struggle, and it is only in the class struggle in spite of and in opposition to the relation to such an actual class struggle, that the concept ideology of the ruling class.§ of a revolutionary vanguard party (including that of But it is only in the revolution itself that the majority professional revolutionaries) has any scientific meaning of the oppressed can liberate themselves from the ideology at all, as Lenin himself explicitly observed.!4 All revoluof the ruling class.9 For this control is exerted not only, tionary activity not related to this class struggle leads nor even primarily, through purely ideological manipuat best to a party nucleus, but not to a party. This runs lation and the mass assimilation of the ruling class' ideothe risk of degenerating into sectarian, subjective dilettantlogical production, but above all through the actual dayism. According to Lenin's concept of organization, there to-day workings of the existing economy and society and is no self-proclaimed vanguard. Rather, the vanguard their effect on the consciousness of the oppressed. (This is must win recognition as a vanguard (i.e., the historical especially true in bourgeois society, although parallel right to act as a vanguard) through its attempts to estabphenomena can be seen in all class societies. ) lish revolutionary ties with the advanced part of the class In capitalist society this control] is exerted through the and its actual struggle. internalization of commodity relations, which is closely The category of "advanced workers" stems from the tied to the reification of human relations and which re objectively inevitable stratification of the working class. sults from the generalized extension of commodity pro- It is a function of their distinct historical origin, as well duction and the transformation of labor power into a comas their distinct position in the social process of producmodity, and from the generalized extension of the social tion and their distinct class consciousness. division of labor under conditions of commodity production. It is also accomplished through the fatigue and brutalization of the producers through exploitation and r Nhe formation of the working class as an objective the alienated nature of labor, as well as through a lack of leisure time, not only in a quantitative but also in a category is itself an historical process. Some secqualitative sense, etc. Only when the workings of this tions of the working class are the sons, grandsons, imprisonment are blown apart by a revolution, ie., by and great-grandsons of urban wage laborers; others are a sudden, intense increase in mass activity outside of the sons and grandsons of agricultural laborers and landthe confines of alienated labor—only then can the mysless peasants. Still others are only first or second genera-

[page 5]

tion descendants of a petty bourgeoisie that owned some enced, the most intelligent and the most combative members of the proletariat are able to directly and independentmeans of production (peasants, artisans, etc.). Part of the ly acquire this class consciousness in its most potent form. working class works in large factories where both the To the extent that this acquisition is an individual one, it economic and the social relations give rise to at least also becomes accessible to other social classes and layers an elementary class consciousness (consciousness that "so- (above all, the revolutionary intelligentsia and the stucial questions" can be solved only through collective acdents).!6 Any other approach can lead only to an idealtivity and organization), Another part works in small or ization of the working class—and ultimately of capitalism medium-sized factories in industry or in the so-called seritself. vice sectors, where economic self-confidence as well as an Of course it must always be remembered that Marxism understanding of the necessity for broad mass actions could not arise independently of the actual deveiopment flow much less easily from the objective situation than in the large industrial plant. Some sections of the working of bourgeois society and of the class struggle that was class have been living in big cities for a long time. They inevitably unfolding within it. There is an inextricable tie have been literate for a long time and have several genbetween the collective, historical experience of the working erations of trade-union organization and political and class in struggle and its scientific working out of Marxism cultural education behind them (through youth organizaas collective, historical class consciousness in its most tions, the workers press, labor education, etc. ). Still others potent form. But to maintain that scientific socialism is an live in small towns or even in the countryside. (This was historical product of the proletarian class struggle is not true into the late 1930s, for instance, for a significant to say that all or even most members of this class can, number of European miners.) These workers have little with greater or lesser ease, reproduce this knowledge. or no collective social life, scarcely any trade-union ex- Marxism is not an automatic product of the class struggle perience, and have received no political or cultural educaand class experience but a result of scientific, theoretical production. Such an assimilation is made possible only tion at all in the organized workers movement. Some sectors of the working class are born from nations which through participation in that process of production; and were independent for a thousand years, and whose ruling this process is by definition an individual one, even though class oppressed for long periods other nations. Other it is only made possible through the development of the workers are born from nations which fought for decades social forces of production and class contradictions under or centuries for their national freedom —or who lived in capitalism. slavery or serfdom no more than one hundred years ago.

If one adds to all these historical and structural differ- Proletarian class struggle and proletarian ences the various personal abilities of each wage worker — class consciousness not just differences in intelligence and ability to generalize from immediate experiences, but differences in the amount of energy, strength of character, combativiry and selfhe process whereby the proletarian mass, the proassurance too— then one understands that the stratification | letarian vanguard and the revolutionary party are of the working class into various layers, depending on the united depends on the elementary proletarian class struggle growing over into revolutionary class struggle — degree of class consciousness, is an inevitable phenomenon the proletarian revolution— and on the effects this has on in the history of the working class itself. It is this historical process of becoming a class which, at a given point in the wage-earning masses. Class struggle has taken place time, is reflected in the various degrees of consciousness for thousands of years without those who struggled being within the class. aware of what they were doing. Proletarian class struggle The category of the revolutionary party stems from the was conducted long before there was a socialist movefact that Marxian socialism is a science which, in the ment, let alone scientific socialism. Elementary class strugfinal analysis, can be completely assimilated only in an gle—strikes, work stoppages around wage demands or individual and not in a collective manner. Marxism confor shorter working hours and other improvements in working conditions—leads to elementary forms of class stitutes the culmination (and in part also the dissolution) organization (mutual aid funds, embryonic trade unions), of at least three classical social sciences: classical German even if these are short-lived. (It also gives rise to a genphilosophy, classical political economy, and classical eral socialist ideal among many workers.) Elementary French political science (French socialism and historiogclass struggle, elementary class organization and elemenraphy). Its assimilation presupposes at least an undertary class consciousness are born, then, directly out of standing of the materialist dialectic, historical materialism, action, and only the experience arising out of that action Marxian economic theory and the critical history of modis able to develop and accelerate consciousness. It is a ern revolutions and of the modern labor movement. Such general law of history that only through action are broad an assimilation is necessary if it isto be able to function, in its totality, as an instrument for analyzing social reality masses able to elevate their consciousness.

But even in its most elementary form, the spontaneous and as the compilation of the experiences of a century of class struggle of the wage earners under capitalism leaves proletarian class struggle. The notion that this colossal behind a residue in the form of a consciousness crystalsum of knowledge and information could somehow "sponlized in a process of continuous organization. Most of the taneously" flow from working at a lathe or a calculating mass is active only during the struggle; after the struggle machine is absurd. !® it will sooner or later retreat into private life (i.e., "into The fact that as a science Marxism is an expression of the struggle for existence”). What distinguishes the workers the highest degree in the development of proletarian class vanguard from this mass is the fact that even during a consciousness means simply that it is only through an lull in the struggle it does not abandon the front lines of individual process of selection that the best, most experi-

[page 6]

obtain their full value. The collective action of the adthe class struggle but continues the war, so to speak, "by other means.” It attempts to solidify the resistance funds vanced workers (the "natural leaders” of the working class generated in the struggle into ongoing resistance funds — in the shops) is, relatively speaking, more difficult to ati.e., into unions.!17 By publishing workers newspapers and tain because it can be aroused neither through pure conorganizing educational groups for workers, it attempts to viction (as with the revolutionary nuclei) nor through crystallize and heighten the elementary class consciousness purely spontaneous explosiveness (as with the broad massgenerated in the struggle. It thus helps give form to a es). It is precisely the struggle experience— the important motivating factor in the actions of the advanced workers — factor of continuity, as opposed to the necessarily disconthat makes them much more careful and cautious before tinuous action of the mass,!8 and to a factor of conthey undertake action on a broad scale. They have already sciousness, as opposed to the spontaneity of the mass digested the lessons of past actions and know that an movement in and of itself. explosion is not at all sufficient for them to be able to However, advanced workers are driven to continuous reach their goal. They have fewer illusions about the organization and growing class consciousness less by strength of the enemy (not to mention his "generosity") theory, science, or an intellectual grasp of the social whole and about the durability of the mass movement. The than by the practical knowledge acquired in struggle. greatest "temptation" of economism can be traced to this Since the struggle shows! that the dissolving of the resisvery point. tance funds after each strike damages the effectiveness of the strike and the working sums in hand, attempts are To summarize: the building of the revolutionary class made to go over to the permanent strike fund. Since exparty is the merging of the consciousness of the revoluperience shows an occasional leaflet to have less effect tionary nuclei with that of the advanced workers. The than a regular newspaper, the workers press is born. ripening of a prerevolutionary situation (of potentially Consciousness arising directly out of the practical experirevolutionary explosion) is the merging of action by the ence of struggle is empirical and pragmatic consciousness, broad masses with that of the advanced workers. A revowhich can enrich action to a certain extent, but which is lutionary situation—i.e., the possibility of a revolutionary far inferior to the effectiveness of a scientifically global conquest of power—arises when a merging of actions by consciousness, i.e., of theoretical understanding. the vanguard and the masses with the consciousness of Based on its general theoretical understanding the revothe vanguard and revolutionary layers has been accomlutionary vanguard organization can consolidate and enplished.2° For the broad masses, the elementary class rich this higher consciousness, provided it is able to estabstruggle arising from the contradictions of the capitalist lish ties to the class struggle, i.e., provided it does not mode of production is always kindled only by matters of shrink from the hard test of verifying theory in practice, immediate concern. The same is true for all mass actions, of reuniting theory and practice. From the point of view even political ones. Thus the problem of the broad mass of mature Marxism — as well as that of Marx himself and struggle growing over into a revolutionary one depends Lenin—a "true" theory divorced from practice is as much not only on a quantitative factor, but also on a qualitaan absurdity as a "revolutionary practice" that is not tive one. This requires the existence of sufficiently adfounded on a scientific theory. This in no way diminishes vanced workers within the masses or the mass movement the decisive importance and absolute necessity for theowho, on the basis of the stage of consciousness they have retical production. It simply emphasizes the fact that wage already reached, are capable of sweeping broader masses earning masses and revolutionary individuals, proceeding into action around objectives that challenge the continued from different starting points and with a different dynamic, existence of bourgeois society and the capitalist mode of can bring about the unity of theory and practice. production.

This process can be summarized in the following This also highlights the central importance of transidiagram: tional demands,?! the strategic position of advanced workers already trained in propagating these transitional demasses: action ——® experience ——® consciousness mands, and the historical importance of the revolutionary organization, which alone is capable of working out a advanced workers: experience—» consciousness——e action comprehensive program of transitional demands corresponding to the objective historical conditions, as well as revolutionary to the subjective needs, of the broadest layers of the mass. nuclei: consciousness —®action——wexperience A successful proletarian revolution is only possible if all these factors are successfully combined.

If we rearrange this diagram so that certain conclusions can be drawn from it, we get the following:

masses: action —™ experience ——®consciousness e have already stated that Lenin's theory of orga- W nization is, in fact, above all a theory of revolurevolutionary tion. To have misunderstood this is the great nuclei: consciousness — action ——»experience weakness of Rosa Luxemburg's polemic against Lenin in 1903-1904. It is characteristic that the concept of centraladvanced workers: experience —econsciousness —action ization which is attacked in the essay "Organizational Question of Social Democracy" is— and this is clear if it is read This forma] diagram reveals a series of conclusions attentively—a purely organizational one. (Yet while it is attacked, it is also confirmed. On this point modern about the dynamics of class consciousness which were "Luxemburgists” ought to read their "Rosa" more carealready anticipated in the analysis but which only now

[page 7]

The revolutionary party must make all

progressive demands and movements of all oppressed social layers and classes its own

taneous, dispersed and "merely" local or sectional profully and more thoroughly!) Lenin is accused of advocattests, revolts and movements of resistance. The emphasis ing an "ultracentralist” line, of dictating the composition of centralization clearly lies in the political and not in of local party committees, and of wishing to stymie any initiative by lower party units, °* the formal, organizational sphere. The aim of formal organizational centralization is only to make possible When we turn to the Leninist theory of organization as ‘developed by Lenin himself, however, we see that the emthe realization of this strategic plan. phasis is by no means upon the formal, organizational Although she does not recognize this essence of Lenin's side of centralization but upon its political and social "centralism," Luxemburg is compelled in her polemic to function. At the heart of What is to Be Done? is the conindirectly counterpose to it another conception of the forcept of the transformation of proletarian class consciousmation of political class consciousness and the preparation ness into political class consciousness by means of a comof revolutionary situations. Her doing so emphasizes even prehensive political activity that raises and, from a Marxmore poignantly how utterly wrong she was in this debate. ist point of view, answers all questions of internal and ex- Luxemburg's concept that "the proletarian army is reternal class relations: cruited and becomes aware of its objectives in the course "In reality, it is possible to 'raise the activity of the of the struggle itself"25 has been completely refuted by working masses’ only when this activity is not restricted history. In even the broadest, longest and most vigorous to ‘political agitation on an economic basis.’ A basic of workers struggles, the working masses have not gained condition for the necessary expansion of political agitation a clear understanding of the tasks of the struggle, or did is the organization of comprehensive political exposure. so only to an insufficient degree. (One need only recall In no way except by means of such exposures can the the French general strikes of 1936 and 1968, the strugmasses be trained in political consciousness and revolugles of the German workers from 1918 to 1923, the great tionary activity." struggles of the Italian workers in 1920, 1948 and 1969, And further: as well as the prodigious class struggles in Spain from 1931 to 1937, to mention only these four European coun- The consciousness of the working masses cannot be genutries. ) ine class consciousness, unless the workers learn, from Experience in struggle is by no means sufficient for concrete, and above all from topical, political facts and clarity on the tasks of a broad prerevolutionary, or even events to observe every other social class in al/ the mania revolutionary, mass struggle to be attained. Not only, festations of its intellectual, ethical, and political life; unless of course, are these tasks connected to the immediate they learn to apply in practice the materialist analysis and motives that set off the struggle, but they can be grasped the materialist estimate of all aspects of the life and activity only by means of a comprehensive analysis of the overall of all classes, strata, and groups of the population. Those who concentrate the attention, observation, and conscioussocial development, of the historical position achieved by ness of the working class exclusively, or even mainly, the capitalist mode of production and its internal conupon itself alone are not Social Democrats; for the self: tradictions, and of the national and international relationknowledge of the working class is indissolubly bound up, ship of forces between classes. Without protracted and not solely with a fully clear theoretical understanding — consistent preparation, without the education of hundreds it would be even truer to say, not so much with the the and thousands of advanced workers in the spirit of 2 oretical, as with the practical, understanding — of the relarevolutionary program, and without the practical experitionships between ai/ the various classes of modern society, ence accumulated over the years by these advanced workacquired through the experiences of political life.23 ers through attempting to bring this program to the broad masses, it would be absolutely illusory to assume that suddenly, overnight so to speak, with the mere aid of And it is for the same reason that Lenin emphasizes mass actions, a consciousness equal to the demands of so strongly the absolute necessity for the revolutionary the historical situation could be created among these broad party to make all progressive demands and movements of all oppressed social layers and classes its own—even masses.

Actually, one could turn Luxemburg’s proposition "purely democratic" ones. The central strategic plan adaround and say that the proletarian army will never | vanced by Lenin in What is to Be Done?24 is therefore reach its historic objectives if the necessary education, one of party agitation that unites all elementary, spon-

[page 8]

schooling and testing of a proletarian vanguard in the The young Trotsky likewise made a serious error in working out and agitational application of the revoluhis polemic against Lenin when he reproached him for tionary program in struggle has not taken place before this "substitutionism," i.e., the replacement of the initiathe outbreak of the broadest mass struggles, which by tive of the working class with that of the party alone.30 themselves create only the possibility of the broad masses If we remove the core of this reproach from its polemical shell, we find here too an idealistic, inadequate conception attaining revolutionary consciousness. That is the tragic lesson of the German revolution after the first world war, of the evolution of the class consciousness of the prolewhich was crushed precisely because of the lack of such tariat: "Marxism teaches that the interests of the proletariat a trained vanguard. are determined by its objective conditions of life. These The objective of Lenin's strategic plan is to create such interests are so powerful and so unavoidable that they a vanguard through an organic union of individual revoeventually [!] compel the proletariat to bring them into the lutionary nuclei with the vanguard of the proletariat. scope of its consciousness, i.e, to make the realization of Such a fusion is impossible without a comprehensive poits objective interests into its subjective interest."3! Today litical activity that takes the advanced workers beyond it is easy to see what a naively fatalistic optimism was the confines of a horizon limited to the trade union or concealed in this inadequate analysis. Immediate interests the factory. Empirical data available to us today confirm are here put on the same level with historical interests, that Lenin's party, before and during the revolution of i1.e., with the unraveling of the most complex questions of political tactics and strategy. The hope that the prole- 1905 and after the mass movement began to pick up tariat will "eventually" recognize its historical interests again in 1912, was in fact such a party.26 seems rather shallow when compared to the historical catastrophes that have arisen because, in the absence of an adequate revolutionary leadership, the proletariat was P | No fully grasp the profoundly revolutionary nature not even able to accomplish the revolutionary tasks of the here and now. of Lenin's strategic plan, it must be approached The same naive optimism is even more strikingly manifrom yet another point of view. Any concept based fested in the following passage from the same polemic: on the probability, if not the inevitability, of a revolution occurring in the not too distant future, must inevitably The revolutionary social democrat is convinced not only deal with the question of a direct collision with state power, of the inevitable [!] growth of the political party of the ie., the question of the conquest of political power. As proletariat, but also of the inevitable [!] victory of the soon as this difficulty is built into the concept, however, ideas of revolutionary socialism within this party. The the result is one more argument in favor of centralization. first proof lies in the fact that the development of bourgeois Lenin and Luxemburg agreed that capitalism itself and society spontaneously leads the proletariat to politically the bourgeois state exert a powerful centralizing influence demarcate itself; the second in the fact that the objective on modern society,27 and that it is in turn absolutely tendencies and the tactical problems of this demarcation illusory to think that this centralized state power can be find their best, fullest and deepest expression in revolutionary socialism, i. e., Marxism.32 gradually dismantled, as for instance a wall can be taken apart brick by brick.

This quotation makes clear that what the young Trotsky In the final analysis, the ideological essence of the rewas championing in his polemic against Lenin was the formism and revisionism rejected by Luxemburg and "old, tested tactic’ and the naive "belief in the inevitability Lenin with equal passion28 was rooted in the illusion of progress" a la Bebel and Kautsky which prevailed in that this could be done. Once the question of the conquest the international Social Democracy from the time of Marx's of state power is no longer placed far off in the distance. death until the first world war. Lenin's concept of class however, but is recognized to be an objective for the near consciousness was incomparably richer, more contradicor not-too-distant future, the revolutionary is immediately tory and more dialectical precisely because it was based confronted with the question of the means necessary for on a keen grasp of the relevance of the revolution for the achieving the revolutionary conquest of power. Here again present (not "finally some day," but in the coming years). Luxemburg misconstrued the import of Lenin's purely To round out the historical development it must be added polemical use of the notion of "Jacobins inseparably linked that following the outbreak of the Russian revolution in to the organization of the class-conscious proletariat." 1917, Trotsky fully adopted Lenin's analysis of the for- What Lenin meant with this idea was certainly not a brand mation of proletarian class consciousness and hence also of Blanquist conspirators but an advanced group oriented, Lenin's theory of organization, and until his death he like the Jacobins, toward an unremitting attempt to carry stubbornly defended them against all skeptics and archout the revolutionary tasks, one that does not permit itself pessimists (who claimed to detect in them the "embryo" to be diverted from concentrating on these tasks by the inof Stalinism), Thus he wrote in his last, unfinished manuevitable conjunctural ebb and flow of the mass movement. script:

Yet to do justice to Luxemburg it must be added that, in the first place, she took up—in fact had to take up — A colossal factor in the maturity of the Russian proletariat this question from a different historical viewpoint since, in February or March 1917 was Lenin. He did not fall from the skies. He personified the revolutionary tradition by 1904, she was already influenced more by German of the working class. For Lenin's slogans to find their than by Russian or Polish reality; and second, that she way to the masses, there had to exist cadres, even though completely drew the necessary conclusions in the Leninnumerically small at the beginning; there had to exist the ist sense as soon as it became clear that in Germany. too confidence of the cadre in the leadership, a confidence the coming of the revolution was an immediate possibased upon the entire experience of the past. To cancel bility.29 these elements from one's calculations is simply to ignore

[page 9]

able residue of a bright red veneer. Here a member of a the living revolution, to substitute for it an abstraction, "vanguard" group who set off a "spontaneous" strike. There the ‘relationship of forces," because the development of the revolution precisely consists of this, that the relationship a former member of another "left-deviationist" affiliation, of forces keeps incessantly and rapidly changing under who has long since left it but who received sufficient mental the impact of the changes in the consciousness of the proleequipment to be able, in an explosive situation, to react tariat, the attraction of backward layers to the advanced, with lightning speed while the anonymous mass was still the growing assurance of the class in its own strength. hesitating.

The vital mainspring in this process is the party, just as In one case, we will be able to detect in "spontaneous" the vital mainspring in the mechanism of the party is its action the fruits of years of "underground activity" by a leadership. 33 trade-union opposition, or a rank-and-file group; in another case, the result of contacts that, for a rather long The revolutionary vanguard and period of time, have patiently—and without apparent spontaneous mass action success— been nurtured by shop colleagues in a neighboring city (or a neighboring factory) where the "leftwingers" are stronger. In the class struggle too there is | would be a great injustice to Lenin to characterize no such thing as a goose "spontaneously" falling from his life work as a systematic "underestimation" of heaven already cooked. the importance of spontaneous mass actions as op- Thus, what differentiates "spontaneous" actions from the posed to their "appreciation" by Luxemburg or Trotsky. "intervention of the vanguard,” is not at all that in the Apart from polemical passages, which can only be underformer everyone in the struggle has reached the same stood when seen in context, Lenin welcomed huge, sponlevel of consciousness, whereas in the latter "the vanguard" taneous outbreaks of mass strikes and demonstrations is distinct from "the mass." What differentiates the two just as enthusiastically and just as explicitly as Rosa Luxforms of action is also not that in "spontaneous" actions emburg and Trotsky.44 Only the Stalinist bureaucracy no solutions have been carried into the proletariat from falsified Leninism with its increasing distrust of sponta- "outside," while an organized vanguard relates to the neous mass movements— which after all is characteristic elementary demands of the mass "in an elitist fashion," of any bureaucracy. "imposing" a program upon it. Never have there been Luxemburg is completely correct to say that the outbreak "spontaneous" actions without some kind of influence from of a proletarian revolution cannot be "predetermined" by vanguard elements. The difference between "spontaneous" the calendar, and nothing to the contrary will ever be actions and those in which "the revolutionary vanguard found in Lenin. Lenin, like Luxemburg, was convinced intervenes" is essentially that in "spontaneous" actions the that these elemental mass explosions, without which a nature of the intervention of the vanguard elements is unrevolution is unthinkable, can neither be "organized" acorganized, improvised, intermittent and unplanned (occurcording to rules nor "commanded" by a row of disciplined ring by chance in this plant, that district, or that city), noncommissioned officers. Lenin, like Luxemburg, was while the existence of a revolutionary organization makes convinced of the mighty arsenal of creative energy, reit possible to coordinate, plan, consciously synchronize, sourcefulness and initiative that a truly broad mass action and continuously shape this intervention of the vanguard unfurls and will always unfurl. elements in the "spontaneous" mass struggle. Nearly all The difference between the Leninist theory of organizathe requirements of Leninist "supercentralism" are based tion and the so-called theory of spontaneity — which can on this and this alone. be attributed to Luxemburg only with important reservations—is thus to be found not in an underestimation of mass initiative but in an understanding of its limitations. Mass initiative is capable of many magnificent accomplishnly an incorrigible fatalist (i.e., a mechanical dements. But by itself it is not able to draft, in the course terminist) could be convinced that all mass exof the struggle, a complete, comprehensive program for plosions had to take place on a given day just a socialist revolution touching upon all social questions because they broke out on that day, and that, conversely, (not to mention socialist reconstruction); ‘nor is it alone in all cases where mass explosions did not occur it was capable of bringing about a sufficient centralization of because they were not possible. Such a fatalistic attitude forces to make possible the downfall of a centralized state (common to the Kautsky-Bauer school of thought) is in power with its repressive apparatus resting on a full utilireality a caricature of the Leninist theory of organization. zation of the advantages of its "inside lines" of communi- In any case, it is characteristic that many opponents of cation. In other words, the limitations of mass spontaneity Leninism, who in opposing Lenin have so much to say begin with the understanding that a victorious socialist about "mass spontaneity," at the same time fall into this revolution cannot be improvised. And "pure" mass sponvulgar, mechanical determinism without realizing how taneity always boils down to improvisation. much it contradicts their "high esteem" for "mass spon- What is more, "pure" spontaneity exists only in books taneity." containing fairy tales about the workers movement— but If, on the other hand, one proceeds from the inevitanot in its real history. What is understood by "spontaneity bility of periodic spontaneous mass explosions (which of the masses" are movements that have not been planned out in detail ahead of time by some central authority. What occur when socio-economic contradictions have ripened is not to be understood by "spontaneity of the masses" to the point where the capitalist mode of production in fact has to periodically produce such prerevolutionary are movements that take place without "political influence from the outside." Scratch off the blue coat of an ostensibly crises), then one has to understand that it is impossible "spontaneous movement" and you will find the unmistakto determine the exact moment when this will happen

[page 10]

the party and the mass are made necessary precisely since thousands of minor incidents, partial conflicts and because of the inevitably inadequate level of class conaccidental occurrences could play an important role in sciousness on the part of broad working masses. As Lendetermining it. For this reason, a revolutionary vanguard in repeatedly stressed, this is a complex dialectical relawhich at decisive moments is able to concentrate its own tionship—a unity of separation and integration— which forces on the “weakest link,” is incomparably more effective totally conforms to the historical peculiarities of the revthan the diffuse performance of large numbers of advanced workers who lack this ability to concentrate their forces. 35 olutionary struggle for a socialist revolution.

This separate party, however, originates within bour- The two greatest workers struggles to take place in the West—the French May 1968 and the Italian fall 1969 — geois society which, with its inherent features of a universal division of labor and commodity production, tends entirely confirmed these views. Both began with "spontato bring about a reification of ail human relations. 38 This neous” struggles prepared neither by the trade unions nor means that the building of a party apparatus separated by the big social-democratic or "communist" parties. In from the working masses involves the danger of this both cases individual, radical workers and students or apparatus becoming autonomous. When this danger derevolutionary nuclei played a decisive role in here or velops beyond an embryonic stage, the tendency arises there triggering a first explosion and providing the workfor the self-preservation of the apparatus to become an ing masses with the opportunity to learn from an "exemend in itself, rather than a means to an end (successful plary experience.” In both cases millions upon millions came into the struggle—up to ten million wage earners proletarian class struggle).

This is the root of the degeneration of both the Second in France, up to fifteen million in Italy. This is more than and the Third Internationals, i.e., the subordination of the ever before seen—even during the greatest class struggles mass social-democratic as well as the Communist parties following the first world war. of Western Europe to conservative, reformist bureaucracies In both cases the spontaneous tendency demonstrated which, in their day-to-day practice, have become part of by the workers went way beyond the "economism" of a purely economic strike. In France this was attested to the status quo. 39 Bureaucracy in workers organizations is a product of by the factory occupations and numerous partial initiathe social division of labor, i.e., of the inability of the tives, in Italy not only by huge street demonstrations and the raising of political demands, but also by the embryworking masses, who are largely excluded from the culonic manifestation of a tendency toward self-organization tural and theoretical process of production under capiat the point of production, i.e., by the attempt to take the talism, to themselves regularly take care of all the tasks first step toward establishing dual power: the election of which must be dealt with within the framework of their delegati di reparto. (In this sense, the vanguard of the organization. Attempts to do this anyway, as was often Italian working class was more advanced than the French, done at the onset of the workers movement, provide no and it drew the first important historical lessons from the solution because this division of labor completely corre French May. 36) But in neither case did these powerful, sponds to material conditions and is in no way invented spontaneous mass actions succeed in overthrowing the by wicked careerists. If these conditions are overlooked, bourgeois state apparatus and the capitalist mode of proprimitivism, ignorance and the brawling it produces will duction, or even in advancing a mass understanding of place the same limitations on the movement as would the objectives that would have made such an overthrow otherwise be set by the bureaucracy. Having taken a difpossible within a short period of time. ferent point of departure here — that of organizational tech- To recall Trotsky's metaphor from The History of the nique instead of the level of consciousness— we have run Russian Revolution: the powerful steam evaporated for up against the same problem which we hid already cleared lack of a piston that would have compressed it at the up earlier: namely, that it would be giving the capitalist decisive moment. 37 Certainly, in the final analysis, the mode of production too much credi‘ to assume it to be driving force is the steam, i.e., the energy of mass mobia perfect school for preparing the proletariat for indelization and mass struggle, and not the piston itself. Withpendent activity, or that it automatically creates the ability out this steam the piston remains a hollow shell. Yet of the working masses to spontaneously recognize and without this piston even the most intense steam is wasted achieve all the objectives and organizational forms of and accomplishes nothing. This is the quintessence of the their own liberation. Leninist theory of organization.

Lenin, in his first debate with the Mensheviks, very much underestimated the danger of the apparatus becoming autonomous and of the bv:eaucratization of the workers parties. He proceeded from the assumption that the dan- Organization, bureaucracy and ger of opportunism in the modern labor movement was revolutionary action a threat coming mainly from petty-bourgeois academicians and petty-bourgeois “pure trade unionists." He made here is a difficulty in this connection, however, fun of the struggle of many of his comrades against the which Lenin, during the years of the most heated danger of "“bureaucratism.” Actually, history showed that disputes with the Mensheviks, recognized either not the greatest source of opportunism in the Social Democat all (1903-1905) or only to an insufficient degree (1908racy before the first world war came from neither the 1914). And it is here that the full value of the historic academicians nor the "pure trade unionists," but from work of Trotsky and Rosa Luxemburg becomes clear the social-democratic party bureaucracy itself, i.e., from in facilitating an understanding of the dialectical formula a practice of "legalism" limited on the one hand to elec- "working class— advanced workers — workers party." toral and parliamentary activity, and on the other to a A vanguard party and a certain separation between struggle for immediate reforms of an economic and trade

[page 11]

union nature. (To merely describe this practice is to conolutionary one. This distinction is made according to firm how much it resembles that of today’s West European objective criteria (revolutionary program, bringing this Communist parties! ) program to the masses, revolutionary practice, etc.), and Trotsky and Luxemburg recognized this danger more the spontaneous combativity of the masses is consciously accurately and earlier than Lenin. Asearly as 1904 Luxpreferred to the actions or even the existence of conservaemburg expressed the thought that a "difference between tive reformist mass organizations. "Naive" organizational the eager attack of the mass and the [overly] prudent fetishists might claim that after 1914 Lenin went over to position of the Social] Democracy" was possible. 4% The the ‘Luxemburgist view of "spontaneism" when, in conthought is hardly expressed before it is discarded; the flicts between "unorganized masses" and the social-demoonly possible validity it might have would be in the imagcratic organization, he systematically defends the former inary case of an "“overcentralization" of the party along against the latter, or accuses the latter of betraying the Leninist lines: Two years later Trotsky already expresses former. *° Lenin now even regards the destruction of conthis with more precision: servatized organizations as an inescapable prerequisite for the emancipation of the proletariat. #4 Yet the correction, or better yet completion, of his theory The European Socialist parties, particularly the largest of organization, which Lenin undertook after 1914, was of them, the German Social-Democratie Party, have develnot a step backward to the worship of "pure" spontaneity, oped their conservatism in proportion as the masses have embraced socialism and the more these masses have bebut rather a step forward toward distinguishing between come organized and disciplined: As a consequence of this, the revolutionary party and organization in general. Now, Social Democracy, as an organization, embodying the politinstead of saying that the purpose of the party is to deical experience of the proletariat may ata certain moment velop the political class consciousness of the working become a direct obstacle to open conflict between the workclass, the formula becomes much more precise: The funcers and bourgeois reaction. In other words, the propagantion of ‘the revolutionary vanguard consists in developing dist-socialist conservatism of the proletarian parties may revolutionary consciousness in the vanguard of the workat a certain moment hold back the direct struggle of the ing ¢lass. The building of the revolutionary class party proletariat for power.41 is the process whereby the program of the socialist revolution is fused with the experience the majority of the advanced workers have acquired in struggle. 45 This prognosis has been tragically confirmed by history.

This elaboration and expansion of the Leninist theory Lenin did not yet see this until the eve of the first world of organization following the outbreak of the first world war, whereas the German left had long before shed its war goes hand in hand with an expansion of the Leninist illusions about the social-democratic party administraconcept of the relevance of revolution to the present. Altion. 44 though before the year 1914 this was for Lenin limited by and large to Russia, after 1914 it was extended to all of Europe. (After the Russian revolution of 1905, Organizational theory, revolutionary Lenin had already recognized the immediate potential program, revolutionary practice for revolution in the colonies and semicolonies. )

Consequently, the validity of the Leninist "strategic plan" " fter the traumatic shock suffered by Lenin on August for the imperialist countries of Western Europe today is closely tied to the question of the nature of the historical 4, 1914, however, he too made ia decisive step epoch in which we live. From the standpoint of historical 7 forward on this question: From then on, the quesmaterialism, one is justified in deriving a conception of tion of organization became one not only of function but the party from the "present potential for revolution" only also of content. It is no longer simply a question of conif one proceeds from the assumption— correct and provtrasting "the organization" in general to "spontaneity" in able, in our estimation — that beginning with the first world general, as Lenin frequently does in What is to Be Done? war, and no later than the Russian October revolution, the and in One Step Forward, Two Steps Backward. Now it worldwide capitalist system entered an epoch of historic is a question of carefully distinguishing between an obstructural crisis*® which must periodically lead to revolujectively conservative organization and an objectively rev-

The function of the revolutionary vanguard is fo develop revolutionary consciousness in the vanguard of the working class

[page 12]

the existence of a danger that even revolutionary orgationary situations. If, on the other hand, one assumes that nizations will become autonomous, it deduces, in a static we are still in an ascending stage of capitalism as a world and fatalistic fashion, that this autonomy is inevitable. system, then such a conception would have to be rejected This is neither empirically nor theoretically demonstrable. as being completely "voluntaristic." For what is decisive in the Leninist strategic plan is certainly not revolution- For the extent of the danger of bureaucratic degeneration of a revolutionary vanguard organization — and even ary propaganda — which, of course, revolutionaries have to carry out even in nonrevolutionary periods — but its more of a revolutionary party—depends not only on the tendency toward autonomy, which in fact afflicts all instifocus on revolutionary achons breaking out in the near or not distant future. Even in the ascending epoch of tutions in bourgeois society, but also upon existing counter-tendencies. Among these are the integration of the revcapitalism such actions were possible (cf. the Paris Comolutionary organization into an international movement mune), but only as unsuccessful exceptions. Under such which is independent of "national" organizations and which conditions, ‘building a party by concentrating efforts on constantly keeps a theoretical eye on them (not through preparing to effectively participate in such actions would an apparatus but through political criticism); a close inhardly make sense: volvement in the actual class struggle and actual revolutionary struggles that make possible a continuous selection of cadres in practice; a systematic attempt to do away with the division of labor by ensuring a continuous rotation Fr Nhe difference between a "workers party" in general of personnel between factory, university and full-time party (referring to its membership or even its electoral functionaries; institutional guarantees (limitations on the supporters) and a revolutionary workers party income of full-timers, defense of the organizational norms (or the nucleus of such a party) is to be found not only of internal democracy and the freedom to form tendencies in program or objective social functions (which is to and factions, etc. ). promote, not pacify, all objectively revolutionary mass The outcome of these contradictory tendencies depends actions, or all challenges and forms of action that attack on the struggle between them, which, in turn, is ultimately and call into question the essence of the capitalist mode determined by fwo social factors:*7 on the one hand, the of production ‘and the bourgeois state), but also in its degree of special social interests set loose by the "autonability’ to find a suitable pedagogical method enabling omous organization,” and on the other hand, the extent it to bring this program to ever-growing numbers of of the political activity of the vanguard of the working workers, class. Only when the latter decisively diminishes can the One can go further, however, and formulate the question former decisively break out into the open. Thus, the entire more sharply: Is the danger of the apparatus becoming argument amounts to a tedious tautology: During a period autonomous limited only to opportunist and reformist of increasing passivity the working class cannot be actively "workers" organizations, or does it threaten any organistruggling for its liberation. It does not at all prove that zation, including one with a revolutionary program and during a period of increasing activity on the part of ada revolutionary practice? Is not a developing bureaucracy vanced workers, revolutionary organizations are not an the unavoidable consequence of any division of labor, effective instrument for bringing about liberation, though including that between "leadership" and "membership," and their "arbitrariness" can and must be circumscribed by the even in a revolutionary group? And is not, therefore, independent activity of the class (or of its advanced secevery revolutionary organization, once it has spread betions). The revolutionary organization is an instrument yond a small milieu, condemned at a certain point in its for making revolutions. And, without the increasing politdevelopment and in the development of mass struggles to ical activity of broad masses of workers, proletarian revbecome a brake on the struggle of the proletarian masses olutions are simply not possible. for emancipation?

If this line of argument were accepted as correct, it could lead to only one conclusion: that the socialist emancipation Organizational theory, democratic of the working class and of humanity is impossible — becentralism and soviet democracy cause the supposedly inevitable "autonimization" and degeneration of any organization must be seen as one part of a dilemma, the other part of which is represented by he objection was made to Lenin's theory of orgathe tendency for all unorganized workers, all intellectuals nization that through its exaggerated centralization only partially involved in action, and all persons caught it would prevent the development of internal party up in universal commodity production to sink into a democracy. But this objection is a confused one, for inaspetty-bourgeois "false consciousness." Only a comprehenmuch as the Leninist principles of organization restrict sive, revolutionary practice, aiming at total consciousness the organization to active members operating under a coland enriching theory, makes it possible to avoid the penelective control, they actually expand rather than reduce tration of the “ideology of the ruling class” into even the the scope of party democracy. ranks of individual revolutionaries. This can only be a Once a workers organization surpasses a certain numercollective and organized practice. If the above argument ical size there are. basically only two possible organizawere correct, one would have to conclude that, with or tional models: that of the dues-paying electoral club (or without an organization, advanced workers would be conterritorial organization), which corresponds today to the demned either not to reach political class consciousness organizational forms of the Social-Democratic Party of or to rapidly lose it.

Germany and of the French Communist Party; or that In reality, this line of argument is false since it equates of a combat unit based on the selection of only active the beginning of a process with its end result. Thus, from and conscious members. To be sure, the first model in

‘3

[page 13]

of worker cadres, schooled in revolution and maintaining theory permits a certain latitude for grumblers and oppoa high degree of activity, with a close relationship to the nents to fool around in, but only where matters of secondary importance are involved. Otherwise, the great mass masses. Moreover, Lenin himself would have in no way of the apolitical and passive membership provides the denied that in the absence of this factor the Leninist concept of the party could turn into its opposite.°! apparatus with a voting base that can always be mobilized, and which has nothing to do with class consciousness. (A not insignificant number of these members are even materially dependent on the apparatus—the bulk of the municipal and administrative workers and employees, r | “\he soviet system is the only universal answer disthe employees of the workers organization itself, etc. ) covered thus far by the working class to the ques- In the combat organization, however, which is comtion of how to organize its independent activity posed of members that have to exhibit a minimum of during and following the revolution.52 It allows all of the consciousness simply to become members, the possibility forces within the class—and all the laboring and progresof finding independent thinking is actually much greater. sive layers of society in general—to be brought together Neither "pure apparatchiks" nor pure careerists can take in a simultaneous, open confrontation between the various over as easily as in an ordinary electoral club. So differtendencies existing within the class itself. Every true soviet system —i.e., one that is actually elected by the mass of ences of opinion will be resolved less in terms of material dependency or abstract "loyalty" than according to actual the workers and has not been imposed upon them by one or another selective power apparatus — will for that reason substance. To be sure, the mere fact that the organization is composed in this fashion is no automatic guarantee only be able to reflect the social and ideological diversity against bureaucratization of the organization. But at least of the proletarian layers emphasized above. A workers it provides an essential condition for preventing it.48 council is in reality a united front of the most diverse The relation between the revolutionary organization political tendencies that are in agreement on one central (a party nucleus or a party) and the mass of workers point: the common defense of the revolution against the abruptly changes as soon as an actual revolutionary class enemy. (In the same way, a strike committee reflects explosion occurs. At that point the seeds sown over the the most widely differing tendencies among the workers, years by revolutionary and consciously socialist elements yet with one exception: It includes only those tendencies start sprouting. Broad masses are able to achieve revothat are participating in the strike. Scabs have no place lutionary class consciousness at once. The revolutionary in a strike committee, ) initiatives of broad masses can far outdistance that of There is no contradiction whatever between the existence many revolutionary groupings. of a revolutionary organization of the Leninist type and In his History of the Russian Revolution, Trotsky emgenuine soviet democracy, or soviet power. On the conphasized in several instances that at certain conjunctures trary, without the systematic organizational work of a in the revolution the Russian working masses were even revolutionary vanguard, a soviet system will either be ahead of the Bolshevik Party.49 Nevertheless, one should quickly throttled by reformist and semireformist bureaunot generalize from this fact, and above all, it must not cracies (cf. the German soviet system from 1918 to 1919), be separated from the fact that, prior to Lenin's April or it loses its political effectiveness due to its inability to Theses, the Bolshevik Party's strategic conception of the solve the central political tasks (cf. the Spanish revolutionnature and goal of the Russian revolution was insuffiary committees between July 1936 and spring 1937). ciently worked out.5® It ran the risk of having to pay The hypothesis that a soviet system makes parties superfor this until Lenin took decisive action with his April fluous has one of two sources. Either it proceeds from the Theses. He was able to do so with such ease, however, naive assumption that the introduction of soviets homogbecause the masses of educated worker-Bolsheviks were enizes the working class overnight, dissolves al] differences pushing him in that very direction and were themselves of ideology and interest, and automatically and spona reflection of the powerful radicalization of the Russian taneously suggests to the entire working class "the revoluworking class. tionary solution” to all the strategic and tactical problems An objective, i.e., comprehensive, view of the role of the of the revolution. Or, it is merely a pretext for giving to Bolshevi Party organization in the Russian revolution a small group of self-appointed "leaders" the opportunity would no doubt have to be formulated somewhat differto manipulate a rather broad, inarticulate mass in that ently. While the leading cadre of the party proved several this mass is deprived of any possibility of systematically times to be a conservative block preventing the party coming to grips with these strategic and tactical questions of the revolution, i.e., of freely discussing and politically from going over to Trotsky's position on the struggle differentiating itself. (This is obviously the case, for examfor the dictatorship of the proletariat (soviet power), at ple, with the Yugoslav system of so-called self-managethe same time it became evident that the crystallization of a revolutionary workers cadre schooled in two decades ment. )

The revolutionary organization can, therefore, guarantee of revolutionary organization and revolutionary activity the working masses in the soviet system a greater degree was instrumental in making this decisive strategic turn of independent activity and self-awareness, and thereby a success. Should one wish to construct a correlation of revolutionary class consciousness, than could an undifbetween the Stalinist bureaucracy and the "Leninist conferentiated system of representation. But of course to this cept of the party," one would at least have to make allowend it must stimulate and not hold back the independent ances for this decisive element of intervention. Stalin's action of the working masses. It is precisely this indepenvictory was not the result of the Leninist "theory of orgadent initiative of the masses which reaches its fullest develnization” but the result of the disappearance of a decisive opment in the soviet system. Again we reach a similar component of this concept: the presence of a broad layer

12

[page 14]

conclusion: The Leninist concept of organization, built tivity." It is obviously a unity of both elements with an alternating emphasis on one or the other. upon a correct revolutionary strategy (i.e., on a correct As ideological tendencies, opportunism and sectarianism assessment of the objective historical process), is simply the collective coordinator of the activity of the masses, the have their deepest theoretical roots in an undialectical collective memory and digested experience of the masses, definition of the revolutionary subject. For the opportunin place of a constantly repetitive and expanding disconists, this revolutionary subject is the everyday worker.

They tend to imitate the attitude of this worker in everytinuity in time, space and consciousness.

History has also shown in this connection that there thing and "to idolize his backward side," as Plekhanov is a substantial difference between a party calling itself so well put it. If the workers are concerned only with a revolutionary and actually being a revolutionary party. questions limited to the shops, then they are "pure trade When a group of functionaries not only opposes the iniunionists." If the workers are caught up in a wave of tiative and activity of the masses but seeks to frustrate patriotic jingoism, then they become social-patriots or them by any means, including military force (one thinks social-imperialists. If the workers submit to cold-war proof Hungary in October-November 1956 or Czechoslovakia paganda, they become cold-warriors: "The masses are since August 1968), when this group not only finds no always right.” The latest and the most wretched expression common language with a soviet system springing sponof such opportunism consists of determining the program taneously from mass struggles, but throttles and destroys —let it be an electoral program—no longer through an this system behind a pretext of defending "the leading role objective scientific analysis of society but with the aid of of the party"53 —then we are obviously no longer dealing . opinion polls. with a revolutionary party of the proletariat but with an But this opportunism leads to an insoluble contradiction.

Fortunately, the moods of the masses do not stand still apparatus that represents the special interests of a privileged layer deeply hostile to the independent activity of but can change dramatically in a rather short period of the masses: the bureaucracy. The fact that a revolutionary time. Today the workers are concerned only with internal party can degenerate into a party of bureaucracy is, howshop questions, but tomorrow they will throng the streets ever, no more an argument against the Leninist concept in a political demonstration. Today they are "for" the deof organization than the fact that doctors have killed, fense of the imperialist fatherland against the "external not cured, many patients represents an argument against enemy," but tomorrow they will be fed up with the war medical science. Any step away from this concept toward and again recognize their own ruling class as the main "pure" mass spontaneity would be comparable to revertenemy. Today they passively accept collaboration with ing from medical science to quackery. the bosses, but tomorrow they will move against it through a wildcat strike. The logic of opportunism leads — once the adaptation to bourgeois society has been excused through references to the attitude of the "masses"—to resistance fo Sociology of economism, bureaucratism these very masses as soon as they begin in a sudden reversal, to move into action against bourgeois society. and spontaneism Sectarians simplify the revolutionary subject just as ‘ ) J hen we emphasized that Lenin's concept of orgamuch as opportunists, but in the opposite sense. If only the everyday worker counts for the opportunists —i.e., nization in reality represents a concept of the the worker who is assimilating and adapting to bourgeois current potential for proletarian revolution, we relations—for the sectarians it is only the "ideal" prolealready touched upon the central factor in the Leninist tarian, one who acts like a revolutionary, who counts. theory of proletarian class consciousness: the problem of the definition of the revolutionary subject under capitalism.

If the worker does not behave in a revolutionary fashion, he has ceased to be a revolutionary subject: he is demoted For Marx and Lenin (as well as for Luxemburg and to being "bourgeois." Extreme sectarians— such as certain Trotsky, although they did not draw all the necessary ultraleft "spontaneists," certain Stalinists, and certain Maoconclusions from this fact until some time before 1914), ists— will even go so far as to equate the working class the revoluticnary subject is the only potentially, only periwith the capitalist class if it hesitates to completely accept odically revolutionary working class as it works, thinks the particular sectarian ideology in question. 55 and lives under capitalism, i.e., in the totality of its social Extreme objectivism on the one hand ("everything the existence.54 The Leninist theory of organization proceeds directly from this assessment of the position of the revoluworkers do is revolutionary”), and extreme subjectivism tionary subject, for it is self-evident that a subject, thus on the other hand ("only those who accept our doctrine defined, can only be a contradictory one. On the one hand are revolutionary or proletarian"), join hands in the final analysis when they deny the objectively revolutionary it is exposed to wage slavery, alienated labor, the reification of all human relations, and the influence of bourgeois character of huge mass struggles led by masses with a and petty-bourgeois ideology. On the other hand, at peri- . contradictory consciousness. For the opportunist objectivists these struggles are not revolutionary because "next odic intervals it passes over into a radicalizing class strugmonth the majority will still go ahead and vote for the gle, and even into open revolutionary battle against the capitalist mode of production and the bourgeois state ap- SPD (West German Social Democrats) or DeGaulle.” For the sectarian subjectivists they have nothing to do with paratus. It is in this periodic fluctuation that the history revolution "because the (i.e., our) revolutionary group of the real class struggle of the last one hundred and fifty years is expressed. It is absolutely impossible to sum up is still too weak."

The social nature of these two tendencies can be ascerthe history of, say, the French or the German labor movetained without difficulty. It corresponds to the petty-bourments of the past hundred years with either the formula "increasing passivity" or "uninterrupted revolutionary acgeois intelligentsia: The ~pportunists for the most part

13

[page 15]

6. The intermediaries between science and the working represent the intelligentsia tied to the labor bureaucracy class, the theoretical producers, who have not been proin mass organizations or in the bourgeois state apparatus, fessionally ‘incorporated into the ideological production while the. sectarians represent an intelligentsia that is either of the ruling class and are relatively able, being free from declassed or merely watches things from the sidelines, rematerial dependency on this production, to engage in maining outside of the real movement. In both cases, the criticism of bourgeois relations. forced. separation between. the objective and subjective factors at. work in the contradictory but undivided revo- One could add a seventh group, which is partially inlutionary subject corresponds. to a divorce between practice cluded in the fifth, and partially in the sixth. In classical, and theory which. can lead only to. an opportunist practice stable bourgeois society, teaching as a profession falls and to an idealizing "theory" embodying "false consciousinto category 5, both because of the unlimited predominance of bourgeois ideology and because of the generally ness.”

It. is characteristic, however, for many opportunists abstract and ideological character of all professional! teach- (among others, trade-union bureaucrats), as well as many ing. With the growing structural crisis in the neocapitalist sectarian literati, to accuse precisely the revolutionary high schools and universities, however, a change in its Marxists of being petty-bourgeois intellectuals who would objective standards takes place. On the one hand, the like to "subjugate" the working class.56 This question also general crisis of capitalism precipitates a general crisis plays a. certain role in the discussions within the revoluin neocapitalist ideology, which is increasingly called into question. On the other hand, teaching serves less as abtionary student movement... Therefore, it is necessary to analyze more closely the problem of the sociology of the stract, ideological indoctrination and more as the direct bureaucracy, of economism,. and of spontaneism (or, of techno¢rati¢c preparation for the future intellectual workthe "handicraftsman's. approach" to the question of orgaers (of categories 2 and 3) to be incorporated into the process of production. This makes it possible for the connization). tent of such teaching to be increasingly tied to a regained awareness of individual alienation, as well as to social criticism in related fields (and even to social criticism he mediation between manual and mental labor, in general ).

It now becomes clear which part of the intelligentsia production and accumulation, occurs at several will ‘exert a négative influence upon the developing class points. in, bourgeois society, though at different consciousness of the proletariat: It is above all groups levels, for example, in. the factory. What is meant by the 3, 4 and 5. (We need say nothing about group 1 because general concept of "intelligentsia," or "intellectual -petty in general it keeps its distance from the workers orgabourgeoisie’ or "technical intelligentsia" corresponds. in reality to. many diverse activities of such mediation whose nizations anyway.) What is most dangerous for the inirelation to the actual class, struggle jis quite distinct. One tiative and self-assuranee of the working class is a symcould essentially distinguish the following categories (which biosis or fusion of groups 4 and 5, as has occurred on in no way do we claim constitute a complete analysis): a broad scale since the first world war in the’ social-dem- 1. The genuine intermediaries between capital and labor ocratic and today already partially in the Moscow-oriented in the process of production, i.e., the secondary officers Communist mass organizations in the West. of capital: foremen, timekeepers and other cadre personnel Groups 2:and 6, on the other hand, can only enhance the impact of the working-class and revolutionary orgain the factories, among whose tasks is the maintenance, nizations because they equip them with the knowledge in the interest of capital, of labor discipline within the that is indispensable for a relentless critique of bourgeois factory. society and for the successful overthrow of this society, 2. The intermediaries, between science and technique, or and even more for the successful taking over of the means between, technique and, production: laboratory assistants, of production by the associated producers. scientific. researchers, inventors, technologists, planners, Those who rail against the growing union of workers project engineers, draftsmen, etc. In contrast to category organizations with groups 2 and 6 of the intelligentsia 1, these layers are not accomplices in the process of exobjectively assist groups 3, 4 and 5 in exerting their negtracting surplus value from, the producer. They take part ative influence on the working class. For never in hisin the material process of production itself and for that tory has there been a class struggle that has not been reason are not exploiters but producers of surplus value. accompanied by an ideological struggle.57 It boils down 3. The intermediaries between production and realizato a question of determing which ideology can sink roots tion of surplus value: advertising managers and offices, market research institutes, cadres and scientists occupied in the working class; or, to phrase it better, whether bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology or Marxist scientific in. the distribution sector, marketing specialists, etc. theory will develop among the workers. Whoever opposes 4, The intermediaries between buyers and sellers of the “every outside intellectual influence” within the working commodity labor power: Above all, these are the tradeclass in struggle either forgets or pushes aside the fact union functionaries and, in a wider sense, all functionaries that the influence which groups 1, 3, 4 and 5 exert on of the bureaucratized mass organizations of the labor this working class is permanently and unremittingly at movement. work upon the proletariat through the entire mechanism 5. The intermediaries between. capital and labor in the of bourgeois society and capitalist economy, and that sphere of the superstructure, the ideological producers (i. e., the ultraleft "spontaneists" have no panacea at their disthose who are occupied with producing ideology): a secposal for putting an end to this process. To thunder tion of the bourgeois politicians ("public opinion makers"), the bourgeois professors of the so-called humanities, jouragainst the influence of Marxist intellectuals within the working class means simply to allow the influence of nalists, some artists, etc.

14

[page 16]

History has shown that there is a substantial difference between a party calling itself revolutionary, and being revolutionary the bourgeois intelligentsia to spread without opposition. 58 Latin countries before the first world war. This was also Still worse: By resisting the formation of a revoutiontrue for Menshevism, which was thoroughly defeated by ary organization and the education of professional pro- Bolshevism in the large metropolitan factories, but which letarian revolutionaries, Mensheviks and "spontaneists” are found ‘its most important proletarian base in the typically objectively forced to help perpetuate the division between small-town mining and oil-field districts of southern Rusmanual and intellectual labor, ive., the spiritual subjugasia.59 Attempts today, in the era of the third industrial revolution, to revive this craftsman caste approach under tion of the workers to the intellectuals and the rather rapthe pretext of guaranteeing “workers autonomy” could id bureaucratization of the’ workers organizations. For, only have the same result as in the past—namely, to a» worker who continuously remains within the capitalist process of production: will most often not be ina podissipate the forces of the advanced and potentially revsition to globally assimilate theory, and will thereby reolutionary working class and to give a boost to the semimain dependent upon "petty-bourgeois specialists." For craft, bureaucratized sections of the movement that are that reason, a decisive step: can be taken within the revunder the constant influence of bourgeois idelogy. olutionary organization toward the intellectual emancipation of at least the most advanced workers and toward an initial victory over the division of labor within the Scientific intelligentsia, social science workers movement itself through the intermittent removal! and proletarian class consciousness of workers from the factories.

This is not yet the final word on the sociology of sponhe massive reintroduction of intellectual labor into taneism. We must ask ourselves: In which layers of the the process of production brought about by the working class will the “antipathy” and "distrust" toward third industrial revolution, which was foreseen by intellectuals have the most influence? Obviously in those Marx and whose foundations were already laid in the layers whose social and économie existence most sharply second industrial revolution, 6° has created the prerequisite exposes them to an actual conflict with intellectual labor. for a much broader layer of the scientific intelligentsia By and large, these are the workers of the small and to regain the awareness of alienation which it had lost medium-sized factories threatened by technological progthrough its removal from the process of direct. producress; self-taught workers who, through personal effort, have tion of surplus value and its transformation into a didifferentiated themselves from the’mass: workers who have rect or indirect consumer of surplus value. For it, too, scrambled to the top of bureaucratic organizations; workis overcome by alienation in bourgeois society. This is ers ‘who, because of their low educational and cultural the material basis not only for the student revolt in the level, are the furthest removed from intellectual labor — imperialist countries but also for the possibility of involvand therefore also regard it' with the greatest mistrust and ing increasing numbers of scientists and technicians into hostility. In other words, the social basis of economism, the revolutionary movement. spontaneism, the "handicraftsman's approach" to the ques- The participation of the intelligentsia in the classical tion of organization and hostility toward science within socialist movement before the first world war. generally the working class is the craft layer of this class. tended to decline. Though it was considerable at the start On the other hand, among the workers of the large of the movement, it became smaller and smaller as the factories and cities, of the extensive branches of industry organized mass movement’ of the working class became in the forefront of technological progress, the thirst for stronger. In a little known polemic against Max Adler knowledge, the greater familiarity with technical and sciin 1910, Trotsky revealed the causes of this process to entific processes, and the greater audacity in projecting be on the whole materialistic: the intelligentsia's social the conquest of power in both the factory and the state dependency on the big bourgeoisie and the bourgeois make it much easier to understand the objectively necstate; an ideological identification with the class interests essary role of revolutionary theoreticians and of the revit thereby serves; and the inability of the workers moveolutionary organization. ment, organized as a "counter-society," to compete with The spontaneous tendencies in the labor movement often, its counterpart. Trotsky predicted that this would probif not always, correspond exactly to this social basis. ably change very quickly, in a revolutionary epoch, on the eve of the proletarian revolution. ®1 This was especially true for anarcho-syndicalism in the

[page 17]

ities that are required for the broad masses to be able From these correct premises, however, he drew what to exert political and social control over the "specialists" were already incorrect tactical conclusions, when for in- (a matter about which Lenin had so many illusions in stance he failed to see the great importance which in 1908- 1909 Lenin accorded the student movement (which was 1918). A growing union between the technical intelligentsia re-emerging in the middle of the victorious counter-revand the industrial proletariat, and the growing participation of revolutionary intellectuals in the revolutionary olution), considering it an albatross for the subsequent, party, can only facilitate that control. new rise in the revolutionary mass movement (that was As the contradiction between the objective socialization to begin in 1912). of production and labor on the one hand, and private He even went so far as to maintain that it was the "fault” appropriation on the other, intensifies (i.e., as the crisis of the leading revolutionary intelligentsia in the Russian of the capitalist relations of production sharpens)— and Social Democracy if it was able to spread “its overall today we are experiencing a new and sharper form of social characteristics: a spirit of sectarianism, an indithis contradiction, which underlay the May 1968 events vidualism typical of intellectuals, and ideological fetishin France and the mass struggles in Italy in 1969—and ism."62 As Trotsky later admitted, he at that time underas neocapitalism seeks to win a new lease on life by raisestimated the political and social significance of the facing the working class’ level of consumption, science will intion fight between the Bolsheviks and the Liquidators, creasingly become for the masses a revolutionary, producwhich was only an extension of the earlier struggle betive force in two regards: With automation and the growing tween Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. History was to show mountain of commodities, it produces not only a growing that this struggle had nothing to do with a product of crisis in the production and distribution process of capi- "intellectual sectarianism,” but with the separation of socialital, which is based upon generalized commodity producist, revolutionary consciousness from petty-bourgeois, reformist consciousness. 64 tion; it also produces revolutionary consciousness in growing masses of people by allowing the myths and masks It is correct, however, that the participation of the Russian revolutionary intelligentsia in the building of the of the capitalist routine to be torn away, and by making revolutionary class party of the Russian proletariat was it possible for the worker, reconquering the consciousstill a pure product of individual selection without any ness of being alienated, to put an end to that alienation. social roots. And since the October revolution, this has As the decisive barrier which today holds back the workinevitably turned against the proletarian revolution, for ing class from acquiring political class consciousness is the masses of the technical intelligentsia were not able found to reside less in the misery of the masses or the extreme narrowness of their surroundings than in the to go over to the camp of the revolution. At first they sabotaged economic production and the methods of soconstant influence of petty-bourgeois and bourgeois idecial organization on the broadest scale; then their coological consumption and mystification, it is precisely operation had to be "bought" through high salaries; and then that the eye-opening function of critical social scifinally they were transformed into the driving force behind ence can play a truly revolutionary role in the new awakthe bureaucratization and degeneration of this revolution. ening of the class consciousness among the masses.

Inasmuch as the position of the technical intelligentsia Of course, this makes necessary the existence of concrete (especially category 2 above) in the material process of ties with the working masses— a requirement that can only production has today decisively changed, and since this be met by the advanced workers on the one hand and technical intelligentsia is gradually being transformed into the revolutionary organization on the other. And this a section of the wage-earning class, the possibility of its also requires the revolutionary, scientific intelligentsia not massive participation in the revolutionary process and to "go to the people" with the modest populist masochism in the reorganization of society stands on much firmer that restricts it to humbly supporting struggles for higher ground than in the past. Frederick Engels had already wages but to bring the awakened and critical layers of pointed to the historically decisive role this intelligentsia the working class what they are unable to achieve by themcould play in the construction of the socialist society. selves, due to their fragmented state of consciousness: the scientific knowledge and awareness that will make it possible for them to recognize the scandal of concealed In order to take over and put into operation the means of prc juction, we need people, and in large numbers, who exploitation and disguised oppression for what it is. are technically trained. We do not have them... . I foresee us in the next eight to ten years recruiting enough young technicians, doctors, lawyers and teachers to be in a posi- Historical pedagogy and communication tion to let party comrades administer the factories and of class consciousness essential goods for the nation. Then our accession to power will be quite natural and will work itself out relatively ()': it is understood that the Leninist theory of orsmoothly. If, on the other hand, we prematurely come to ganization tries to answer the problems of the power through a war, the technicians will be our main current potential for revolution and of the revoluopponents, and will deceive and betray us whenever possible. We will have to use terror against them and still tionary subject, this theory then leads directly to the questhey will shit all over us. 64 tion of historical pedagogy, i.e., the problem of transforming potential class consciousness into actual class Of course, it must be added that in the course of this consciousness, and trade-unionist consciousness into pothird industrial revolution the working class itself, which litical, revolutionary consciousness. This problem can only is much better qualified than in 1890, exhibits a much be resolved in the light of the classification of the working class delineated above— into the mass of the workers, greater ability to directly manage the factories than in advanced workers, and organized revolutionary cadre. Engels' time. But in the final analysis, itis technical abil- |

16

[page 18]

tive conditions converge, making the realization of these To assimilate its growing class consciousness, each layer demands the actual objective of great strikes, demonstrarequires its own methods of instruction, goes through its tions, agitational campaigns, etc. own learning process and needs to have a special form of Although revolutionary class consciousness among the communication with the class as a whole and with the broad masses develops only out of the experience of obrealm of theoretical production. The historical role of the jectively revolutionary struggle, among advanced workrevolutionary vanguard party Lenin had in mind can be ers it flows from the experience of life, work and strugsummed up as that of jointly expressing these three forms gle in general. These experiences do not necessarily need of pedagogy. to be revolutionary at all. From the daily experiences of The broad masses learn only through action. To hope class conflict, these advanced workers draw the elemento "impart' to them revolutionary consciousness through tary conclusions about the need for class solidarity, class propaganda is an endeavor worthy of Sysiphus—and action and class organization. The programmatic and as fruitless. Yet although the masses learn only through organizational forms through which this action and oraction, all actions do not necessarily lead to a mass acganization are to be led will differ greatly depending upon quisition of revolutionary class consciousness. Actions objective conditions and concrete experiences. But the adaround immediately realizable economic and political goals vanced workers’ experience of life, work and struggle leads that can be completely achieved within the framework them to the threshold of understanding the inadequacy of the capitalist social order do not produce revolutionof activity which seeks merely to reform the existing soary class consciousness. This was one of the great illusions ciety rather than abolish it. of the "optimistic" Social Democrats at the end of the nine- The activity of the revolutionary vanguard can make teenth century and the beginning of the twentieth (includit possible for the class consciousness of the advanced ing Engels) who believed that there was a straight line workers to cross over this threshold. It can fulfill this leading from partial successes in electoral struggles and role of catalyst neither automatically nor without regard strikes to revolutionary consciousness and to an increase for objective conditions. It can only fulfill it when it is in the proletariat's revolutionary combativity. © itself equal to the task, i.e., if the content of its theoretical, This has proven to be historically incorrect. These parpropagandistic and literary activity corresponds to the tial successes certainly played a significant and positive needs of the advanced: workers, and if the form of this role in strengthening the self-confidence and combativity activity does not trample underfoot the laws of pedagogy of the proletarian masses in general. (The anarchists were (avoiding ultimatistic formulations). At the same time, wrong to reject these partial struggles out of hand.) Yet this kind of activity must be linked to activity of a practhey did not prepare the working masses for revolutiontical nature and to a political perspective, thus enhancary struggle. The German working class’ lack of expeing the credibility of both the revolutionary strategy and rience in revolutionary struggles on the one hand, and the existence, on the other hand, of such experience in the organization putting it forward. the Russian working class, was the most important difference in consciousness between the two classes on the eve of the first world war. It decisively contributed to the dissimilar outcome of the revolutions of 1917-1919 in T periods of abating class struggles, of a temporary Germany and in Russia. decline in the self-confidence of the working class, Since the goal of mass actions is generally the satisfacduring which the stability of the class enemy aption of immediate needs, it becomes an important aspect pears temporarily assured, the revolutionary vanguard of revolutionary strategy to link to these needs demands will not be able to achieve its objectives even if its activity that objectively cannot be achieved or coopted within the is completely equal to the task of catalyzing revolutionframework of the capitalist social order, and which proary class consciousness among the broadest layer of adduce an objectively revolutionary dynamic that has to lead vanced workers. The belief that a mere defense of "the to a test of strength between the two decisive social classes correct tactic" or "the correct line" is sufficient to miracover the question of power. This is the strategy of transiulously generate a growing revolutionary force, even in tional demands which, through the efforts of Lenin, was periods of declining class struggle, is an illusion stemincorporated into the program of the Communist Interming from bourgeois rationalism, not from the materialnational at its fourth congress, and which was later elabist dialectic. This illusion, incidentally, is the cause of orated by Trotsky into the main body of the program of most splits within the revolutionary movement because the Fourth International. 66 the organizational sectarianism of the splitters is based The development of revolutionary class consciousness on the naive view that the "application of the correct tacamong the broad masses is possible only if they accumutic’ can win over more people in the as yet untouched late experiences of struggles that are not only limited periphery than it can among revolutionaries who are to the winning of partial demands within the framework already organized. As long as the objective conditions of capitalism. The gradual injection of these demands remain unfavorable, these splits for that reason usually into mass struggles can come about only through the result in grouplets that are even weaker than those whose efforts of a broad layer of advanced workers who are "false tactics" made them seem so worthy of condemnation closely linked to the masses and who disseminate and in the first place. publicize these demands (which normally do not spon- This does not mean, however, that the work of the revtaneously grow out of the day-to-day experiences of the olutionary vanguard among the advanced workers reclass) in the factories, experimenting with them in various mains useless or ineffectual during unfavorable objective skirmishes, and spreading them through agitation, until circumstances. It produces no great immediate successes, a point is reached where favorable objective and subjecyet it is a tremendously important, and even decisive,

17

[page 19]

Khrushchevism) touch upon fundamental questions relatpreparation for that turning point when class struggles ing to the proletarian revolution and to the strategy and once again begin to mount! tactics of revolutionary class struggle. These basic ques- For just as broad masses with no experience of revtions are products of the very nature of capitalism, the olutionary struggle cannot develop revolutionary class proletariat and revolutionary struggle. They will thereconsciousness, advanced workers who have never heard fore remain pressing questions as long as the problem of transitional demands cannot introduce them into the of creating a classless society on a world scale has not next wave of class struggle. The patient, persistent prepbeen solved in practical terms. No "tactfulness," no mataration carried out, with constant attention to detail, by ter how artful, and no "conciliationism," no matter how the revolutionary vanguard organization, sometimes over magnanimous, can in the long run prevent these quesa period of years, pays off in rich dividends the day the tions from rising out of practice itself to confront each "natural leaders of the class," still hesitating and not yet new generation of revolutionaries. All that is accomplished completely free from hostile influences, suddenly, during by attempting to avoid a discussion of these problems a big strike or demonstration, take up the demand for is that instead of raising, analyzing and solving them workers control and thrust it to the forefront of the in a methodical and scientific fashion, this is done unstruggle. 67 systematically, at random, without plan, and without suf- To be in a position, however, to convince a country's ficient training and knowledge. advanced workers and radical intelligentsia of the need to extend broad mass struggles beyond the level of immediate demands to that of transitional demands, it is not enough for the revolutionary vanguard organization to learn by heart a list of such demands culled from Lenin rowever, while the assimilation of the historical H substance of Marxist theory is necessary, it is and Trotsky. It must acquire a twofold knowledge and a two-sided method of learning. On the one hand, it must . nevertheless in and of itself an insufficient preassimilate the body of the experiences of the international requisite for conveying revolutionary class consciousness preletariat over more than a century of revolutionary to the advanced workers and the radical intelligentsia. class struggle. On the other hand, it must carry on a In addition, a systematic analysis of the present is recontinuous, serious analysis of the present overall social quired without which theory cannot furnish the means for reality, national as well as international. This alone makes disclosing either the immediate capacity of the working it possible to apply the lessons of history to the reality class for struggle or the "weak links” in the neocapitalat hand. It is clear that on the basis of the Marxist theory ist mode of production and bourgeois society; nor can of knowledge, only practice can ultimately provide the it furnish the means for formulating the appropriate trancriterion for measuring the actual theoretical assimilation sitional demands (as well as the proper pedagogical apof present-day reality. For that reason, international pracproach to raising them). Only the combination of a setice is an absolute prerequisite for a Marxist international] rious, complete social and critical analysis of the present analysis, and an international organization is an absolute and the assimilation of the lessons of the history of the prerequisite for such a practice. workers movement can create an effective instrument for Without a serious assimilation of the entire historical the theoretical accomplishment of the task of a revoluexperience of the international workers movement from tionary vanguard. the revolution of 1848 to the present, it is impossible to Without the experience of revolutionary struggle by determine with scientific precision either the contradictions broad masses, there can be no revolutionary class conof present neocapitalist society— on a world scale as well sciousness among these masses. Without the conscious as in individual countries—or the concrete contradiction intervention of advanced workers, who inject transitional accompanying the formation of proletarian class consciousdemands into workers struggles, there can hardly be exness, or the kind of struggles that could lead to a pre periences of revolutionary struggle on the part of the revolutionary situation. History is the only laboratory for broad masses. Without the spreading of transitional dethe socia! sciences. Without assimilating the lessons of mands by a revolutionary vanguard, there can be no history, a pseudo-revolutionary Marxist today wouid be possibility of advanced workers influencing mass struggles, no better than a "medical student" who refused to set foot in a truly anticapitalist sense. Without a revolutionary inside the dissecting laboratory. program, without a thorough study of the history of the It should be pointed out in this connection that all atrevolutionary workers movement, without an application tempts to keep the newly emerging revolutionary movement of this study to the present, and without practical proof "aloof from the splits of the past" demonstrate a complete of the ability of the revolutionary vanguard to successfailure to understand the socio-political nature of this diffully play a leading role in at least a few sectors and sitferentiation within the international workers movement. uations, there can be no possibility of convincing the ad- If one puts aside the inevitable personal and incidental vanced workers of the need for the revolutionary orgafactors involved in these differentiations, one has to come nization and therefore no possibility (or only an unlikely to the conclusion that the great disputes in the internaone) that the appropriate transitionai demands for the obtional workers movement since the foundation of the First jective situation can be worked out by the advanced work- International (the disputes between Marxism and anarchers. In this way the various factors in the formation of ism; between Marxism: ind revisionism; between Bolshevclass consiousness intertwine and underpin the timeliness ism and Menshevism; between internationalism and soof the Leninist conception of organization. cial-patriotism; between defenders of the dictatorship of The process of building a revolutionary party acquires the proletariat and defenders of bourgeois democracy; its unified character through jointly expressing the learnbetween Trotskyism and Stalinism; between Maoism and ing of the masses in action, the learning of the advanced

18

[page 20]

workers in practical experience, and the learning of the The great successes that we have already achieved in this regard are being attested to by the wisest and most distinguished revolutionary cadre in the transmission of revolutionary newspapers of the ruling class . . . not to mention the so-called theory and practice. There is a constant interrelationship radical members of the House of Commons and the House of between learning and teaching, éven among the revolu- Lords, who only a short time ago had quite a bit of influence tionary cadre, who have to achieve the ability to shed on the leaders of the English workers. They are publicly acany arrogance resulting from their theoretical knowledge. cusing us of having poisoned and almost suffocated the En- This ability proceeds from the understanding that theory glish spirit of the working class, and of having driven it to proves its right to exist only through its connection to the revolutionary socialism." (Marx-Engels, Werke, [ Berlin: Dietzreal class struggle and by its capacity to transform po- Verlag, 1964], Vol. 16, pp. 386-387. ) tentially revolutionary class consciousness into the actual The concept of the "current potential for revolution" in Lenin revolutionary class consciousness of broad layers of workwas first formulated by Georg Lukacs, as is well known, in Geschichte und Klassenbewusstsein and particularly in his Lenin. ers. The famous observation by Marx that the educators 2. This is especially true for the crucial Marxian category of must themselves be educated 69 means exactly what it says. revolutionary practice, which was developed in the then un- It does not mean that a consciously revolutionary transknown German Ideology. formation of society is possible without a revolutionary 3. It is in this sense that, among others, the famous statement pedagogy. And it is given a more complete expression by Marx at the beginning of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis in the Marxist proposition that "In revolutionary activity Bonaparte must be understood, in which he stresses the conthe changing of oneself coincides with the changing of stant self-critical nature of the proletarian revolution and its circumstances," 70 tendency to come back to things that appeared to have already been accomplished. In this connection, Marx speaks also of the proletariat as being hypnotized by the "undefined magnitude of its own objectives." 4. In the Communist Manifesto Marx and’ Engels state that FOOTNOTES communists "do not set up any special principles of their own, by which to shape and mold the proletarian movement." In the English edition of 1888, Engels substituted the word "sectarian" 1. This concept was by no means invented by Lenin but corfor the word "special." In doing so, he expresses the fact that responds to a tradition leading from Engels, through Kautsky, scientific socialism certainly does try to advance "special" printo the classical doctrines of the international Social Democracy ciples in the labor movement, but only those objectively resultbetween 1880 and 1905. The Hainfeld Program of the Austrian ing from the general course of the proletarian class struggle, Secial Democracy, drafted in 1888-1889, explicitly states; "Soi.e., from contemporary history, and not those peculiar only cialist consciousness is something that is brought into the proto the creed of a particular sect, i.e., to a purely incidental asletarian class struggle from outside, not something that organpect of the proletarian class struggle. ically develops out of the class struggle.” In 1901, Kautsky 5. This thought is poignantly expressed by Trotsky in the inpublished his article “Akademiker und Proletarier" in Neue Zeit troduction to the first Russian edition of his book, The Per- (19th year, Vol. 2, April 17, 1901) in which the same thought manent Revolution (New York: Merit Publishers, 1969). Mao is expressed (p. 89) in a form that directly inspired Lenin's Tse-tung too has more than once called attention to this thought. What is to Be Done?

In sharp contrast to it is the notion of a "socialist mode of It is well known that Marx had developed no uniform conproduction" or even of a “developed social system of socialism" cept of the party. But while he sometimes totally rejected the in which the first stage of communism is regarded as someidea of a vanguard organization, he also formulated a concepthing fixed and not as simply a transitional phase in the pertion which very closely approaches that of "introducing revmanent revolutionary development from capitalism to commuolutionary-socialist consciousness” into the working class. Note nism. the following passage from a letter, written by him on January 1, 1870, from the executive board of the First International to 6. Note Lenin's well-known statement that there are no "inexthe federal committee of Romanic Switzerland: tricable economic situations" for the imperialist bourgeoisie. "The English possess all the necessary material prerequisites 7. Thus the rising bourgeois class consciousness, and even the for a social revolution. What they lack is a spirit of generalizarising plebeian or semiproletarian class consciousness in the tion and revolutionary passion. That the executive board alone sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were expressed within a can remedy, and in doing so, hasten the development of a truly completely religious framework, finding the way to overt marevolutionary movement in this country, and hence everywhere. terialism only with the full-blown decadence of the feudal ab-

Without the experience of revolutionary struggle

by broad masses, there can be no revolutionary

consciousness among these masses

19

[page 21]

solutist order in the second half of the eighteenth century. section, the program speaks of the “class-conscious workers 8. Gramsci's “concept of political and ethical hegemony," which of all countries," and Engels proposes a change which again an oppressed social class must establish within society before underlines the fact that he made a definitive distinction between it can take political power, expresses this possibility especially the "objective’ and the “subjective' concept of class: "Instead of well. Cf Il Materialismo Storico e la Filosofia di Benedetto Croce ‘class conscious,’ which for us is an easily understandable ab- (Milan: Einaudi, 1964), p. 236; and also Note sul Machiavelli breviation, I would say (in the interests of general understand- (Milan: Einaudi, 1964), pp. 29-37, 41-50 ff This hegemony ing and translation into foreign languages) 'workers permeated concept has been criticized or modified by numerous Marxist with the consciousness of their class situation,’ or something theoreticians. See, for example, Nicos Poulantzas, Pouvoir polike that." Engels, "Zur Kritik des sozialdemokratischen Prolitiqgue et classes sociales (Paris; Maspero, 1968), pp. 210-222. grammentwurfs 1891" in Marx-Engels, Werke, Band 22 (Berlin: Dietz-Verlag, 1963), p. 232. Concerning the significance of overall social consensus with 14. Lenin: "The basic prerequisite for this success [in consolthe material and moral foundations of bourgeois class rule, idating the party — E. M.] was, of course, the fact that the worksee Jose Ramon Recalde, Integracion y lucha de clases en el ing class, whose elite has built the Social Democracy, differs, neo-capitalismo (Madrid: Editorial Ciencia Nueva, 1968), pp. 152-157. for objective economic reasons, from all other classes in cap- 9. This is expressed by Marx and Engels in the proposition italist séciety in its capacity for organization. Without this prein The German Ideology that "this revolution is necessary there requisite, the organization of professional revolutionaries would fore, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown only be a game, an adventure. . . ." Lenine, Oeuvres Completes, in any other way, but also because the class overthrowing it Tome 12 (Paris: Editions Sociales, 1969), p. 74. can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all the muck 15. To counter this view, many critics of the Leninist concept of ages and become fitted to found society anew.” Karl Marx of organization (beginning with Plekhanov's article, "Centraland Frederick Engels, The German /deology (Moscow: Progress ism or Bonapartism" in Iskra, No. 70 (Summer, 1904)), refer to a passage in The Holy Family. The passage states: "When Publishers, 1968), p. 87. Cf also the following observation by Marx in 1850 against the Schapper minority in the Commusocialist writers ascribe this historic role to the proletariat, it nist League: "The minority substitutes a dogmatic approach is not, as Critical Criticism pretends to think, because they consider the proletarians as gods. Rather the contrary. Since the for a critical one, and idealism for materialism. For it, the driving force of the revolution is mere will power, not actual abstraction of all humanity, even of the semblance of humanity, canditions. We, on the other hand, tell the workers: "You will is practically complete in the full-grown proletariat; since the conditions of life of the proletariat sum up all the conditions have to go through 15, 20, 50 years of civil wars and people's struggles not only to change the conditions, but in order of life of society today in all their inhuman acuity; since man has lost himself in the proletariat, yet at the same time has to change yourselves so you will be capable of exercising ponot only gained theoretical consciousness of that loss, but litical rule.' You, on the contrary, say: 'If we can't take powthrough urgent, no longer disguisable, absolutely imperative er right away we might as well go to bed." Karl Marx, Enthullungen Ueber den Kommunistenprozess zu Koln ( Berlin: need—that practical expression of necessity—is driven to revolt against that inhumanity; it follows that the proletariat can Buchandlung Vorwartz, 1914), pp. 52-53. and must free itself. But it cannot free itself without abolishing 10. Note Lenin: "Our wiseacre fails to see that it is precisely the conditions of its own life. It cannot abolish the conditions during the revolution that we shall stand in need of the results of its own life without abolishing all the inhuman conditions of our [prerevolutionary— E. M.] theoretical battles with the Critics in order to be able resolutely to combat their practical poof life of society today which are summed up in its own situation. Not in vain does it go through the stern but steeling school sitions!" What is to Be Done? (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), p. 163. How tragically this came true seventeen years of labor. The question is not what this or that proletarian, or even the whole of the proletariat, at the moment considers as later in the German revolution. 11. In this connection in What is to Be Done? Lenin speaks its aim. The question is what the proletariat is, and what, consequent on that being, it will be compelled to do. Its aim and of the "social-democratic" and “revolutionary” workers in conhistorical action is irrevocably and obviously demonstrated trast to the "backward" workers. in its own life situation as well as in the whole organization 12. N. Bukharin, Theorie des Historischen Materialismus, (pubof bourgeois society today. There is no need to dwell here upon lished by the Communist International, 1922), pp. 343-345. the fact that a large part of the English and French proletariat "Economic conditions had first transformed the mass of the is already conscious of its historic task and is constantly workpeople of the country into workers. The combination of caping to develop that consciousness into complete clarity." Karl ital has created for this mass a common situation, common Marx and Frederick Engels, The Holy Family (Moscow: Forinterests. This mass is thus already a class as against capital, eign Languages Publishing House, 1956), pp. 52-53. but not yet for itself. In the struggle, of which we have notec only a few phases, this mass becomes united, and constitutes Aside from the fact that Marx and Engels were hardly in a itself as a class for itself." Karl Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy position in 1844-1845 to produce a mature theory of prole- (New York: International Publishers, 1963), p. 173. tarian class consciousness and proletaiian organization (to be- 13. Cf. the section of the SPD's "Erfurt Program" that was not come aware of this, one need only compare the last sentence criticized by Engels, in which the proletarians are described as of the above quotation with what Engels wrote forty years later simply the class of wageworkers separated from the means of about the English working class), these lines say the very opproduction and condemned to sell their labor power, and in posite of what Plekhanov reads into them. They say only that which the class struggle is described as the objective struggle the social situation of the proletariat prepares it for radical, between exploiters and exploited in modern society (i.e., withrevolutionary action, and that the determination of the general out relation to the degree of organization or consciousness of socialist objective (the abolition of private property) is "prethe wage earners). Following this objective fact, which is esscribed" by its conditions of life. In no way do they indicate, tablished in the first four sections, comes the following addition however, that the proletariat's "inhuman conditions of life" will to the conclusion of the general body of the program: somehow mysteriously enable it to "spontaneously" assimilate all the social sciences. Quite the opposite! (Concerning Plek- "The task of the social-democratic party is to mold this strughanov's article, see Samuel H. Baron's Plekhanov (Stanford: gle of the working class into a conscious and homogeneous Stanford University Press, 1963], pp. 248-253. ) one and to point out what is by nature its essential goal." This 16. Today it is almost forgotten that the Russian socialist moveonce again explicitly confirms that there can be classes and class ment too was founded largely by students and intellectuals, struggle in capitalist society without the struggling working class and that around three-fourths of a century ago they were faced being conscious of its class interests. Further on, in the eighth

20

[page 22]

data. He comes to the conclusion that the Bolsheviks had more with a problem similar to that of the revolutionary intelligentsia worker members and activists than the Mensheviks (pp. 50-51 ). today. Similar, but of course not identical: Today there is an 27. "Generally speaking it is undeniable that a strong tendency additional obstacle (the reformist, revisionist mass organizatoward centralization is inherent in the social-democratic move tions of the working class), as well as an additional strength ment. This tendency springs from the economic makeup of cap- (historical experience, including the experience of great victory italism which is essentially a centralizing factor. The socialwhich the revolutionary movement has accumulated since then). democratic movement carries on its activity inside the large In What is to Be Done? Lenin speaks explicitly of the capacity of intellectuals to assimilate "political knowledge,” i.e., scientific bourgeois city. Its mission is to represent, within the boundaries of the national state, the class interests of the proletariat, and Marxism. 17. Cf Karl Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy. An absorbto oppose those common interests to all localand group interests. ing description of the various early forms of trade unions and "Therefore, the social democracy is, as a rule, hostile to any of workers resistance funds can be found in E. P. Thompson's manifestations of localism or federalism. It strives to unite all The Making of the English Working Class (Baltimore: Penworkers and all worker organizations in a single party, no guin Books, 1968). matter what national, religious, or occupational differences may 18. The necessarily discontinuous nature of mass action is exexist among them." Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, op. cit., p. 116. plained by the class condition of the proletariat itself. As long 28. Cf the thesis put forward by Andre Gorz, according to as a mass action does not succeed in toppling the capitalist which a new party can be created only "from the bottom up" mode of production, its duration will be limited by the finanonee the network of factory and rank-and-file groups "stretches cial, physical and mental ability of the workers to withstand out over the entire national territory.” ("Ni-Trade Unionists, the loss of wages. It is obvious that this ability is not unlimited. ni Bolcheviks,” Les Temps Modernes, [October, 1969]). Gorz To deny this would be to deny the material conditions of the has not understood that the crisis of the bourgeois state and proletariat's existence, which compel it, as a class, to sell its the capitalist mode of production does not develop gradually labor power. "from the periphery toward the center," but that it is a discon- 19. See & few examples from the first years of the metal worktinuous process which tends toward a decisive test of strength ers union of Germany: Funfundsiebzig Jahre Industriegewerkonce it reaches a definite turning point. If the centralization schaft Metall (Frankfurt: Europaische Verlaganstalt, 1966), pp. of revolutionary groups and combatants does not take place 72-78. in time, attempts by the reformist bureaucracy to steer the move- 20. We cannot describe in detail here the differences between ment back into acceptable channels will only be facilitated — a prerevolutionary and a revolutionary situation. Simplifying as quickly happened in Italy, in fact while Gorz was writing the matter, we would differentiate a revolutionary from a prehis article, This in turn quickly led to a setback for the “rankrevolutionary situation in this way: While a prerevolutionary and-file’ groups. It did not at all lead to their spread throughsituation is characterized by such extensive mass struggles that out the whole country. the continued existence of the social orderis objectively threatened, 29. Cf Rosa Luxemburg's article on the founding of the Comin a revolutionary situation this threat takes the form, orgamunist Party of Germany entitled "The First Convention": "The nizationally, of the proletariat establishing organs of dual powrevolutionary shock troops of the German proletariat have joined er (i.e., potential organs for the exercising of power by the together into an independent political party." (The Founding working class), and subjectively of the masses raising directly Convention of the Communist Party of Germany [Frankfort: revolutionary demands that the ruling class is unable to either Europaische Verlangastalt, 1969], p. 301.) "From now on it repulse or co-opt. is a question of everywhere replacing revolutionary moods with 21. See below the Leninist origins of this strategy. unflinching revolutionary convictions, the spontaneous with the 22. Rosa Luxemburg, "Organizational Question of Social Demsystematic.” (P. 303.) See also (on p. 301) the passage from ocracy," in Mary-Alice Waters, ed., Rosa Luxemburg Speaks the pamphlet written by Luxemburg, What Does the Spartacus (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970), pp. 112-130.

League Want?: "The Spartacus League is not a party that seeks 23, Lenin, What ts to Be Done?, op. cit., p. 66. to come to power over or with the help of the working masses. 24. For a relating of this plan directly to revolution, see What The Spartacus League is only that part of the proietariat that is to Be Done?, op. cit., pp. 165-166. It is true that there are is conscious of its goal. It is that part which, at each step, points also organizational rules for centralization in What is to Be the working-class masses as a whole toward their historic task, Done?, but they are determined exclusively by the conditions which, at each separate stage of the revolution, represents the imposed by illegality. Lenin recommends the broadest "democultimate socialist objective and, in all national questions, the ratism" for "legal" revolutionary parties: "The general control interests of the proletarian world revolution.” (Emphasis added. ) (in the literal sense of the term) exercised over every act of In 1904 Luxemburg had not yet understood the essence of a party man in the political field brings into existence an auto- Bolshevism —that "that part of the proletariat that is conscious matically operating mechanism which produces what in biology of its goal" must be organized separately from the "broad mass.” is called the ‘survival of the fittest.' "Natural selection’ by full It is a complete confirmation of our thesis that as soon as publicity, election and general control provides the assurance Luxemburg adopted the concept of the vanguard party, she that, in the last analysis, every political figure will be ‘in his too was then accused by Social Democrats ("left" Social Demproper place," do the work for which he is best fitted by his ocrats at that) of wanting "the dictatorship over the proletariat.” powers and abilities, feel the effects of his mistakes on himself, (Max Adler, "Karl Liebknecht und Rosa Luxemburg," Der Kampf, and prove before all the world his ability to recognize mistakes Vol. XII, No. 2 [February, 1919), p. 75.) and to avoid them." Jbid., p. 130. 30. Leon Trotsky, Nos taches politiques (Paris: Editions Pierre Within her Polish party, which was also defined by highly Belfond, 1970), pp. 123-129. conspiratorial restrictions, Luxemburg, for her part, practiced 31. Ibid., p. 125. (or accepted) a centralism that was no less stringent than that of the Bolsheviks (cf. the conflict with the Radek faction in War- 32. Ibid., p. 186. saw and the serious charges made against it). 33. Leon Trotsky, "The Class, the Party and the Leadership," 25. Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, op. cit., p. 118.

Fourth International {predecessor of the International Socialist Review], Vol. I, No. 7 (December, 1940), p. 193. 26. For this see David Lane, The Roots of Russian Commu- 34. Numerous examples of this could be mentioned. See, among nism (Assen: Van Gorcum and Co., 1969). Lane has attempted others, Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 18 (Moscow: Foreign Lanto analyze the social composition of the membership of the guages Publishing House, 1963), pp. 471-477; Vol. 23, pp. Russian Social Democracy and of the Bolshevik and Menshe- 236-253: Vol. 10, pp. 277-278. vik factions between 1897 and 1907 on the basis of empirical

21

[page 23]

35. The impossibility of "spontaneous" concentration of the revfore, it must be accompanied by a definition of these conditions. olutionary vanguard elements on a national scale was dem- 48. The formal rules of democratic centralism are, of course, onstrated with particular clarity in the French general strike part of these prerequisites. These rules include the right of all of May 1968. members to be completely informed about differences of opinion 36. Yet here too these initial forms of independent organizain the leadership; the right to form tendencies and to present tion were unable, in the absence of an organized revolutioncontradictory points of view to the membership before leaderary vanguard, which would have carried out the necessary ship elections and conventions; the regular convening of conpreparatory work, to neutralize for long, let alone to smash, ventions; the right to periodically revise majority decisions in the conservative centralization of the trade-union and state apthe light of subsequent experiences, i.e., the right of minorities paratuses, and of the entrepreneurs. to periodically attempt to reverse decisions made by the ma- 37. Leon Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution (Ann jority; the right of political initiative by minorities and mem- Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1957), p. xix. bers at conventions; etc. 38. See among others Georg Lukacs, Geschichte und Klassen- These Leninist norms of democratic centralism were rather bewusstsein ( Berlin: Malik-Verlag, 1923), pp. 180-189 ff strikingly formulated in the new party statutes drawn up be- 39. The defense of the political and material special interests fore August 1968 in preparation for the fourteenth convention of these bureaucracies is nevertheless the social substructure upon of the Czechoslovakian CP. ‘The Moscow defenders of bureauwhich the superstructure of this autonomy and its ideological cratic centralism reacted with the invasion. In fact, this proposed sediment are able to arise, return to Leninist norms of democratic centralism was one of 40. Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, op. cit., p. 121. the most important "thorns" in the side of the Soviet bureaucracy 41, Leon Trotsky, "Results and Prospects" in The Permanent as far as the developments in Czechoslovakia were concerned. Revolution, op. cit., p. 114. 49. Leon Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, op. cit. 42. Cf, for instance, Clara Zetkin's biting scorn for the SPD 50. Between 1905 and 1917 the Bolshevik Party was educated in the spirit of achieving the "democratic dictatorship of the executive committee (as well as Kautsky's lack of character), which she expressed in her correspondence concerning the parworkers and peasants,” i.e., in the spirit of a formula with its ty leadership's censorship in 1909 of the publication of Kauteye on the possibility of a coalition between a workers party sky's The Road to Power. K. Kautsky, Le Chemin de Pouvoir and a peasant party within the framework of capitalism —fore- (Paris: Editions Anthropos, 1969), pp. 177-212. Contrast this seeing, in other words, a capitalisi development of Russian agriculture and industry. Lenin clung to this possibility until late with the respect shown by Lenin for Kautsky in the same year. 1916. Only in 1917 did he realize that Trotsky had been cor- 43. Lenin, "Der Zusammenbruch der II Internationale" in Lenin rect back in 1905 when he predicted that the agrarian quesand Zinoviev, Gegen den Strom (published by the Commution could only be solved by the dictatorship of the proletariat nist International, 1921), p. 164. and the socialization of the Russian economy. 44. Ibid., p. 165. 45. Lenin, "Left Wing’ Communism, an Infantile Disorder" in Hartmut Mehringer ("Introduction historique" in Trotsky, Nos Collected Works, Vol 31 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Pubtaches politiques, op. cit, pp. 17-18, 34 ff) is completely wrong to link Lenin's theory of organization with his specific strategy lishing House, 1966), pp. 17-118. in the Russian revolution, to explain it in terms of the "sub- See also the above-mentioned passage from the pamphlet What ordinate" role (?) of the working class in this struggle, and to Does the Spartacus League Want?, written by Rosa |.uxemburg. trace Trotsky's theory of the gradual extension of class con- This conclusion was superior to that of Trotsky in 1906 or sciousness to the entire working class to the theory of the per- Luxemburg in 1904. In the face of a growing conservatism manent revolution. Aside from the fact that Mehringer gives on the part of the social-democratic apparatus, they had illuan inadequate and inaccurate outline of Lenin's revolutionary sions about the ability of the masses to solve the problem of strategy (Lenin was for the absolute independence of the Rusthe seizure of power with the aid of their revolutionary ardor sian working class in opposing the Russian bourgeoisie, and alone. In "The Mass Strike, the Political Party and the Trade was completely in favor of this class playing a leading role Unions," (in Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, op. cit.. pp. 153-219) in the revolution); and aside from the fact that, like Lenin, Luxemburg even shifts the problern temporarily onto the "un- Luxemburg rejected as premature any attempt to establish the organized,” i.e., the poorest, section of the proletariat that for proletarian dictatorship in Russia and assigned the revolutionthe first time attains consciousness during a mass strike, In ary struggle of the Russian proletariat the mere goal of carryhis writings after 1914, Lenin toc explicitly contrasts these massing out the historical tasks of the bourgeois revolution (while es to the "labor aristocracy," in a somewhat oversimplified manat the same time she fought against Lenin's theory of organer, in my opinion, At that time the workers in the large steel and metal processing plants, among others, belonged to the nization), it appears obvious to us that the very theory of permanent revolution (i.e., the task of establishing the proletarian unorganized sectors of the German proletariat, and while they dictatorship in an underdeveloped country) can be grasped turned t») the left en masse after 1918, they did not at all bewith a minimum of realism only through the utmost concenlong to the "poorest" layers. tration on the revolutionary tasks in general. Thus it leads not 46. This so-called general crisis of capitalism, i.e., the onset away from Lenin's theory of organization but straight to it. of the historical epoch of the decline of capitalism, should not See in this regard also the excellent pamphlet by Demise Avenas, be confused with conjunctural crises, i.e, periodic economic Economie et politique dans la pensee de Trotsky (Paris: Mas- | crises. These have occurred during the period of rising, as well pero, "Cahiers Rouges,” 1970). as declining, capitalism. For Lenin, the epoch beginning with the first world war is the “era of beginning social revolu- 51. Lenine, Oeuvres Completes, Tome 12 (Paris: Editions Sotion." See, among others, Gegen den Strom, op. cit., p. 393. ciales, 1969), p. 74. "The pamphlet What is to Be Done? repeatedly emphasizes that 47. Herein undoubtedly lies the greatest weakness of this fatalistic theory. Out of the tendency toward growing autonomy, it autothe organization of professional revolutionaries which it promatically deduces a social danger, without including in its analposes makes sense only insofar as it is connected to the ‘truly revolutionary class irresistibly rising up in struggle.'" Lenin ysis the transmission of potential social power and specific social interests. The tendency for doormen and cashiers to develop underlines the fact that the sickness of small group existence their own interests does not give them power over banks and can only be overcome through "the ability of the party, through large firms—except for the "power" of robbery, which is effecits open mass work, to reach out to proletarian elements." tive only under very specific conditions. If the analysis of this (Ibid., p. 75.) tendency toward autonomy is to have any social content, there- 52. Maspero in Paris will soon publish an anthology by us enti-

22

i

[page 24]

tled "Workers Control, Workers Councils and Workers Self-Mansheviks in the cities with large factories and an old, stabilized agement" which attempts to prove this thesis. Europaischer Verworking class. (Ibid., pp. 212-213.) laganstalt has announced plans to publish a German edition in 60. In his last work ("Zum allgemeinen Verhaltnis von wissen- 1971. schaftlicher Intelligenz und proletarischen Klassenbewusstsein," 53. For Lenin the "leading role of the party" in the soviet system SDS-Info, No. 26-27 [Dec. 22, 1969]), Hans-Jurgen Krahl is a political one, not one of substitution. It is a question not of brought out "the’ Marx quotation on this question which we are reprinting here. (It comes from the unincorporated section "Sechsubstituting itself for the majority in the soviet, but of convincing stes Kapitel, Resultate des unmittelbaren Produktionsprozesses" them of the correctness of the communist policy. The "leading in the draft of Chapter Six of Book One of the first volume of role of the party" is not even mentioned in his basic work on Capital, which was published for the first time, in the "Marxsoviets, State and Revolution. And if, in times of the greatest Engels Archives" in 1933.) We should like to dedicate this article, confusion and civil war, he sometimes made sharp sallies on which was intended to promote discussion and understanding tactical questions, arguments can be found in his writings against "soviets without communists," but no arguments in favor of "comwith him, to this young friend who so tragically passed away. munists without soviets." "With the development of a real subsuming of labor under capital (or in the specifically capitalist mode of production), the 54. Georg Lukacs (Geschichte und Kiassenbewusstsein, op. cit, real functionary in the overall labor process is not the individual p. 306 ff) is wrong to think that he discovers one of the roots worker, but increasingly a combined social capacity for work, of Luxemburg's "theory of spontaneity” in "the illusion of a pureand the various capacities for work, which are in competition ly proletarian revolution." Even in countries where the numerical with one another and constitute the entire productive machine, and social importance of the proletariat is so overwhelming that participate in very different ways in the direct process of creating the question of "allies" becomes insignificant, the separate organicommodities —or, more accurately in this sense, products — (one zation of the vanguard remains absolutely necessary in a works more with his hands, another more with his head, one "purely proletarian revolution" because of the internal stratias a manager, an engineer, a technician, ¢étc., another as a fication of the proletariat. supervisor, and a third as a simple manual laborer, or even 55. A striking example of this are the Chinese Maoists, for whom a helper). As a result of this, the functions of labor capacity will one wing of their own party (including the majority of the central increasingly tend to be classified by the direct concept of procommittee that led the Chinese revolution to victory) is said to ductive labor, while those who possess that capacity will be be made up of "defenders of the capitalist line"— and even "capiclassified under the concept of productive workers, directly extalists" pure and simple. ploited by capital and subordinated to its process of consump- For the Italian Bordigists, the general strike of July 14, 1948, tion and production." (Karl Marx, Resultate |Frankfurt: Neue had nothing to do with proletarian class struggle because the workers were striking in defense of the "revisionist" leader of the Kritik, 1969], p. 66.) 61. Leon Trotsky, The Intelligentsia and Socialism (London: CP, Togliatti.

New Park Publishers, 1966).

Cf. also the lovely formulation of the French spontaneist Denis 62. Leon Trotsky, "Die Entwicklungstendenzen der russischen Anthier: "When the proletariat is not revolutionary, it does not Sozioldemkratie," in Die Neue Zeit, Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (1910), exist, and revolutionaries cannot do anything with it. It is not p. 862. they who, by assuming the role of educators of the people, will 63. Already in his first polemical book against Lenin (Nos be able to create the historical situation in which the proletariat taches politiques, op. cit, pp. 68-71, for example), Trotsky will become what it is; this can only be done by the development had undertaken an effort to represent the entire Leninist polemic of modern society itself." (Preface to Leon Trotsky, "Rapport de against "Economism" and the "“handicraftsman's approach to la delegation siberienne" {Paris: Spartacus, 1970], p. 12.) This organization" in What is to Be Done? as a pure discussion bequote also shows how clearly extreme subjectivism and extreme tween intellectuals, or at best an attempt to win over the best objectivism are related. And how is it explained that despite huge forces of the petty-bourgeois intelligentsia to the revolutionary struggles the proletariat does not achieve victory? "Circumstances Social Democracy. He did not understand that it was a quesare to blame, the objective conditions were not ripe." Behind the tion of repelling the petty-bourgeois, revisionist influence upon ultraleft mask one can see those well-known "spontaneists" Karl the working class. His polemic against Lenin from 1903 to Kautsky and Otto Bauer eagerly nodding their wise heads. The ridiculous conclusions to which this extreme fatalism and mech- 1914 was characterized by an underappreciation of the catanical determinism lead become clear as soon as the "developastrophic consequences of opportunism for the working class ment of modern society itself’ is expected to explain to us in and the labor movement. Only in 1917 did he overcome this concrete terms just why at a given moment the majority of facunderappreciation once and for all. 64. August Bebel, Briefwechsel mit Friedrich Engels (The Hague: tory A and city B (but not of factory C or city D) come out in favor of the dictatorship of the proletariat and against reform- Mouton and Co., 1965), p. 465. 65. The sole difficulty for the revolution seemed to them to lie ism. Yet for better or for worse, the outcome of the revolution in a necessary reaction to any possible repeal of universal sufdepends upon the answer to this question. As long as the "develfrage, as might happen in case of war. In contrast, Luxemburg opment of modern society itself" does not drop ail factories and had, in dealing with the question of the mass strike, undertaken ail cities like ripe fruit into the lap of the revolution, the "educators of the people," according to Anthier, should presumably a conscious attempt to develop the proletariat's forms of struggle refrain from doing violence to "objective conditions," by seeking by going beyond electoral and wage struggles and closely folto win over the workers of C and D. lowing the example of the Russian revolution of 1905. 56. This reproach against Lenin and the Leninists was made by Even today, Lelio Basso, in an interesting analysis of Rosa the Russian "Economists," and now today's spontaneists have Luxemburgs Dialektik der Revolution (Frankfurt: Europaische rediscovered it.

Verlagsanstalt, 1969), pp. 82-83, attempts to present as the 57. Cf on this subject Nicos Poulantzas, Pouvoir politique et quintessence of Luxemburg's strategy a centrist reconciliation classes sociales, op. cit. between day-to-day struggles and ultimate objectives which is limited to "sharpening the contradictions” of objective develop- 58. [t is interesting to confirm that after the split in the Russian ment. The fact that the deeper meaning of the mass strike strat- Social Democracy there were many more intellectuals, including egy escapes him as a result of this error does not need to be professional revolutionary intellectuals, with the Mensheviks than dwelt on here in detail. with the Bolsheviks. See in this connection David Lane, The Roots of Russian Communism, op. cit., pp. 47, 50. 66. See the discussion of program at the fourth congress of the Communist International (Protokol!l des Vierten Kongresses der 59. David Lane too emphasizes the preponderance of the Bol-

23

[page 25]

Kommunistischen Internationale [published by the Communist an inability to combine empirical knowledge and abstract theory International, 1923], pp. 404-448). It provisionally concluded —itself based on an inability to transmit revolutionary theory with the following declaration of the Russian delegation, signed to the working masses. He should have been able to conclude by Lenin, Trotsky, Zinovievy, Radek and Bukharin: "The dispute from our essay, however, that such a transmission can be comover how the transitional demands should be formulated and pletely achieved on the basis of the Leninist concept of organizain which section of the program they should be included has tion—that it, in fact, lies at the very heart of this concept. Since awakened a completely erroneous impression that there exists he makes a sharp distinction between “alienated lot in life" and a principled difference. In light of this, the Russian delegation alienated process of production, however, he is predisposed by unanimously confirms that the drawing up of transitional slothe Marcusian tendency to see the “alienation of the consumer" gans in the programs of the national sections and their general as the central problem, and as a result to regard the "civilized formulation and theoretical motivation in the general section of satisfaction of needs,” which the neocapitalist system ostensibly the program cannot be interpreted as opportunism." (Jbid., p. makes possible for the working class, as an obstacle on its way 542.) Trotsky seemed to foresee such a strategy already in 1904 toward acquiring proletarian class consciousness. Yet the Achilles when he wrote: "The party stands on the proletariat's given lack heel of the capitalist mode of production must more than ever of consciousness ... and attempts to implant itself in the proiebe sought in the sphere of alienation in the production process; tariat by raising this level. . ." (Nos taches politiques, op. cit., there alone can a truly revolutionary rebellion begin, as the p. 126.) events in France and Italy have demonstrated. With that we 67. Georg Lukacs (Lenine, [Paris: E. D. 1., 1965], p. 57) is comare brought back to the process, which we described, of formupletely correct when he concludes from similar considerations lating and conveying class consciousness. In describing it, we, that the Leninist revolutionary party cannot "make" a revolution, like Krahl (and, we are convinced, like Lenin and Trotsky), but can accelerate the tendencies that will lead to one. Such a in no way substitute the naive concept of the "omniscient party’ party is both producer and product of the revolution — which for that of the evolution of revolutionary theory as a specific amounts to a resolution of the antithetical positions of Kautsky and permanent ongoing process of production. 69. Karl Marx, "Theses on Feuerbach,” third thesis: "The ma- ("The new party must prepare the way for the revolution") and terialist doctrine concerning the changing of circumstances and Luxemburg ("The new party will be created by the revolutionary upbringing forgets that circumstances are changed by men and action of the masses” ). that it is essential to educate the educators themselves." (Marx- 68. Hans-Jurgen Krahl (op. cit, p. 13 /f) is quite correct when Engels, The German Ideology, op. cit., p. 660. ) he reproaches Lukacs for his "idealizing" concept of the totality of proletarian class consciousness, and when he accuses him of 70. Ibid., p. 234.

[Reprinted from International Socialist Review /

Published by the International Marxist Group, 182 Pentonville Road, London N.1. 01-278 2616.

Other |.M.G. publications include:

The Inconsistencies of State Capitalism—Mandel (20p)

The Credibility Gap: The Politics of the SLL—Whelan (25p)

Martyrs of the Third International: Rosa Luxembourg and Karl! Liebknecht—Leon Trotsky The Fight for Contro/ (2p)

Manifesto of the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Czechoslovakia (4p)

The Industrial Relations Bill: A Declaration of War (5p)

Printed by The Prinkipo Press Ltd (T.U.), 182 Pentonville Road, London N.1. 01-837 9987

24

[page 26]

An I.M.G. Publication, April 1971 182 Pentonville Road, London N.1. 01-278 2616