The Battle of Grunwick: View from the Left

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(THE BATTLE | GRUNWICK

view from the left By Geoff Bell, Mick Gosling, Jonathan Silberman, and Tessa van Gelderen

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The struggle so far 1976 Issue joint call for national day of action on 1977 11 July. Number of arrests nears 300, Government proposes appointment of an independent madiator, 20 August: Devshi BShudia sacked for 12 January: ACAS delays report for one answering back after a complaint about his month, 26 June: NAFF announces that Ward has work, Four others feave with him, Later agreed to become a member of its council. Jayaben Desai walks out with her son Sunil 29 January: Chemists shops throughout afier being told to work compulsory over- London handling Grunwick flim are picketed 27 June: Home Secretary Merlyn Rees visits in day of action, time, pickel line and praises police conduct.

Refuses to interfere: ‘| learnt in Northern 23 August: The Desals, Bhudia and others 9 February: ACAS draft report recommends lraland thal Operational control must be in picket Chapter Road factory collecting recognition, but publication of full report the hands of the police’. signatures in support of a union. About 50 postponed for another month, workers walk out at 3pm and march to 30 June: Government sets up Court of 11 February: Mass picket called by the Narth Cobbold Road factory to seek support.

Inquiry under Lord Justica Scarman.

London District Committea of thea AUEW. Management call the police. Strikers contact TUC through Citizens Advice Bureau and are § July: Cricklewood sorters suspended by réferred to the clerical workers’ union APEX.

Post Office after voting to continue boycott 9 March: ACAS report finally published, of Grunwick mail. recommending union recognition. Grunwick 24 August: Mass meeling elects a strike refuse to accept report, committee, By the and of the week 137 11 July: 12,000-strong mass picket provents workers — 91 permanent, 46 tamporary — scabs’ bus from entering factory in morn- 15 March: Lone picket Kanti Patel dragged are out. All91 permanent workers join APEX. inside the factory and beaten up. ‘ Ing, though they get In later as pickets ara persuaded to join official march of 20,000.

Seven Grunwick van drivers come out after 18 March: More than 200 trade 371 August: APEX declares the strike official. local joining the Transport and General Workers First issue of regular bulletin produced by unionists mount mass picket.

Union. the strike committes. Advisory, Conciliation 23 March: Strikers picket meeting of TUG and Arbitration Service (ACAS) makes firat General Council, which voles unanimous but offer of conciliation — welcomed by union 12 July: Lord Chief Justice Widgery upholds butrajected by Grunwick, unspecified support. Industrial tribunal rules validity of ACAS report after Grunwick that Grunwick acted within tarms of Labour's challenge In the High Court, legislation in sacking all strikers. 2 September: Grunwick sacks all amployees 22 July: Strike committee calls for mass on strike. 1 April: Grunwick workers recelve further 10 picket on 8 August. per cent pay increase. 10 September: First damonstration organised by strikers. 29 July: ‘Black Friday’: sorters are brow- 412 April: Start of 24-hour picketing at all six beaten by UPW leaders Into agreeing to entrances to the factories. 14 September: Strike committee treasurer handle Grunwick mail; APEX leaders force Jayaben Desai taken to hospital after sirike committee to call off 8 August mass 7 27 April: March and mass picket by 2,000 director's car runs over her foot. picket; Appeal Court supports Grunwick trade unionists. appeal against ACAS recommendations. 20 Seplamber: First arrest: picket Bhim|| 3 May: Six pickets acquitted of obstruction 1 August: ACAS Council decides to chal- Patel charged with obstruction. charges on appeal. Police ordered to pay lenge the Appeal Court ruling in the House 15 October: Following march to Parliament costs. of Lords. and lobby of MPs, APEX officially refers 16 May: Chief Inspector Robart Johnson of 8 August: An estimated 3,000 trade uniondispute to ACAS. ists defy the berseenie and mount a mass Willesden Green police station, ratirad prematurely on Home Offica orders, starts 28 October: National Executive of Union of picket. naw job as Grunwick personnel manager. Post Office Workers (UPW) votes to boycott Grunwick mail. 23 August: Emergency solidarity conferance 30 May: APEX annual conference calls for attended by 290 delegates. cutting off of all supplies to Grunwick. 1 Movember: Grunwick mail totally stopped. 25 August: Scarman Report calls for union Police arrast alght, pickets, including a 13 June: Week of actlon begins with mass recognition and reinstatement of strikers, Labour councillor, picket. Pollee move in and make 84 arrests. but also condemns postal boycott and mass 3 November: Grunwick seeks High Court picketing. 14 June: Eleven Grunwick workers come out injunction against UPW on advice of 341 August: Grunwick rajects Scarman Repto join the strikers. National Association for Freedom (NAFF}. ort. 15 June: Cricklewood postal sorters start 4 Novenfber: UPW calls off boycott after unofficial boycott of Grunwick mail. & September: TUC Congress unanimously Grunwick agrees to let ACAS ballot warkforce. + Supports motion calling for ‘practical ald’ to 17 Juna: Mass pickel swells to 1,500, The the strikers — but doesnot commit itself to weok's arrests rise to 150. Strike committee cutting off supplies. 19 November: Workers inside Grunwick gat a decides to extend week of action. 15 per cent pay increase, 16 September: Grunwick moves In its own 18 June: Printworkers on the Sunday Teleelectricity generator. 26 Movember: On advice from WNAFF, graph refuse to print an article on Grunwick Grunwick announces that It will not countil they are given the right of reply. Operate with AGAS If the sacked workers are 28 September: Strikers picket TUC General Council demanding that supplies be cut off— among those balloted. 21 June: Labour MP Audrey Wise arrested on with little success. Scargill claared of picket the picket line. line charge. 12 December: Len Murray addresses meeting of the strikers and pledges full TUC support. => 23 June: Yorkshire miners’ leader Arthur 29 September: Strike committes issues call Scargill is among 53 arrested as size of for day of action and resumption of mass 15 December: Labour NEC backs the strike. picket reaches 2,500. APEX leader Roy picketing from 17 October, APEX leader Grantham's call for a limit of 500 on plekets Grantham attacks the decision, rejected by strike ,commiites. Employment 20 December: ACAS decides to go ahead Minister Albert Booth meats Grunwick [This pamphlet want to press on 3 October. with the ballot even though Grunwick has managing director George Ward for talks.

Chronology compiled from reports In Labour rofused to supply the names and addresses Research, Morning Star, Red Weekly; i, Socialof those still working. Questionnaires sent ist Chalfenge, Socialist Worker] 24 June: Yorkshire and South Wales miners to the strikers on 29 December.

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Introduction hidden our differences with the Strike Committee, for we IT ES a revealing commentary on the political situation in Britain under a Labour Government in 1977 that a major believe that a wide-ranging debate on Grunwick and its Jessons can only by positive in mapping out a path to victory. trade union dispute should take place on the elementary question of the right io belong to 2 union.

Above all, we think that this struggle can help to change the It is even more revealing that this dispute has to date lasted entire face of the labour movement. As the trade union leaders for 13 months and could not be resolved without a major clash have vacillated it is the rank-and-file who have taken the with the State. Literally thousands of police, including plain struggle forward. They have shown that it is class struge/e and clothes operatives and the infamous Special Patrol Group, not class collaboration which truly defends the interests of the have been drafted in with the full backing of Home Secretary working class. And that is a lesson which needs to be repeated Merlyn Rees to attack the mass pickets. On more than one over and over again in the twilight of this disastrous Labour Government. oceasion the law has been used or threatened against the Cricklewood sorters and the Union of Post Office Workers.

The Gronwick strike is far more than a simple trade union dispute. Every section of society is lined up on their attitude to the strike. Both the main parties in Parliament have been openly divided. The labour movement is buzzing with debate about how the strike can be won.

The Labour Government's Social Contract was described by its architect, Jack Jones, as more than an incomes policy. It was, he said, a philosophy of collaboration between the unions and the Government whereby restraint by the former on wages and similar issues would be matched by positive legislation from the Government to improve the social and economic position of workers. Grunwick has blown this ‘philosophy’ of class peace wide open.

The Tories are eagerly waiting in the wings for the moment when the Liberals decide to withdraw their support for the Lib-Lab pact. But the Tories remember that their last term in office was destroyed by the power of the trade union movement — in the factories, the pits, the sites and offices, and on the picket line. The Tory leaders know that to serve the capitalist class well they have to be able to ‘deal’ with the unions. Grunwick has driven a wedge between the Tory hawks and doves, with Joseph and Prior openly batiling it out in the mass media.

The press itself has been the scene for struggle over Grunwick, as print workers have taken action to demand the fight of reply to anti-union articles, raising vital questions about press freedom.

Other issues have also heen raised by the fact that a high proportion of the Grunwick workers are Asian women. This most oppressed and vulnerable section of workers have set an (yodeu) QU¥IM MaHGNV : HOUe example to a labour movement which has failed to campaign against racism and women’s oppression.

At atime when extreme righi-wing and fascist organisations like the National Front are feeding off working class disillusion with Labour's policies, the Grunwick strikers have provided a powerful counterweight to those who stand for immigration controls. At a time when the trade union leaders al the TUC decided noi to campaign for a national minimum wage to protect the low paid, the women at Grunwick have shown how to prevent divisions within the labour movement along sex lines.

This Socialist Challenge pamphlet is a contribution to the discussion raised by these questions. Socialist Challenge ABOUT THE AUTHORS: Geoff Bell and Jonathan Silberman stands four square on the side of the strikers and their Strike have covered the Grunwick struggle as journalists for Socialist Committee against George Ward and all his allies. Our Challenge and its predecessor Red Weekly; Mick Gosling is supporters have been active up and down the country in London organiser of the International Marxist Group and was winning support for the strike. secretary of the committee which mobilised 3,500 anti-fascists We believe that the Strike Committee has taught workers against the National Front in North London on 23 April; Tessa many lessons about how to fight, about courage and van Galderenisamember of Brent Trades Council and a leading activistinthe Working Women’s CharterCampaign. determination in the face of such adversity. We have not

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— The strikers

Photo: ANDREW WIARD (Report) disservice to the very excellent developments in self- IF GRUNWIECK is a household name today, the main credit organisation that have taken place inside the Strike Committee must go to the strikers themselves, who refused to give in until over the last year. eventually the rest of the trade union movement had no ‘Black Friday’ highlighted the need for support committees alternative but to respond.

The Strike Committee had had no previous experience of in the areas. It has not been enough to use the ‘network’ of trade unions — never mind actual disputes — when they first trade union contacts: what has been required is real grass roots started organising. So they had to learn the hard way. But they support committees with the ability to involve the whole were lucky in receiving a great deal of help from the local labour movement and the community in the localities.

It would have been best had the Strike Committee Brent Trades Council, in particular from the Secretary, Jack campaigned for such bodies: instead, when this very proposal Dromey.

One problem throughout the strike, however, has been a was made for the Brent area itself, it was met with a veto from tendency by the leadership of the Trades Council to try to Jack Dromey, who informed those who had put forward the confine support for the struggle to the hands of a chosen few. idea that the Trades Council would ensure, through its trade Instead of seeing the need to use the Trades Council as an union contacts, that it would not receive support.

Open support committee for the strikers, important discus- Of course, there is no question that the Trades Council itself sions and developments have frequently taken place behind has provided invaluable moral and practical support for the closed doors, Thus the fight against the APEX bureaucracy dispute, support that in the main no other body could have led by Dromey (opposing its ‘legal’ approach, its attempt at given in that area. But the real test of strength for the Trades limiting the mass pickets, etc.), has too often been a question Council would have been if it was prepared to widen that role of manocuvring instead of openly involving the supporters of to all those committeed to the fight against Grunwich; if it was prepared to commit itself fully to independent mobilisation of the strike.

What has to be realised in any dispute like this is that the way the rank-and-file rather than retaining the possibility of to build real support is to explain continually the state of play backroom deals with the bureaucrats. in the dispute. Trade unionists understand the problems but The excellent initiative taken by the South-East Region of the TUCincalling asolidarity conference on the first anniversary of they can't be deceived. thestrikeshows what could be achieved by a sustained approach When differences emerged between APEX and the Strike Committee on the question of mass picketing, for instance, it of this kind. The conference was called at two and a half weeks’ was essential for the strike committee to come out very clearly notice, in the middle of August. Even so the conference call with their position, even to the extent of openly disagreeing mobilised some 300 trade union delegates and provided a much with APEX. What happened on the 11 July Day of Action needed forum to debate out the way forward. showed the dangers of trying to manoeuvre against the Similar conferences and meetings in the regions and towns can bureaucracy without fully relying on the support of the form the basis of local support committees. A network of such rank-and-file of the trade union movement. One of the main committees up and down the country co-ordinated democratproblems on that day arose because Dromey, through the ically at the national level would have provided the required springboard to organise the mass picketing, postal blacking and Strike Committee, had not openly called for a picket in the evenother blacking muchsooner, and thus avoid the need for the weck previously. Instead he announced only a march at noon, strike to drag onas long as it has done. For one thing is certain — while phoning around the country asking delegations to arrive it has been the courage of the strikers themselves which has at 6am. By doing that, and not openly defying APEX, confusion abounded as to what exactly the picket was trying to forced the pace at every stage and made victory possible. Had it been left to the trade union bureaucrats the workers would have do on that day.

The lessons of what happened on 11 July seemed to have long since lost the initiative. been learnt to some extent with the call for a picket on & August to close down the factory for that day. That is the only approach that is possible if trade unionists are to support the strike actively and effectively.

The subsequent decision to call off the & August Day of The Grunwick Strike Committes can be contacted c/o Action showed not only the pressures the Strike Committee Brent Trades Hall, 375 Willesden High Road, London were under, but the excellent role of the Trades Council in N.W.40 (tel. 01-459 4121). A film made by Newsreel Collective on the 11 July mass picket is also available || openly criticising the decision. However, it also highlighted for hire from The Other Cinema, 25 Tottenham Sirest, the urgent need for the Trades Council and the Strike London W.1 (tel. 01-734 8508).

Committee to organise their support openly in the rank-andfile of the labour movement, and not to rely on by-passing the bureaucracy by manoeuvres. To act otherwise is really to do a Page 4 Pu

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Racism ~ the enemy within workers are in trade unions. Yet, like women, The National Front has been keeping very tancy of the Grunmwick workers will remain quiet about Grumwick. Apart from NF the exception rather than the rule. how many blacks are shop stewards and convenors, let alone full-time officials for members in towns like Cambridge selling Unfortunately the trend in the leadership national unions? Free Nation, the paper of the National of the trade unions and Labour Party is, if Association for Freedom, the Front has anything, the other way. While Tom Jackson Socialist Challenge supports the formation maintained a low profile on its attitude to the has been making speeches calling for of black caucuses inside the trade unions so strike.

National Front marches to be banned, other that black workers can discuss and work out After all, what can the fascists do when TUC bureawcrats have been hob-nobbing proposals for action to combat the double with Labour Government ministers to reduce ‘one bunch of wogs' are fighting another wog oppression they face. Only on the basis of like Ward? Such are the problems that arise the mumber of work-permits issued to struggle against this oppression do we believe when the master race's blood was mixed with oversens workers. After all, it is but a short itis possible to unite the whole working class Indian blood. Yel despite the absence of the step from calling for import controls to keep ina common fight. And if black workers do fascists, race has been an issue within the out cheap foreign goods to calling for have to go it alone to fight for their rights, a5 Grunwick dispute. immigration controls to keep out cheap in the Imperial Typewriters dispute of 1974, The first thing to ask is how many foreign labour. What these burcawcrats don't we say that the job of the unions is to actively Granwicks don't take place because a largely seem to realise is that it is their own failure to support their demands — not wait for a black or immigrant workforce is cowed into champion the cause of black workers and group of unfortunately racist workers to submission through lack of work-permits, build solidarity when they do take action change their minds. British passports and the ever-present fear of which allows the bosses to superexploit black The Grunwick strikers have given a lead to deportation. It is the racist immigration laws labour. the whole labour movement in their deterof successive Labour and Tory governments The Labour Party itself voted at its 1976 mined struggle for union rights and acted as a which are the first step towards the back- Conference for the immediate abotition of beacon of hope for many other groups of street sweatshops for overseas workers like the 163 and 1971 Immigration Acts on the super-exploited black workers. Brent Trades Council report that, since the dispute began, those at Grunwick — driven from their grounds that they were racist, but the only homelands by war, poverty, or simply the noises heard from Cabinet Ministers since they have had many approaches from other groups of black and immigrant workers desire to join the rest of their own family. then have been promises to tighten up on Until the labour movement recognises all ‘loopholes’ in existing legislation. seeking advice on unionisation. The job of And inside the trade unions, black people immigration laws for what they are — racist the trade union movement now is to fight the legislation to divide white from black workers often find themselves in the position of racism in its own ranks, campaign against all and intimidate the whole black community second class members. Because most black immigration laws, and lend its full support to through threatening to divide their families people are of working age and tend to be black workers going into struggle. —then racism will remain the Achilles heel of concentrated in unionised industries, a higher the working class movement and the miliproportion of black workers than white

Challenging traditional position of women The majority of strikers are Asian women. For movement in particular con take up this issoc them Gronwick has been not only their first within the wider labour movement. experience of trade union disputes, butin many Experiences of other women on strike causes their first experience of work. The women would have been invaluable to the Grunwick have had to face more problems than the men: women strikers, as their own experiences will not merely because of their families, but with be to others im the future. It is vital for the the added burden that their background often labour movement to learn continually from means that they hove led more restricted lives past struggics and benefit from successes and than other women inthis country. failures, And a5 women become more und From the beginning Jack Dromey, Secretary more involved in all forms of struggle, so of Brent Trades Council, argued that the they must pass on their cxperiences to ofher women must play an equal role in all aspects of women. the strike. So delegations touring the country Of course, the women at Grunwick have have always been made up of 50 per cent developed; their lives can never be the same. women, women have played an active role on The strike has done more to change them the picket line, etic. But these questions than anything else could have done. They are cannot simply be resolved organisationally. beginning to question their role as women It is true that such an approach has helped and within their own communities, albeit in a to create a climate in which the women can limited way. For many, touring the country develop, but there has to be a more conscious was the first time they head been away attempt as well. The reality is that the women overnight from home. In some cases, the have not developed in the same way as the strikers are outside the gates whilst other men have. If the women involved had had members of the family continue to go regular meetings on their own, discussing through. their problems in relation to the strike, they All this has resulted in a questioning and a (14 SdITTIHd VISON¥ loud would have felt more confident in interchallenging of the position of women in society. If ihe women begin to meet in an yening. There has been some recognition of this organised way, now and when the strike is necessity, but unfortunately it has not been won, they will be able to deepen their possible to extend it. For example, the local understanding that their problems are not Working Women's Charter Campaign had a isolated, individual ones, but ones that all meeting with the women to discuss the women experience in some form or other. situation, and the strikers themselves held a They will begin to recognise their own meeting to explain the situation to their own strength and feel more confident in playing a full role a5 trade unionists, as well as enfamilies — both very positive moves. The problem ts that to impose such caucuses on couraging others in their position to do the the women would defeat its purpose, and so same. the problem remains as to how the women’s

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awhile the bureaucrats retreat The trade union leaders fully support the Grunwick strikers; but at the same time they are terrified by what that might mean. They know on the one hand that the defeat of the strike would directly threaten the position of every trade union leader. After all, disputes over union recognition are basic to the survival not only of the rank-and-file but also of the trade union bureaucracy. But the big danger is that a campaign for active support might get out of the bureaucrats’ control. After all, their job is to negotiate between workers and bosses. When workers take strike action, the tasks of the hour are organising the strike, organising picketing, ensuring sympathy boycotts by other workers, electing a strike committee of the workers involved to get on top of the struggle. The bureaucrats are redundant in this situation. They need to get workers back to work so that the job of negotiating with the bosses can proceed. The bureaucrats try to reconcile the irreconcilable interests of workers and bosses, and in attempting to do so they deprive the workers of the only bargaining counter they have — the ability to organise independently on their own behalf. Thus even if the bureaucrats’ aim is to win the strike, the collaborationist methods they employ are more likely to achieve the opposite. This has been seen over and over again in the Grunwick strike, and it is worth looking in some detail at the efforts of Len Murray and friends to walk the tightrope of compromise.

Len Murray and the TUC IT WAS as far back as last December that Len Murray brought solidarity greetings from the TUC to the Grunwick strikers. “We do not just stand behind you’, he said. ‘We stand side by side with you, alf the way.’ But they've certainly chosen a funny way of showing il.

For a start it took three months to get the dispute onto the TUC General Council agenda. Cue for another round of verbal militancy. Len Murray told reporters that the General Council was asking unions to give all possible assistance to the strikers, and that the TUC would do its best to ensure that Grunwick’s supplies and products were blacked. Even Frank Chapple of the Electrical, Electronic, Telecommunications & Plumbing Union announced that he would be putting proposals for action to his executive the following Monday (their subsequent decision to do nothing was not so widely reported), At that time Grunwick’s was still just an ordinary (though somewhat prolonged) dispute for union recognition against a a] = lone employer, the reactionary and stubborn George Ward. 2 The bureaucrats had nothing to lose with their flery talk. But s today it’s a different story. The mass picketing has elevated m eal Grunwick's into a vital political issue. The whole of British m a society is lined up over the strike and the mass picketing and = blacking. And the TUC has reacted accordingly. > a You might think that the obvious task of the TUC in a a a situation like this was to organise the strength of its eleven | million members to bring Grunwick’s to a halt. But the TUC a a leaders don’t see it in quite the same way. With the onset of a=] o the mass picketing, the TUC felt moved to issue the following = = Page 6

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whether it thought the police were justified in using necessary statement on 24 June: force. What was made clear was the TUC’s opinion that ‘Ir would be a tragedy if the use of violence or any confusion control of the dispute must remain firmly in the hands of the introduced by irregular elements on the picket lines were to divide and deflect the support given by responsible trade APEX cxecutive. The statement went on to give full support unionists all over the country aimed at achieving an early and to APEX’s decision to limit the number of pickets: the TUC a peaceful solution to this problem. Trade unionists cannot wished to stress to all trade unionists that any action by them should be at the union's official request. No action should be condone the use of violence in this or any industrial dispute taken without contacting APEX Head Office at Wimbledon situation. At the same time, the TUC repeats its concern at allegations of unnecessary use of force by police against bona (there was no mention of contacting the strike committee at Brent). [f we go on to look at the role of Roy Grantham and fide pickets." It was not made clear whether the TUC condoned the use of APEX, we can begin to understand the TUM's insistence on this procedure. ‘unnecessary force’ against non-“bona fide pickets’, or

Roy Grantham and APEX ROY GRANTHAM is the General Secretary of the strikers’ union, APEX. He is also a director of Chrysler. And that perfectly sums up his general approach to workers’ struggles. Grantham is a firm believer in collaborating with the bosses and the state in trying to resolve disputes. He is also a firm believer in the APEX slogan ‘militancy within the law’. This means that he endorses mobilisations of the membership only insofar as they pul pressure on management to come to the negotiating table. Thus on 16 June he justified a second week of mass picketing at Grunwick as follows: ‘The company are obviously prepared to sweat it out. We shall step up the pressure untilthey cometousforasettlement.” He means exactly that — pressure. The action by the Girunwick strikers, and by other workers throughout the country whe have supported them, is not for Grantham a way of winning the strike. It is a way of ‘pressuring’ George Ward io “see reason’ and agree to talks. Grantham has always preferred to rely on the machinery of the state rather than the independent action of the working class. It was he who first § 2 x called for the setting up of a court of inquiry into the dispute a }2 2 —as far back as last October! And when it comes to one of S the main props of that state — the police — Grantham’s = 5 attitude has been more than a little revealing. In response to z (he mass arrests outside Grunwick’s in June, Grantham was = quick to pinpoint the source of the trouble as ‘a small fringe = element who were not trade unionists’. AL once he got round > a the negotiating table — this time in a *+minute meeting with o senior police officers at Scotland Yard. He did not see fit to a a 3 explain publicly what he said to the cops, or what they said to him. But the outcome became clear with his subsequent appeal a = ‘to all our trade union supporters to get in touch with APEX Head Office to limit the number of official pickets to 500°. Not to undermine the union’. The troublemakers, it seemed, were only was everyone to wear an arm band, but there were to be not George Ward or NAFF but Brent Trades Council! Still the no less than three different categories: ‘APEX picket Strike Committee stood firm. marshal’, “Grunwick picket’, and ‘APEX picket’.

So Grantham and Howell played their final card: the Fortunately the strike committee completely disowned workers’ strike pay would be cut if they didn’t fall into line. Grantham's bureaucratic methods. It was not necessary to The test came at a mass meeting on Friday 29 July, where Wear armbands, they announced, nor did they intend to threat after threat was used to browbeat the strikers. As comply with any limitation of the number of pickets. To sweeteners there were also a number of false promises: prove their point, the strike committee called for a mass picket Grantham said he would see to it that henceforth there were from 6am on 11 July while Grantham and the TUC organised 800 pickets, 200 on each gate, every day; he also gave his word a summer parade to begin at midday. Not that Grantham that APEX would call a mass picket if Ward ignored turned uptocither. He was too busy negotiating with Scarman at Scarman. We can now see those promises for what they were: thecourt ofinquiry! lies. As the court of inquiry proceeded, George Ward and his Finally, news came through at 5pm that the Cricklewood friends in NAFF seized on the lull this afforded to strengthen post office sorters had voted to call off their boycott of their own position — clearing the mail, organising more rigged Grunwick mail. That shattering blow just tipped the balance, polls of the workforee, etc. But when the strike committee and a majority of the strikers voted to go along with decided to seize back the initiative by organising another mass Grantham and call off the mass picket. picket on 8 August, they felt the full force of Grantham’s But 8 August still saw a big turn-out by several thousand tongue: ‘I shall make it clear to the strike committee that there supporters of the strike, determined not to let the bureaucrats will be no mass picket on that date. They cannot get a mass have it all their own way. No wonder Grantham and the TUC picket without my authority, and no authority will be given." are so half-hearted about promoting any further action over Grunwick. They too are aware that this is in many ways a And when the Strike Committee still refused to call off the dress rehearsal for the struggles that could shortly break out picket after a three-hour meeting with Grantham on 25 July, over wages. What if those struggles started to throw up a the bureaucrats went berserk. leadership which actually fought for the interests of the Two days later the Strike Committee was summoned to working class? Why, it just doesn’t bear thinking about — not appear before the APEX General Purposes Committee. There for Len Murray, for Roy Grantham, nor for postal workers’ Denis Howell, former APEX President and a Government leader Tom Jackson. Minister, spoke darkly about there being ‘a conspiracy afoot Page?

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APEX: ‘militancy within the law’

Pe, ORTHERN APER wa Cac KING HORBUR"

Fav Teh Te ii E iinith ie iE afl + al

Photo: ANDREW WIAAD (Report)

The 140,000 strong Association of Professtruggle. Vigilance and determination will be International Socialisis, or any other freak, needed if women are not to find themselves sional, Executive, Clerical and Computer way-ont political philosophy. We have told Staff (APEX) is well known as a traditionally still confined to the bottom grades in pay the officers of the Labour Party that until ‘moderate’ union. It has been to the fore in structures.’ they put their house in order they will get no promoting and defending the Social Con- But when some delegates suggested thal this contributions from us, apart from our ‘vigilance and determination’ should he tract. But it combines this right-wing stance affiliation fees." (which is also accompanied by bouts of expressed through support for the Working But the APEX leaders are like many others Women’s Charter, their motion was opposed vicious red-baiting) with a self-styled policy by the Executive. The APEX leadership did who pratile on aboul democracy — they're of ‘militancy within the law’. not very keen on applying it themselves. nol like a reference to industrial action and a When the London Co-op Political Commitminimum wage in the fight for women's The APEX Executive has long had a keen tee and the No. & Region of the Confederarights. Industrial action should not be msed eye for isolated struggles which can act as tion of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions for ‘political’ ends, said APEX President and recruiting agents. The union has won many organised an “Assemby on Unemployment’ new recruiis as a result of Grumwick’s, with Government Minister Denis Howell, and the in March 1976, the APEX Executive immeworkers in other ‘Victorian’ establishments motion was defeated. diately issued the following instruction: turning to the union leadership which ‘backs Howell is just one of 23 Labour MPs who ‘Branches cannot associale or financially are members of APEX. Another is Denis the fight of its members’. support the “Assembly on Unemployment"

The same thing happened around the Healey, who has been influential in giving or any body that sponsors it, nor can any unit hacking to the Executive's support for the famous equal pay strike ai Salfond Electrical within the union be represented at this Industries in 1973 and other disputes which Social Contract through his membership of the union's parliamentary panel. Also an “Assembly on Linemployment’’.* followed it. Ray Edwards, APEX Assistant ‘We decide, you obey’ is the kind of General Secretary, told the unjon’s 1975 APEX member is Shirley Williams, whose democracy that rules in APEX. So far it has red-baiting attack on Trotskyists earlier this conference that, ‘Mililancy within the law, enabled the Executive to win continued which al first was regarded as a foolish year was quickly followed up by Howell ai the union’s annual conference: ‘A hundred support for their right-wing policies and slogan, has fired the imagination of those quash any threat from potential oppositions. involved with the struggle for women’s rights thousand of our members pay the political But the rebuffs they have met with at and highlighted the spirit of the union's levy in the belief that they are supporting campaign ... The fight is not over, and 29 democratic socialism. They do not pay their Grunwick's suggest that they may not have things all their own way in the future.

December 1975 will not see the end of the contributions to support Trotskyism, the

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Tom Jackson and the UPW The moment of truth came for Tom Jackson when post office sorters at the Cricklewood depot decided to boycott Grunwick’s mail. As the Cricklewood branch secretary of the Union of Post Office Workers later explained to Socialist Challenge (21 July): “The TUC told everybody to give the Grunwick strikers and APEX the maximum support, My branch has done exactly that.’ For TUC General Council member Tom Jackson, however, it was a signal to start running round in circles like a scared rabbit.

By the end of June the Post Office had threatened to suspend the Cricklewood workers unless they lifted the boycou. That was enough for Jackson. He aligned himself with the NAFF, the Attorney General and all the others who were calling for an end to the boycott, and managed to get the London District Committee of the UPW to withdraw its support for the Cricklewood branch. On 4 July he warned that all sorts of tertible things might hanpen if the boveott continued: it might prejudice the court of inquiry; it might make the UPW the ‘fall guy’: it might even ‘jeopardise the postal (uodey) S3IA¥d SIMHD :o10ug workers’ hope that Parliament would restore their right to strike’. But all his pleas were in vain against the class solidarity of the Cricklewood sorters. They refused to lift the boycott, were suspended by the Post Office, and then finally locked out when they tried to carry on working on all other mail except Grunwick’s.

So no mail was going out of Grunwick. Then George Ward and his friends in N.AFF had a bright idea: smuggle it out and ie post it in boxes outside the Cricklewood area. This they did over the weekend 9/10 July. But all the packages had TOM JACKSON Grunwick labels, and many postal workers in depots up and Jackson is particularly sensitive when it comes to the down the country refused to touch them. In stepped Jackson question of the law. In November 1976, for instance, the again, and soon these workers were receiving written UPW finally got round to implementing Jackson's promise to instructions from the UPW Executive that they must handie the Grumwick strikers at the September TUC to boycott the this mail. company's mail. In stepped NAFF with the threat of a High Still the Cricklewood sorters stayed firm, however. And now Court writ, Exit Jackson in a hurry, consoling himself with the the UPW bureaucracy turned really nasty, threatening to stop thought that ‘(Grunwick) have agreed to provide the necessary their hardship money unless they dropped the boycott. facilities for an inquiry for ACAS, and the recognition Things came to a head at a mecting on 29 July — the same question could be settled by the end of the week’. Eleven months day as the Grunwick strikers’ mass meeting — between the later... sorters and Norman Stage, assistant general secretary of the In January 1977 it was the same old story. The UPW was due UPW. Stagg threatened them with suspension from the union to boycott all communications with South Africa during an if they maintained their solidarity. As this would mean that international week of solidarity. Im stepped NAFF again, and they wouldn't belong to a union and as the Post Office is a once more Jackson fell over backwards to comply with the closed shop, it also meant that the Cricklewood sorters would court'sdecision andcalloffthe boycott. lose their jobs.

Now he claims that a Grunwick boycott might ‘jeopardise It is difficult to imagine anything more sick than to argue the postal workers’ hope that Parliament would restore the that because of a trade union principle such as the closed shop right to strike’. Well, there is one way of ensuring ng a law the Cricklewood sorters would be sacked by actions of their will be changed — and that is by defying it. The more postal own union. But it just worked. By 51 votes to 48 the workers who boycotted Grunwick, the more unworkable the Cricklewood sorters decided to stop the boycott. law banning such action would become. The working. class crippled the National Industrial Relations Court when they Now we don't think that Tom Jackson actually wants to help forced the freeing of the five jailed dockers in 1972. The George Ward. Nevertheless, that is the result of his actions.

Cricklewood sorters also understood that trade union rights Why does he find himself in this position? have only ever been won by standing up and fighting for them.

That can best be answered by looking at the career of But such actions are foreign to Tom Jackson and the Jackson. It is that of someone who has sought whenever ‘peaceful methods” he represents. He would rather bow down possible to take the ‘peaceful’, ‘sensible’ road in the class to law courts and place his trust in the likes of Reg Prentice. strugele. In other words, to have no class struggle at all, And He would rather believe that the Government and the when he is foreed into action, as in the 1971 postal workers’ employers are only too eager to improve his members’ strike, itis a pretty safe bet that the line he advocates will lead position provided he helps to keep their wages down in the only to defeat, meantime. It is not terribly important that such tactics have Conciliation is Jackson's watchword. So it was that he left Tom Jackson with egg all over his face. What is important turned up at Newham Town Hall in September 1975 to speak is that such methods simply do not work. for Reg Prentice, because of ‘the real necessity of maintaining The measure of Jackson's politics is that the withdrawal of the the fabric of the party .... only in unity can we achieve the mail boycott has seriously weakened the strikers’ chances of success of this and future Labour Governments’. Reg Prentice’s victory. It has, in fact, been the single most serious blow to their idea of unity has turned out to be embarrassingly different, struggle. Only labour movement solidarity can reverse it by however. Speaking in April 1977, he said that he ‘would like to creating the conditions whereby another unofficial boycott can set a new party of the centre, wider than the Liberals, successfully resist Jackson’s blackmail. embracing the more progressive elements of the Conservative Party’, Page 9

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The struggle for the picket hne (uodey) GHVIM MAHON 104d *¥OU CANNOT make a strike‘effective without doing more than is lawful.” These immortal words come not from George Ward, the NAFF, the Tory Opposition or even Labour Home Secretary Merlyn Rees — although all have said as much in recent weeks. No, they come from Lord Justice Lindley, who effectively took away the right of picketing from the working class movement in 1896! Ever since then the battle for the picket line has continued.

Today at Grunwick thesituationis no different. In mid-July, in win their battles in the courts! That you don’t need mass an astute judgement on behalf of the ruling class (though the pickets! hawks of the Appeal Court later overturned it), Lord Chief There was a veritable sigh of relief from the ruling class at Justice Widgery ruled in favour of the Grunwick strikers, their Widgery’s judgement. The Daily Mirror of 13 July waxed union APEX, and the conciliation service ACAS. What did this lyrical: “This victory for industrial democracy contains an demonstrate but that the law was neutral! That workers could important lesson for the unions: They do nor get unfavourable treatment from the courts .... Then came the rob: ‘Another welcome move ts the promise by Employment Secretary Albert Booth to reform the antiquated laws on picketing. The sooner this is done the better. Perhaps, now, peace, order and common sense will prevail in the Grunwick dispute.’

Forget the arrests, forget the brutal attacks on the picket lines, forget the legal attacks on the Cricklewood sorters.

Widgery’s judgement showed that the law was ‘impartial’;. nowit could be used totakeaway the right of mass picketing.

And ever since the mass picketing started on 13 Jume that has been the issue of greatest concern to the ruling class. Why?

Because the mass picket and the flying picket are the most powerful tactic that groups of workers have at their disposal to win strugeles at the present time. The mass pickets at Saltley and elsewhere won the 1972 miners’ strike. The flying pickets of the building workers the same summer not only won the trade a substantial increase (despite the sell-out of their leaders on the full claim) bul succeeded in unionising many sites in a notoriously disorganised industry. The same summer the Tories’ hated Industrial Relations Act was ground into the dust as thousands of workers rallied to free the Pentonville Five. What is more, mass pickets raise the participation of the rank-and-file in struggles to a dangerously high level — not just for the bosses, but for the bureaucrats in Congress House Photo: ANDREW WIAAD (Report) as well. What need for their ‘mediating’ and ‘conciliating’ A, ke services if the strikers themselves can win their demands outright through struggle?

On the picket line at Grunwick the ruling class is trying ta win back the ground it lost at Saltley Gates. This is part of an anti-pickeling offensive that’s been going on ever since the miners’ strike of 1972.

It started in early 1973, when 24 Shrewsbury building workers, members of UCATT and the TGWU, were charged under the 1875 Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act with alleged offences arising out of the building workers’

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Saltley Gates” oe age ERE hy

picket lines for scab labour, and they decided would dearly like to erase from the memory Saltley Gates have been the words om everyto do something about il. of the rank and file. That is what the police one’s lips since the mass picketing started on have been trying to do by smashing into the “We had a lesson in workers’ control. For 13 June. And rightly so, On a cold February the first time in many years the workers of mass picket at Grumwick. Here, in the words day in 1972 history was made at the of Yorkshire miners’ leader Arthur Scare this land decided that the nation would be Birmingham coke depot. Ten thousand car defied: that the state system would be defied, and engineering workers joined thousands of is why we-should never forget: and the gates of Saliley depot would be ‘The events of today will go down in the miners’ pickets to close down the last major closed. scab coke depot. From that point on the history of the British working class move- ‘It is a situation like this, I suppose, in the ment as a historic day when not just miners’ strike was as mood as won, future, which will bring about the kind of individual unions but British trade unionists unity in the trade union movement thal is But more was won than that. Saltley was a decided that they had had enough of police gigantic demonstration of independent worknecessary to combine the whole forces of the brutality. labour movement to bring about a socialist ing class power and as such a memory that ‘They had had enough of intimidation by both the ruling class and labour bureaucracy revolution.” ‘the police in obtaining passage through the

strike of 1972. In all the workers faced a total of 210 charges. The most serious, aimed at the first six, was ‘conspiracy to intimidate with a view to compelling men to abstain from carrying out their lawful work’. Whether these six could be proved to have met before leading the flying pickers onto the building sites was irrelevant. As the judge told the defence: “You know very well it can be a conspiracy when they never met and never knew each other’. Nobody on the building sites needed to have seen these men meeting and ‘plotting’ together. Nor was it necessary that these workers themselves actually committed violence or intimidation. Conviction, as the prosecution 50 neatly put it, could be obtained ‘by inference of all the circumstances’. In other words, the jury was asked to convict on suspicion. What was the foundation of the charge? The answer 15 simple. All six were branch secretaries or chairmen in UCATT or the STGWU during the strike. All were involved in organ.ing pickets. Under the law of conspiracy they could therefore be charged and held responsible for the actions of persons whom they organised but who remained unknown to thew. (al) HBHSNY HHWA O10uUd As a result of the conspiracy charge, Des Warren spent nearly three years in poson and Ricky Tomlinson two. Others Shenk six months. Throughout the course of the trial and sentencing the TUC and UCATT and TGWWU bureaucracies refused to support the 24. The fate of these workers, of picketing, was left to the due process of law. Even after the TUC and every union in the country were forced by rank-and-file anger to declare their support for the Shrewsbury pickets, the bureaucracy, far from launching a fight against the jailings and the sentences, used their position Page 11

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to sabotage action. Len Murray assured the readers of the Sunday Mirror that all would have been well if the Shrewsbury pickets had been charged with ‘intimidation in an industrial (uodey) GHVIM MaHON¥ ‘cloud dispute’ where the sentence would have been ‘three months at the most’. For him the law is some neutral force hovering above society, not one of the ruling class’s most powerful weapons.

The bosses and their agents suffer from no such illusions.

While the Shrewsbury pickets were being fixed up, Heath was busy preparing for his next round of confrontation with the miners. ‘Yard Squad Ready for Pickets’, announced a news item in the Daily Telegraph of 14 November 1973. It concluded: ‘Special methods developed by police to break up crowds of strikers have been adopted for general use. Among these is the use of a standby group of police who move into the massing crowd in a wedge formation. This tends to break up Home Secretary Merlyn Rees dishes out praise to the poll those causing trouble into smaller groups so that they can be dispersed or calmed more easily.’ The activities of the Special thousands of workers will be looking to break Healey’s Patrol Group at Grunwick are painfully familiar in this three-card wage-trick this winter: the 10 per cent limit, the description. twelve month rule, and cash limits on local authority During the miners’ strike of 1974, determined efforts were spending. Faced with the certainty that the trade union made by police to limit the number of pickets to six at any one ‘leaders’ will make few, if any, of their strikes official, point. The miners co-operated by having six pickets — and a rank-and-file workers will have to find ways of involving the few hundred demonstrators watching them across the road in maximum number of workers in united struggle. The most case any scab chose to ignore the pickets. Few did. effective means at their disposal will be the thorough- But if the miners effectively maintained mass picketing, the going involvement of every worker in their own strikes by Labour Government has done its best to continue the Tories’ making them part of a mass picket or a fhying picket travelling intimidation. Both Warren and Tomlinson served out their to win support or cut off supplies and outlets. sentences under a Labour Government while working class All eyes are turned on Grunwick now, not just to see whether struggle subsided as a result of the Social Contract. Even now one rogue employer can run rings round the trade union there’s a twist in the tail to the Shrewsbury saga. Forced by the movement on such elementary rights as union membership power of rank-and-file feeling to introduce amendments in the and recognition, but to sec who wins the battle on the picket law concerning conspiracy, the Labour Government has been line. Lf the police do, the struggles later this year will be made busy pushinga Criminal Trespass Bill through Parliament which that much harder. But if, a5 on the morning of 11 July, the will make factory occupations and squatting illegal and bosses’ ‘law and order’ is swept aside by the united strength of liable to eviction without court orders, the rank-and-file, then those workers struggling for better Grunwick has brought the issue of mass picketing right back wages later this year will receive a mighty boost. to the forefront of working class struggle. Hundreds of

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(1a) HBHSOd HH YIN O10ud 23 June: police arrest Yorkshire miners’ leader Arthur Scargill. The case agalnet him was later diemissed.

The laws on picketing After the passing of the Conspiracy and seemed to leave the law on picketing lawful pickets .... are those who attend in Protection of Property Act in 1875 the trade unchanged. Robert Carr insisted that the small nombers wecar the chosen place and who union movement generally considered the existing laws were quite adequate to ‘deal’ keep out of everyone's way. Meanwhile, the right to picket to be secure. That Act with picketing — and for once be was telling workers who they have come to persuade to specifically legalised ‘attending at or near ... the truth. Strict enforcement of the present join them can sweep past in vehicles which a place... in order to obtain or communicate laws would be enough to smash picketing as it the pickets have no right to stop.’ information ...° is presently understood. The courts have all the material they need, im the form of legal That happened at Gromwick for 43 weeks For the next few years the courts did indeed precedents, to crack down on the picket lines. until the mass picketing was introduced and behave as if picketing was legal. Bui as the In 1960, in the case of Piddington vs. Bates, attempts were made to stop the scab bus. It class struggle warmed up in the 18s the was only when the Gronwick workers and the courts supported the conviction of a courts quickly did an about face. In 1896 picket for obstructing the police in the their supporters tried to make picketing Lord Justice Lindley ruled that picketing was execution of their duty. His ‘crime’ was to effective, no matter what the law and the both a ‘nuisance’ under common law and an have refused to obey a policeman who had courts say, thal Employment Secretary offence against the Conspiracy and Frotold a group of strikers that they could only Albert Booth suddenly discovered that the tection of Property Act. The courts claimed have two pickets on a factory gate. The court laws on picketing were ‘antiquated’. that picketing was not protected under this ruled that the police were entitled to do this if He and the trade union bureaucracy would Act because, by definition, it went beyond deadly love to conclode a deal whereby, in ibey had reasonable grounds to expect a just ‘communicating information’. breach of the peace. Apply that to Gromwick! return for the legal ‘right’ to speak to a scab After this ruling successful prosecutions of In a more important case, Tynan vs. Palmer lorry driver for ien seconds, mass picketing pickets became common. In 191 came a in 1967, the courts convicted another picket would be illegalised. But laws, and attempts further blow against the trade unions — the on the same charge. He had ted 40 strikers to change the law, do not exist apart from the historic Taff Wale judgement that trade class struggle. Flying pickets and mass pickets who had picketed their factory gate marching unions could be sued for their industrial in a tight circle. The prosecution failed to will be a common sight in Britain as workers actions, and their funds seized to pay prove that any actual blocking of the entrance move to bury Healey's wage-cui nonms in damages. opposition to their own union bureaucracies. had taken place, but the courts ruled thai the In reply the trade unions mounted a major purpose of the pickets had been to force The Government won't be able to stop the national campaign which led to the passing of pickets forming, but the police may well be lorries to stop so the pickets could talk to the the Trades Disputes Act in 14 after the drivers. This, they said, went beyond just instructed to smash them up and the courts to Liberals’ election victory. This not only hammer the arrested. In that way the police, ‘communicating information" or ‘peaceful wiped away the Taff Vale judgement but also headed by the Special Patrol Group, will try persuasion", and therefore constituted an fried to neutralise the various rulings on unlawful ouisamce which the police were to lay the basis for changes in the law under a picketing by extending the definition of future Tory Government. entitled to prevent. legally protected activitles to Include ‘peace- These rulings interpret the rights of pickets As at Grunwick, simultaneous self-defence im such a narrow way and the rights of the will need to be organised and future ful persuasion’ as well as ‘communicating Shrewsbury show-trials squashed at birth in police in such a broad way that a determined information’.

This remained the law as far as picketing offensive by :e police and the courts could order to make picketing effective. We can was concermed until the passing of the begin by demanding that the TUC support a completely tle th hands of pickets naw. As Indusirial Relations Act in 1971. This comtrade union law expert Professor Kenneth campaign for the dropping of all charges pletely replaced the Trades Disputes Act but against those arrested.

Wedderburn puts it: “The only indisputably

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What about the law? THE LABOUR GOVERNMENT, like the trade union bureaucrats, is very keen on ‘the law’. And it is particularly proud of its own creation, the Employment Protection Act. This picce of legislation was part of the sop offered to the TUC in return for holding down the wages of their members under the Social Contract. Although some of its clauses do represent gains achieved by the working class in struggle (maternity pay, for instance), its main proclaimed purpose was that it would make disputes ike Grunwick's unmecessary. And that is the yardstick by which it should be measured, One of the chief things the Act did was to set up the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service. Michael Foot, then Secretary of State for Employment, wrote that, “The creation of ACAS _.. has been a vital part of our policy of getting back to voluntary collective bargaining and ‘seeking every conceivable method .... to find reasonable and acceptable stttlements of disputes which might otherwise — or might already — have led to what should be the last resort: strike action,’ Ht thus had two main purposes: * To prevent struggles by offering the alternative of legal procedure. ; * To confuse struggles already taking place by allowing the trade union leaders to hold out ACAS as a means of resolving the dispute. practices between management and unions, and in securing In other words, it was designed to take power away from the individual working rights’. Yet it does mer compel the shop floor and rank-and-file workers in struggle and give it to employer to recognise any union. It does mor alter the the bureaucracy. provision of the 1974 Trade Union & Labour Relations Act Foot claimed that ‘the Act as a whole takes a long step whereby an employer can dismiss workers on strike as long as forward in the encouragement of good industrial relations all of them are sacked, It does mor include Labour's 1974

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The law. is a maze designed to entrap workers and prevent Manifesto promise which would allow the nationalisation of them from relying on their own strength. This is as true of the all firms with bad industrial relations (and thus blow sky high George Ward’s blackmailing threats to close down the factory Employment Protection Act as it is of other legislation, Yet if he is defeated). listen to the amazing Mr Foot (who is still a member of the The procedure it outlines thus has no teeth. It can also drag Tribune Group): “The Act strengthens present provisions against anyone being victimised for taking part in trade union on interminably. As the Economist commented on 18 June: ‘ACAS, which last year had to deal with 461 recognition activities. It also allows reasonable time off from work for union members to take part in union activities.” claims, cannot move quickly. 50 employers have plenty of time to stall. Moreover, the delay before the final stages can What's reasonable, Mr Foot? Do you think 13 months is blunt a union's membership drive and cool the workers’ reasonable? After all, that’s how long the Grunwick strikers enthusiasm." And if it has the reverse cffect, you can always have had off from work for their part in union activities. And do an Albert Booth and set up a court of inquiry to provide a we haven't seen you anywhere near the picket line in all that litte temporary relief. time.

The ACAS circus been ‘fair’ because they had sacked everyone THE STRIKE BEGAN on 23 August 1976, Management's objection was that ACAS on strike and had therefore nol been and was made official by APEX ten days should not consult the strikers, because they discriminatory! Again, the use of the later after the strikers had joined the union. had been sacked snd were therefore not industrial tribunal rather than industrial Althis stage ACAS attempted unsuccessfully workers ‘to whom the issue relates". Only on to achieve a conciliated settlement. Grunaction to obtain the re-instalement of the 29 December did AAS finally decide to go strikers was leading the struggle up a blind wick's only response was to sack all the ahead without the firm's co-operation and alley. The strikers have quickly learned that send out the questionnaire. This was four strikers. lesson. APEX, it would appear, have vet to On 15 October, APEX referred the issue to months after the strike had started aid two do so.

ACAS under the trade union recognition and a half months after the issue had been referred to ACAS. Grunwick refused to procedure laid down by the Employment Protection Act. This was after the Employ- On 30 May APEX submitted a formal supply the names and addresses of those still complaint to ACAS under Section 15(2) of ment Secretary, Albert Booth, had refused to al work, so the questionnaire was sent only to setupaCourtof Inquiry intothedispute. the Employment Protection Act that its the 110 APEX members whose names and recognilion recommendation had been ig- It was another month before Grunwick addresses had been supplied by the union, nored, And gucss what the next stage of finally agreed to co-operate with an ACAS If no settlement has heen reached by procedure is: “When a complaint is referred conciliation and consultation, the Employinquiry after further conciliation atiempts to the Service under this section the Service had failed. The ACCAS inguiry was presented ment Protection Act requires ACAS to issue shall attempt to setile the matter by hy the postal workers’ leader Tom Jackson as a wWrithen report recommending for or conciliation” (our emphasis). What a coma reasonable and effective alternative to the against recognition and stating the reasons. plete and utterfarce!

Only after two postponements did ACAS boycott of Grunwick’s mail, which be called In the final act in this circus (assuming that finally publish a ten-page report on 9 March off under legal threats from NAFF. Ward for some reason there is no settlement after admitted that a continued boycott could have — fen weeks afler the questionnaires were all this ‘conciliation'), (he union can apply to closed the factory within a few days. But be semi. oul. ACAS recommended that the the Central Arbitration Committee (CAC). company should recognise APEX for the knew that he could spim out the ACAS purpose of collective bargaining.

Now this is the body which is supposed to procedure indefinitely. have teeth. Yet il has so power lo impose or An ACAS recognition recommendation Any ACAS inguiry must consult all sides even recommend recognition! All it can do is involved in the dispule and obtain ‘the becomes ‘operative’ 14 days after it is to make an award specifying the terms and opinions of workers to whom the issue published. The company then has two conditions which the employer must observe relates’, ACAS produced 2 questionnaire. months to comply with the recommendation in respect of its emplovees. In other words, — while those in dispute must wait patiently Grunwick refused to co-operate. Al this after waiting all this time, the strikers are for its decision without being able to call on point, APEX should have urged the recomlikely to find themselves still oulside the pates mencement of the postal boycott and the any legal sanctions through AAS. with no recognition, while the only ones who Al Gruowick the recommendation became extension of this to the other services, as well henefit are those who have been crossing the ‘operative’ on 23 March. On the same day, as building effective pickets. Instead they picket line! | cxactly seven months after the strike began, played along with ACAS, who agreed to This may be the Labour Government's (Grunwick was able to show at an industrial delay after delay while Cirunwick consulted iden of justice, bul it certainly n't ours. tribunal that the sacking of the strikers had with its legal advisers in NAFF.

It seems strange, but in all the talk about cooling off the struggle, in all the appeals by the Labour Government and trade union leaders to leave things up to the law, no-one has mentioned what Michael Foot told this year’s annual conference of the Union of Post Office Workers:

Photo: CHRIS DAVIES (Raport) ‘If the freedom of the people of this country, especially the rights of trade unionists — if these precious things of the past had been left to the good sense and fairmindedness of the judges, we would have few freedoms in this country at all.’

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Tories The the government of the day and defeated it’. He complained that the unions ‘hadtaken powersand privileges which wete nowhere specified by law. ..somehow unions must be persuaded to obey the law or democratic government is finished’.

Thejournalin whichtheseremarks appeared was Free Nation, thenewspaper of the Natioual Association For Freedom, MAFF has played a major role in the Grunwick strike, and it is not difficult to see why. The Grunwick dispute, and the solidarity displayed there by thousands of workers, has shown in much the NAFF same way that working people are willing to stand up and fight for their rights. And the type of people who run and support NAFF do not like that.

So when Grunwick hit the headlines they rode to the aid of George Ward. It was NAFF which initiated the court actions against the solidarity of the Cricklewood sorters, and against the In 1974 the miners’ strike brought down the Tory Government of ACAS recommendation that Grunwick should recognise Edward Heath. Thestrike displayed the political power of which APEX. It is NAFF which has organised a number of strike-breaking operations — notably “Operation Pony Express’ organised workers are capable, and it frightened a good many to distribute the boycotted mail on 9/10 July. And it is NAFF people.

One writer was later to describe this strike and the previous which has conducted George Ward's publicity campaign. campaign to defeat the Industrial Relations Act as ‘a crisis for What, then, is NAFF?

British democracy, ..whena minority of British subjects defied It was formed in 1975 after the assassination of Ross McWhirter: his twin brother Norris is one of NAFF's leading lights, Another is John Gouriet, the administrative director. But the real boss is Robert Moss, NAFF’s ‘director’.

Moss's views on ‘freedom’ are illustrated by the strong support he gave to the right-wing coup in Chile in which thousands of trade unionists were killed and imprisoned. In his book, The Collapse of Democracy, Moss stated that Britain needed an ‘authoritarian regime’.

It was Moss, too, who wrote Margaret Thatcher’s famous ‘Iron Maiden’ speech, in which the Tory leader advocated a return to the ‘cold war’. Thatcher was also guest of honour ata NAFF dinner in January 1977. Other prominent Tories associated with NAFF include: Rhodes Boyson MP, Tory spokesperson on education; Russell Lewis, former chairperson of the Conservative Political Centre and Thatcher's biographer; Julian Amery MP, another member of Thatcher's Shadow Cabinet; lan Sproat MP, who led a campaign to withdraw social security payments from the poor and unemployed. Other Tory MPs such as Norman Tebbitt, Nicholas Ridley, Michael Brotherton, and Winston Churchill also have associations with NAFF.

Buttheleading NAFF Tory who really made headlines with his support of George Ward was Sir Keith Joseph, one of the party’s most powerful figures and Thatcher’s main adviser. Joseph attacked the Scarman inquiry as a ‘recipe for lawlessness’, and by so doing caused a major split in the Tory Party.

The debate between Joseph and Shadow Industry Minister James Prior which has divided the Tory Party is not, however, a debate over the substance of NAFF’s proposals on industrial relations. Onthecontrary, NAFF’s principal campaign has been to extend the use of the existing legal machinery, and all Tory MPs agree with that. NAFF's only proposal for additional legislation inthe short termis for a tightening up of the picketing laws. Again there is agreement thoughout the Tory Party on this question. (18) Photo; ANOREW WIARD (Report)

But while NAFF’s objectives are shared by ‘hawk’ and ‘dove’ alike, there is bitter disagreement on how to arrive at them. The Selsdon Group of right-wing Tory MPs, for instance, proposed that Thatcher should appoint George Ward as special adviser on industrial relations to the Shadow Cabinet. People like James Prior see this as nothing but a crude provocation.

Prior, of course, is a member of APEX. He believes that maintaining such links with the unions is the best way to prepare a confrontation at a later stage. If the Tory Party is seen as the party of George Ward, this would identify them as being against the trade union movement as a whole.

Prior would much prefer a policy of divide and rule. Far better Grunwick managing director George Ward Page 16

[page 17]

| fHow the ‘free’ press)

Grunwic | dealt with i cal A x ¥ ON 26 JUNE a page-long article appeared in ee — Ba k Fic ah he -." the Sunday Telegraph entitled ‘Behind the ia =i ‘ — Gronwick Bloodshed". Accompanying il were (uodey) GUWIM MAHONY :010Ud a series of photographs, one of which was captioned ‘Jack Dromey, leader of the pickets’. There was only one problem: the photograph was not of Jack Dromey, but of APEX official Chris Wright.

lt takes a pecoliar type of incompetence and | ignorance to mistake thin and clean-shaven Chris Wright for burly and bearded Jack Dromey. But the Sunday Telegraph managed it without much trouble. For facts are the kast thing to have worried the media in their coverage of Grunwick.

The media have played a central role in the NATSOPA printworkers show their support for the strikers on the picket line Grunwick dispute. The television companies denial from APFX. While the (far didn't in newspapers which attack them. Indeed, and the Fleet Street press are the major even bother with a denial, but simply during the Grunwick strike printworkers on sources of information for the vast majority reported the claims as fact. the Sunday Telegraph, the Sun and Observer in this country. Accordingly they have great Then there was the horror of London‘s have taken their own industrial action in power to shape opinion by deciding how to Evening Standard on 17 June, that ‘there are protest al the unbalanced coverave and report any event, what to leave out, and how people on the picket line who have never seen anti-Gronwick advertisements for NAFF. to comment on it. the inside of a photographic darkroom. They The media can play a more important role would not know a developer from a hypo.* The QGiserver printworkers demanded that than, say, the police, because the media The aim of such remarks was to make it seem a front-page statement appear in the paper | shape people's attitudes. They can in fact somehow shocking for other trade unionists dissociating the printers from NAFF's ad. have a dominant inflvence on the outcome of to appear on the picket line — as if solidarity After a couple of hours strike action that a strike. For example, the strike committec was something to he ashamed of. demand was granted. The Sunday Telegraph. has made appeal after appeal for solidarity Not to be left owt of all this were the workers also succeeded in getting a union action throughout the Gronwick strike. For television companies, and particularly the disclaimer printed on the same page as the the first ten months of the strike such appeals BBC. Indeed, one of the most memorable offending article. And the Sun had to appear went unreported in the ruling class press. But phrases of the entire dispute came from BRC with a blank space insicad of an editorial when the police atlacked the first mass picket newsreader Angela Rippon, who reported after the printers objected to its hysterical on 13 June, the media rolled into action. that one of the mass pickets had been description of pickets as a ‘mob’.

Almost without exception their aim was attended by ‘trade unionists and other As a result, the national executive of the simple — to discredit the pickets. The most extremists".

National Graphical Association has since hysterical words were used to secure that aim:

Observer TY reviewer W. Stephen Gilbert decided to support any of its members taking — ‘Little Hitlers* (Sun, 2% June) neatly pinpointed the double standards action to secure a right of reply to reactionary — ‘The baying rabble screaming obscenipresent in the following BBC news comarticles and advertisements on Grunwick. ties... the essence of Fascism’ (Daily Express, Journalisis have a more difficult job. They mentary:'For nearly four weeks now, man- 20 June) agement has found it necessary to camp out cannot immediately stop the presses. Nor are — ‘The Fascist Left’ (Sun, 20 June) on the premises in order to maintain a all journalisis members of the NUJ. But ‘Bloodihirsty mob’ (Daily Mail, 12 July) 24-hour watch on the factory. It's mot something can be done about that problem. — "The Mafia’ (Daily Mail, 12 July)

During the Gronwick dispute workers on exactly primitive living, but it’s mot as — “Godfathers of Protest’ (Oily Express, 24 strike in Darlington also came under repeated comfortable as being al home cither’. As June)

Gilbert remarked, ‘1 doubt if the BBC ever attack from the police. But this time they — ‘Blatant intimidation’ (Daily Mirror, 23 expressed such sentiments about work-ins or were journalists, and what they were fighting June} student occupations." for was a ‘closed shop" af their paper, the — ‘Bullies’ (Sunday Times, 3 July)

W. Stephen Gilbert was one of the few Fleet Northern Echo. The fight for the closed shop ‘Fanatical paranoia’ (Sunday Telegraph, 3 is the start of the fight to ensure thal Sireet journalists to try to redress the July} 2 balance. But it is important to record him, newspapers are not simply the mouthpieces Most of these slanders came in editorial’ of those who can afford to own them. Once a because if would be wrong to conclude that comment type pieces. But to back up these all journalists are automatically on the side of closed shop i established, NUJ members can allepations, the news reports themselves also ensure that the union has real power — and the bosses. Indeed, during the Gronwick had to be distorted. A prime example was the that can include the power to guarantee disputea number of prominent members of the ‘Picket Line Pay Off story, as the Mirror pul responsible, accurate and balanced repori- NUJ have been arrested on the picket line— it. including Vice-President Denis McShane, ing.

The ruling class say that this action would Assistant General Secretary Charles Hark- This was the absurd allegation that the ness, and National Executive members Jonabe a threat to the ‘freedom of the press’. In union had offered to pay £50 per week to any than Hammond and Roger Protz. The one sense only would it be. [t would stop the seab who joined the strike, that the local national NUJ banner and several branch freedom of the small clique who run the Labour council had similarly offered a press to spread anti-working class propahanners were carried on 11 July. council house, and that various scubs had It may well be the case that many of the ganda at will. lt would stop the freedom to been intimidated at their homes the previous sell millions of copies based on prejudice, journalists who have lied about and distorted the Grunwick strike have dome 50 because bigotry and dishonesty, night. Every paper gave wide coverage to these stories, repealing the allegations of After the Grunwick strike and the press they knew that only if they did so would their management and George Ward in particular. coverage of it, this question can be asked: article appear. And this raises the question of The Mirror devoted 40 lines to reporting the Which would ensure the greater freedom of what can be done in the future to ensure that claims and only four to a denial of the trade union struggles are reported fairly. the press the right of editors and newspaper owners alone to decide whal is While newspapers are owned and controlled council house bribe story from a Breni printed and what is censored, or the righi of by members of the ruling class there is a limit councillor, The Express also reported the those whose labour produces the newspaper on whal can be done. But there are some allegations at length and gave one whole to have their say as well? And just to ask that steps which journalists can take. They can sentence to a denial from Roy Grantham. question is 0 answer it. demand that strikers have the ‘right of reply"

The Sun gave 49 lines to the claims, 3 to a

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(Hodey) OH¥IM MAHON loud inn, NA FF administrative director John Gourlet arrives to confer with Grunwick management to appear as being for the trade union movement and only Prior has the support of all the most important sections of the against particular actions by particular unions. Then you havea capitalist class. (It is worth noting, for instance, that all the CBI chance of isolating individual unions when they move into representatives on the ACAS Council voted to pursue their case strugele, as Heath did in 1970-1. He weakened the trade union against Grunwick tothe House of Lords.) Josephand the NAFF movement ara whole by first inflicting defeats on the dustmen, on the other hand have the overwhelming support of the Tory then the Post Office workers, and then Fords Dagenham.

Party rank-and-file.

That is why Prior is against Keith Joseph — the front bench This debate about tactics and timing has seriously divided the party. [thas prompted Thatcher herself to try to heal the breach spokesperson for the ‘hawks’. While Joseph is in favour of an assault onthe closed shop, Prior says the time 1s not yet ripe. The by bringing forward her own proposals — notably for a referendum in the case of a major industrial clash. This has only workers organisations are still too strong, especially whilst a Labour Government is in office. Prior prefers to let the Labour had the effect of further weakening the party's cohesion, Government do the job of demoralising and disorienting however, as even right-wing cranks like Peregrine Worsthorne workers, and to wait until a Tory Government can use the have summarily denounced the proposal as threatening to authority of Parliament and the law. weaken the authority of Parliament on which the Tories” legal attacks on the unions will depend.

Moreover, the referendum proposal would raise every clash between atradeunionand management from a simple industrial dispute into a political clash of potentially major importance for the future of the Government. This is far too dangerous to be a serious option for the ruling class. The Grunwick strike has already shown the damage which can be caused to the central policies of the Government when a trade union dispute erupts into a political contest. And that is why the dispute has so exposed the divisions in the Tories.

But ultimately what is vital for the labour movement is to remember what unites the Tories, NAFF*’s Russell Lewis summed it up very clearly when he wrote in Free Nation: ‘It is not confrontation, after all, which would be the ultimate tragedy.

Theultimate tragedy would beto havea confrontation and lose.’

The same applies for the workers movement. With the very real prospect of the Tories returning to office, it is not only necessaryto take the NAFF wing of the Tories very seriously — it is necessary to organise against them.

The miserable showing of the trade union leaders in the Grunwick dispute is not merely disastrous from the immediate Photo: MAAK RUSHER point of view of winning the strike and raising the hopes and aspirations of other workers up and down the country. Their misleadership fails to take advantage of the growing splits in the Tories, allows the Tories to heal their wounds beforethey getinto office, and, above all, threatens the ability of the workers movement to deal with the anti-union policies which will be put SIR KEITH forward by a future Conservative Government.

JOSEPH Page 18

[page 19]

| i) -Scarman and after In a situation of general economic recession and crisis, any prolonged industrial dispute is likely to produce a difference of opinion inside the ruling class on how to deal with it.

Some bosses feel that to give amy concessions will only Dollis Hill Sta strengthen the resolve of the workers the next time around.

They believe that outright victory is the only answer to their immeidate problems. Thus they favour a policy of confronting 7 the unions head-on, trying to take advantage of the vacillating and weak-kneed response of the bureaucrats.

Others think that to do this simply pushes their potential allies— the ‘responsible trade union leaders’ — into the camp of the adversary. They believe that ‘conciliation’ is the order of the day. By playing on the willingness of the trade union bureaucrats to police their members, to dampen down the struggle, and thus disorient the rank and file, they calculate that the defences will be down when they really need to put the boot in.

Lord Justice Scarman is a representative of this latter section of the ruling class. His report into the Grunwick dispute was designed to ensure the ending of mass picketing and effective solidarity action whilst legitimising the strikers’ case. His intention is perfectly summed up in the following couple of sentences from the report: ‘It is important that the company, which has made a fine start, should continue in business; it is vital that the trade

The difference belwéen You and me, Grantham, iS that | WANT 4 win! ee ee

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[page 21]

union movement should continue effectively to serve the interests of its members. It would be tragic if our society should prove too inflexible to accommodate both the company and the union.”

The trade union leaders fell over themselves in the rush to support the findings of the Court of Inquiry. “We want to give the other fellow a chance to come out of the corner’, said Roy Grantham. ‘If we grind his face in the dust nothing will be solved. There can never be a victory. A draw is the best result. ... Both of us have spent a year in a cul-de-sac and it’s time we got out and lived with each other... . “We are prepared to go quite a long way down the road to meet them. Here we have for the first time an opportunity to resolve the matter honourably. We want to seize this opportunity."

True to his word, Grantham came up with some new concessions — concocted without any reference at all to the strikers themselves. APEX would allow a sfaggered reinstatement of the strikers, it would promise not to seek a closed shop, and it would agree thal issues not resolved by negotiation should go to arbitration(!).

But such craven class collaboration needs someone to collaborate with. George Ward was not looking for a ‘draw’.

He summarily tore up the Scarman Report and threw it in the dustbin.

Fortunately the Strike Committee, true to their policy of class struggle, adopted an equally forthright approach to the Scarman Report. ‘For seven days’, they said, “we will hold out our hand to the company and ask them to sit down with our unions and negotiate a settlement. We will not wait longer and we think that it 1s unlikely that Ward will respond. ‘On 30 August, we will be meeting with the Executive Committee of APEX and we will be asking APEX and the TGWU to put down an emergency motion at this year’s TUC calling for all services — water, electricity and post — and supplies to be cut off to the company and calling upon the entire movement to support any union suffering as a result. ‘We will also be calling upon our unions and the movement as a whole to support the resumption of the mass picketing after Congress meets... . “In short, it was the strength of the trade union movement LORD JUSTICE SCARMAN that lifted our dispute off the floor, It will be that same strength that wins a historic victory for the entire movement."

Nationalise Grunwick!

Nationalising Grunwick would deal de- APEX leader Roy Grantham approached the Both mass picketing and, as the Strike cisively with Ward, save jobs, and encourage prospect of Ward liquidating Granwick with Committee put it, ‘coordinated action on other workers to follow the Grunwick the dismissive comment: ‘So be it’. Others to supplies and services’ are necessary if the example, It would also establish an important strike is to have any chance of victory. But the left of Grantham argue that the closure of principle — the nationalisation of firms Grunwick could serve as 2 warning to any what if Ward carries out his threat to close threatening wholesale redundancies or cloemployer who attempts a repeat of George down the company for good, taking his Ward's antics. money with him? sure.

But if Ward closes Gronwick he can simply An obvious question arises: Is such a Ward's rejection of Scarman has made it solution possible? Given the right-wing clear that he is interested, above everything transfer his assets and open up somewhere ngiure of the Labour Government [t seems ele. The strikers, however, will be out of a cise, in smashing trade unionism. He is quite unlikely. job in an area which already suffers heavy prepared to shut down the factory altogether Bui just a few months ago the prospect of unemployment. [t is possible that the closure if it will serve the political purposes of NAFF the Government intervening directly in of Grunwick might discourage future George and the right wing of the Tory Party. Ward Grunwick, or a judge coming out in favour of Wards, but it is more likely to discourage himself will certainly mot be found on the the strikers, also seemed highly unlikely. So, other workers from attempting what the dole queue after performing such a service. too, was ihe prospect of the TUC even strikers have done.

It is now obvious to everyone that Ward talking about cutting off supplies and services Specifically it could discourage immigrant and his backers are using valuable productive to George Ward. and women workers — who make up the bulk resources solely for political purposes and All this has been achieved essentially by the of the Granwick strikers — from staging sabotage. They must be taken out of George another Grunwick. These are already the mass pickets that the strike commitiee has Ward's hands. most unorganised, vulnerable and exploited led, and 23 long as the demand for This would give the Grumwick strikers the nationalisation is linked to this same type of seciions of ithe working class, and the unqualified victory they so richly deserve. It action it can provide a real recipe for total prospect of a closed factory after more than would also be a service to the whole working victory. one year’s strike action is hardly an incentive class. to struggle.

During the TUC debate on Grunwick,

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SUDBURY SCHOOL oF MOTORING 902-3307

* BiG_DISCOUNTS

Photo: MICHAEL SHERIDAN (IFL)

The brand names to watch for are: Bonugspool, Trucolour, number of shops handling Grunwick film by more than 75 per cant.

Monkecolour, and Cooper & Pearson. ‘ The real problem facing the strikers was highlighted at a would be an important step in building a counterweight to the solidarity conference on 23 August by Jayaben Desai: “We are collaborationist line of the bureaucracy. They could act as a drowning in support and starving from lack of action.’ The springboard for building a representative national solidarity calling of this rank-and-file conference by the South-East conference (something which has been né¢eded for months)

Region of the TUC (of which Jack Dromey is the Secretary) in “which could co-ordinate really effective mass action in support association with the Strike Committee showed a welcome of the Grunwick strikers. recognition of the need to organise independently of the trade The hesitant way in which this question of organising union bureaucrats to fight for class struggle policies. independently of the bureaucracy has been approached had Unfortunately this fight has not been carried on consistently in very negative consequences in the calling off of the mass the past. picket on & August. This setback can be overcome, but only by For example, the Strike Committee has not campaigned for clearly advancing class struggle policies which seek to force the building of support committees in every area. A heavy the official trade union leadership into action through penalty is now being paid for this mistake. [t means that the independent mobilisations which will otherwise leave them strikers have no organised alternative to turn to in the face of high and dry. the TUC's continued inaction. But just think what would have *Rebuild mass picketing to stop the bus until the strike is won. been possible had the example of Manchester (see box) been *Boycott Granwick — no water, no power, no gas, no mail, followed up and down the country. no supplies. ; Of course, committees like that in Manchester are a big *Demand that the Labour Government nationalises Grunwick embarrassment to the local bureaucrats, exposing their lack of without compensation under workers control. real support activity. But such embarassment can only be *Drop all charges against the arrested pickets. tothe good. It keeps the heat on and forces the official ‘leaders’ *Disband the Special Patrol Group and all anti-picket squads. to act.

Defend the right to picket.

A network of such committees covering the whole country Support committees~ the example of Manchester The Manchester Gronwick Strike Support Since its formation, the committee has:

September; Committee developed oul of a decision in “organised two further public meetings, *organised a regular rota system of people to June by members of the International Marxist addressed by a member of the Strike join the picket line in London; Group and Big Flame to organise a Commitice and local labour movement *held a very swccessfal social to raise money factory tour and a public meeting for a speakers; for the strike. member of the Strike Commitiee. *organised a series of street meetings; Up till then the local APEX bureaucracy *reproduced copies of the strike bulletin for The Support Committee is now investihad been totally inactive on the question of distribution im local factories, hospitals, etc; gating the possibility of contacting other Grunwick, although this initiative woke them *produced four issues of a widely circulated support committees up and down the country up a litte — they sent two full-time officials local support bulletin; to set up an effective coordinated network of to address the meeting. On the basis of the *prodoced leaflets in Urdu for the local Asian committees. Socialist Challenge supporters success of the factory tour, IMG militants Population; have helped the campaign by giving the proposed the sctling up of a Support *leafletied bocal post offices calling for the Support committee full use of their local Committec to organise the existing support, boycotting of Grumwick mail: offices, phone, duplicating facilities, etc. The .1d take the question of Gronwick deeper “mobilised coachloads of supporters to go Manchester Gronwick Sirike Support Committee can be contacted c/o Socialist Challenge “to the local labour movement. down to the 11 July and 8 August days of The support commitice is open to all those action; Centre, 14 Piccadilly, Manchester, telephone willing to organise support for the strike. *sent a coach to the bobby of the TUC on 5 061-236 7352.

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For a Class

Left Wing! of the working class. the Communist Party-led Liaison Commit- THE DIVIDE between class struggle and AUEW Presidential candidate Terry Duffy tee. Today no local committees exist. class collaborationist trade unionism is not limited to the Grunwick issue. On the and other right-wingers divide high-paid The Right to Work Campaign and the Rank from low paid workers by concentrating contrary, just as the workers movement is & File groupings led by the Socialist Workers exclusively on differentials and the so-called lined up between those who stand for militant Party have correctly attacked the Broad traditional wages patie. The TUC’s refusal action to win the Gronwick strike and those Left's reliance on the trade union bureauto support the demand for a national who don't, so equally the movement & crats. In November 1976, the Right to Work Minimum wage was a decision to iet the divided on its attitude to almost all the major Campaign built a national conference of questions of the day. lower-paid go to the wall. This will particsome TIM) delegates which vowed to camularly bit women workers who make up the It is no coincidence that the very trade paign actively in support of all workers going union leaders who-have so trumpeted the bulk of the low paid, and it will thos also into Struggle. And as a measure of such cause of ‘moderation’ over Grunwick have sharpen divisions along sex lines. Failure to support, the Campaign organised a mecting take up policies to fight for the right to work been in the forefront of those campaigning in during the day of action called by the Leyland threatens to divide employed from unsupport of the Labour Government's Social stewards’ conference on 20 April at which employed. Contract. representatives of the Heathrow and Port ithout a clear fight against the cash limits Talbot strikers spoke.

Faced with a growing revoli inside system, and for automatic rises im social But the very strength of the Right to Work the labour movement, the trade services spending to offset the effects of Campaign is also ils weakness. [Hs opposition union bureaucrats have pulled out all inflation, there is a real danger that workers to the policies of the bureaucracy and its the stops to force through their policies. in the welfare state sector will be divided preparedness to act without them has become Twenty-one union general secretaries openly almost a policy of not fighting to force the from those in industry. And even workers sided with British Leyland management and in the same industry can be divided if the bureaucrats into united action. The Right to the Government in trying to break the strike fight for their individual claims remains Work Campaign acts 25 though it were fhe of the Leyland toolmakers. The NATSOPA left wing of the labour movement, with uncoordinated. leaders supported a lock-out of their own support from millions of workers. members by management al The Tires. The What is needed is an organising centre The reality is very different. A precondition AUVEW National Executive fought a vicious within the labour movement which can weld for the Right to Work Campaign (or the the fragmented opposition into a united batile against their members on strike at Rank & File groupings in individual unions) Heathrow airport. movement based on clear demands to unify to be able to reach out to wider layers is their the struggle. The bureaucrats have had more up their preparedness to fighl for united action and Faced by a similar situation in the 1920s, organisation on a consistent basis with other sleeve than open sirike-breaking. They have militants in the unions organised into the sections of the left of the labour movement. ulso flouted the most elementary principles of National Minority Movement. In every union lt is impossible to win united action with the trade union democracy in an attempt to force the Minority Movement organised its supthrough their policies. At the September TLC base of the Broad Left if you're not prepared porters to fight against the class collaborto fight to involve the Broad Left leadership Congress, Hugh Scanlon cast the votes of the ationist right wing. In the Labour Party, too, in such united action. AUEW im favour of the 12-month rule the National Left-Wing Movement was A commitment by the Right To Work against the position of the union's policyformed to carry on the fight. making National Commitiee, which had Campaign and the LCDTU to sponsor a joint The possibilities exist for huilding a open conference of the left wing and to build come out in favour of an inediate return to Minority Movement today. Already the united committees in every locality would free collective bargaining. embryo of such an organisation of militants gain enormous support. The conference and To back up their anti-democratic manexists in a oumber of unions. On a class wide oeuvres, the bureaucrats join with Callaghan the committees would of course have to be basis, many unofficial labour movement democratic: only through the guarantee of and Healey in blackmailing threats to the conferences haye demonstraicd the willingthe democratic rights of all tendencies can effect that every group of workers going into ness of militants, socialists and Ieft-wingers unity behind the decisions of such committees struggle will bring down the Labour Governto organise together. In March 1976, three ment because the Liberals will refuse to and conferences be ensured. thousand delegates came together in the Such an initiative would be an excellent first continue*the Lib-Lab pact. But ihe Labour National Assembly on Unemployment. In Government will not be kept in office by step along the road of building the Minority February 1977, 1,200 trade unionists asparliamentary manoeuvres. The longer the Movement of today. The right wing would shake in its boots if a genuine commitment semiied at the conference called by the Lib-Lab pact and its pro-capitalist policies Liaison Committee for the Defence of Trade from the LCDTU-Broad Left and the Right continue, the more unpopilar the Govern- Unions. Seventeen hundred attended the To Work Campaign-Rank & File to such ment will become. The Tories, Liberals and “united action and democratic organisation conference against wage controls called by the ragbag of Ulster Unionists and the rest around militant class struggle policies was the British Leyland shop stewards in April will be able to choose their moment to turf it LOTT. : forthcoming. out of office. é * But whilst these conferences demonstrated These groupings have shown no interest to The only way to keep the Tories out is to the preparedness of militants to organise date in such a project beyond token calls for defy the pressure of the British and together in a fighting alternative to the right united action whose real aim is to expose international capitalists, to ditch the Lib-Lab wing, their leaderships have prevented them people rather than build joint struggle. A pact, and to embark on a course of socialist from developing beyond one-off events to measures. But the TUC has shown that il is consistent fight is necessary. Socialist Challenge commits itself to such a fight and to a pressurise the official leaderships. A decision nol prepared to launch such a fight. On the contrary, the policies put forward by the al the LCDTU conference to establish local struggle for policies which are a real answer trade union leaders can only divide the ranks committees in every area was not pursued by to the class collaboration of the right wing. |

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