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[Lessons of t a atrine
# Tories With contributions | from Bernard Connolly, Ray = Davies, Colin Herd, § “= Brian Molyneux and other strike leaders.
An IMG pamphlet
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page 2 FOR 13 weeks at the beginning of 1980, the steelworkers took the pride steelworkers was a conscious tactic in of place in the growing anti-Tory movement. They headed up the fight the Tories’ strategy to deal with the against one of the most reactionary capitalist crisis. governments seen in decades — one However, Thatcher confused the that is committed to rolling back the union leadership's lack of stomach for gains won by the working class since a fight, with the determination of the World War Two. rank and file. And, as Bernard Connal- The steehvorkers’ actions followed ly correctly points out, the final weeks months of anti-Tory struggles bought of the strike produced a situation by tens of thousands of other workers where ‘soon a drift towards general throughout the country in defence of strike’ would be evident. Furthermore, living standards and democratic rights. he continues, ‘It wes clear that the union leadership was just as afraid as On every front — whatever the ups and downs of the struggles — workers the government and the employing were responding to Thatcher's atclass’. it was in these conditions — where tacks: from the thousands who marched on the Labour Party demonstration against the cuts, or those who rallied in to provide any long-term set of policies Trafalgar Square against the racist immigration laws, to the 50,000 who responded to the TUC call and Geveioped ultimately stopped the restrictive aborin steel shows the path ahead. It will be tion jaw proposed by John Corrie. in the heat of the struggle that an alter- After one year in office, Margaret Thatcher remains firmly committed to reformist bureaucrats are- seer to be her monetarist policies with the utopian and cowardly in the face of the disastrous consequences of a proferocious attack of the bosses and their jected 2% million unemployed by 1982 and other untold hardships for the government.
It's from this perspective that other working class. But it hasn't been militant workers should study the steel smooth sailing for Thatcher! She is trystrike. For militants in every industry ing to put the British economy back on need to develop a programme of a more profitable footing for the action to defend themselves against bosses. To do this, she must weaken the Tory offensive. No one will be leit the tremendous power of the trade alone. It was because there was no union movement. programme of action which broke The steelworkers’ strike has many from capitalism that the movement lessons for the anti-Tory movement. came up against difficulties in finding a But if one thing comes out most clearly focus. around which a general strike in the contributions in this pamphiet, it could develop. is the acute crisis of political leader- The starting point for such a proship. Militants in the labour movernent — and even Bill Sirs and Len Murray — ——
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page 2 production, a crash programme of useful public works would be required, alongside a shorter work week with no loss of pay for all workers. And if there were to be moves towards a planned economy, a complete monopoly is vital on all foreign trade (not import controls, which are directed against workers in other countries}. These policies frighten Callaghan and other Labour leaders. Yet they are the ones which today need to be fought for in the labour movement and in the Labour Party itself.
The moves afoot in the steel unions point to what is needed: a new Minority Movement, a militant organisation of all those that stand for a break from class collaboration and compromise and who aim to wrest the unions out of the hands of the reformist mis-leaders.
A similar movement is needed to defeat the right wing in the Labour Party. The possibilities and difficulties, in organising such a movement were gramme must be the rejection of any clearly revealed in the steel strike. This idea that we should pay for the effects has ta be our conscious aim in our efof the economic crisis. We have no forts to mobilise the whole movement control over the anarchy of capitalism, in @ general strike to kick out the sO We are not going to suffer the con- Tories.
Finally, we have to be clear that if sequences.
A workers’ solution to the capitalist the rank and file movement which crisis requires a complete redeveloped could not finally defeat Sirs, structuring of the whole economy — an important factor in this was the something which can only be absence of a strong revolutionary implemented by a workers’ governorganisation with large numbers of ment. Callaghan'’s government had steelwvorkers in its ranks that could knit together the local developments and nothing in common with a government which acts in the interests of the warkprovide an overall political framework. ing class. A workers’ plan for the To build such a revolutionary organisation goes hand in hand with the fight economy calls for the expropriation of the core sections of industry and the for policies of struggie, not comfinance institutions, and for a regime of promise. This is why we hope you will werkers’ control over production. To help us build the International Marxist Group. soak up unemployment and stimulate
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page d
Lessons of the steel strike by Brian Grogan (IMG national organiser for the steel strike)
THE 13-week national steel strike Nonetheless, a 16 per cent deal is a ended with a 16 per cent wages rise far cry from management's original tied to job loss and productivity inoffer of two per cent. Steelworkers hardly became the sacrificial lamb the creases. The strike was a sell-out by the union leadership, but not a defeat Tones intended them to be, and strong for steelworkers. sectors such as the miners will not The large-scale redundancies have been intimidated by the governdemanded by the Tories, which before ment's tactics. The situation inside the the strike seemed certain to go steel indusiry has been transformed. through without any problems, now There was anger at the settlement. threathen to become a battle ground, When the findings of the committee of The steel strike raised the temperature inquiry were accepted, pickets lobbyof the class struggle in Britain and ing the (STC headquarters chased the brought workers from one of the key executive members round the basic industries out of hibernation. building.
The settlement is made up of two The near unanimous view of the active strikers was to oppose the retum parts. Eleven per cent is to be paid on existing rates. On average this will to work. But these were only a minonmean a £10 rise. Finance for this, some ty of the total work force, which had £180m, has to be found almost entirely by and large remained passive during from future redundancies. Another 4.5 the strike and subject to the pressure per cent on offer is dependent on the of the capitalist media. Accordingly, negotiation of local productivity deals local leaders generally took the view involving massive changes in working that a united return to work was the _—* practices and speed ups. This will best way to preserve fighting capacity, In the face of the executive's decision result in 12,000 lost jobs, on top of the 52,000 already announced by BSC to settle, which was endorsed by ISTC’s delegate-based negotiating management. The 4.5 per cent rise will be paid for the first four months on committee — the militant areas considered that if they were to stay out account. But after that it will continue to be paid only if satisfactory local they would become isolated and be deals are completed. In many areas picked off. Even so in South Yorkshire, — these are unlikely to be concluded. ——
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page 5 a key militant strong-hold, local leaders and in the last wage round it had acrequired all their prestige to win a small cepted eight per cent when everyone majority for a return to work at a mass else was obtaining 15 per cent. British meeting. steel workers are by far the lowest paid A 13-week strike by the steehworkers in Western Europe. — the longest national strike in Britain The British Steel Corporation's initial since the Second Word War — was offer of two per cent on top of the completely unexpected, not least by massive redundancy programme was the Tories. The government's plan, to spark ISTC into motion. Despite the hatched while in opposition by union’s leadership, the strike brought a Nicholas Ridley MP, was to pick on total walk-out from day one, on 2 and defeat a significant group of January. Even workers from plants workers a5 an example to the rest of such as Shotton, Corby, and Consett the class. which were facing virtual closure came What the Tories had learnt from the out solidly in support of the strike, Heath administration was that they even though they appeared to have could not immediately take on the milinothing to gain from it, Within days the whole of the Steel Corporation was tant sectors without encouraging the sort of conflagration which Heath had ata standstill. In the following weeks a touched off with the miners in 1972 massive flying picket operation was and again in 1974, Thatcher's policy organised, aimed particularly at steel was therefore to compromise with the stockholders,docks, and private steel.
Such actions were against the policy core unions in the present wage round.
Miners won 21 per cent without any and in many cases the explicity instrucstruggle and British Oxygen workers tions of ISTC’s national leadership. received over 30 per cent. Such wage It was the local strike leaderships incteases cannot continue if the Tories which formulated the strike aim of 20 are to put British capitalism back on an per cent with no strings, and the expansionary basis.
South Yorkshire strike committees A swingeingdefeat for the steelcame to the Tore in putting forward this workers was considered to be a demand. The scope of the flying pickets, the range of their targets, and Necessary preparation to take on the the number of pickets involved far exstronger sectors in the next wage ceeded the previous highest level of round, It would also be the first step in the Tories’ plans to break up the public struggle set by the miners in 1972. The _—————— sector by shutting off state backing, or level of rank and file self-organisation hiving off profitable sectors to private in the strike was remarkable. This was industry. coupled with a widespread distrust of the union leadership which lead to the [STC seemed to be well chosen. Bill Sirs, its general secretary, was popularisation of the demand for Sirs‘ resignation. renowned for his ‘moderation’, and there had been no national steel strike The policy of Bill Sirs was to attempt to find a compromise with managesince the General Strike in 1926. Over the past two years the union leadership ment at every turn. With the backing had agreed to 40,000 redundancies, el
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page 6 of Len Murray, Sirs proposed the form were often clocsdl Gaeta snes of the final sell-out formula — eight per meetings. cent plus five per cent local productivi- Throughout the strike, local offity — just one week into the strike. It cials:in South Wales toed the national quickly became obvious that a new line of Sirs, resisting demands for betstnke leadership had to be forged.
The delegate-based national ter picket organisation and mass meetings so that the pickets themnegotiation committee was somewhat selves could control the direction of responsive to rank-and-file demands. ihe strike. Despite this, South Wales Thus the committee took just 20 steelworkers began to organise to inminutes to throw out the twe per cent crease rank and file control of the plus 12 per cent pay-forjobs deal strike. In Caldicot, a small town housoffered by management and recommended by Sirs in the fifth week of the ing Uanwern steelworkers, weekly picket meetings were opened to strike. But this body did not act as a day-to-day leadership. Vith virtually Steelworkers, their wives and husbands. Each week, over 100 people nq tradition of struggle, itwas militants crowded into the local Rugby Club to at local level who took the lead in extending the strike. Their actions were discuss the issues raised by the strike, organise picketing for the week, and not only independent of the bureauset up a food cooperative for strikers’ cracy but against the sabotage of the families: top officials.
The attempts to pull out the private From such a mesting, a women’s picket was set up to increase participasector, particularly the mass pickets at places like Hadfields and Sheerness: tion of women steelworkers in the strike. Picket leaders became so the extension of the picketing to frustrated by the lack of direction from stockholders and the docks: the the local officials that they organised attempt to close major steel users such two unofficial meetings of pickets in as Metal Box, Fords and Sritish the last week of the strike. At the first Leyland all came from this layer of local leaders. It was the South Yorkshire of these, 300 pickets voted to ignore strike committee which by and large the Committee of Enquiry and stay out on strike until the jobs issue was setplayed the role of establishing day-totled. By the end of the week, it was day leadership of the strike almost immediately forming themselves into a clear that they were alone in this stand. divisional committee under a coor- Recognising this, the 400 pickets voted dinated command. The South to return to work. But they also agreed Yorkshire leadership decided on na- “to commit ourselves to take industrial tional targets and organised and action against redundancies if necesfinanced the flying pickets. It was also sary. We should canvass unions naexemplary in developing rank and file tionally and locally to organise the fight against jobs Inss’. and community participation in the A committee based on a single strike, organising a series of rallies and demonstrations to keep the mass of region did not have the authority to strikers informed and involved. The ee
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page 7 openly seek the leadership of the strike port the key militants involved. on a national basis. Many things had ta Unfortunately, the activities of the be done behind the scenes. This laid Socialist Workers party only detracted the basis for the emergence of the from this. lt first launched the Aeaf unofficial national strike committee, Stee! News bulletin, tied openly to the SWP. In many areas, Aeal Stee/ Again the initiative came from South Yorkshire. The first meeting was held News was counterposed to bulletins in the seventh week of the dispute with produced by broader groupings of representatives from most areas. From steel militants. In Newport, the SWP then on it held regular weekly refused to participate with the IMG to meatings. help Llanwern steelworkers — many of The objectives of the unofficial comthem Labour Party members — to promittee were to make good nationally duce Uanwern Stee! Sheet. The ten issues of this steehworkers’ bulletin the strikers’ determination to stop the movement of all steel; to extend the produced during the strike were the action to major steel users; and to only contact pickets had with the local popularise the objective of 20 per cent and national fight for 20 per cent, with with no strings. It was the unofficial no redundancy strings. Stee! Sheet national strike committee which meetings had a regular attendance of decided to try and close Ford around 20 steelworkers from different steel unions and will continue after the Dagenham, the largest plant in Britain, return to work to organise fora fight on which in the final week of the strike was under serious threat of imminent jobs and democracy inside the unions. closures. This body also took the in- In response to the failure of this project, it then launched Stee! Workers itative in organising lobbies of the national leadership meetings to try to pre- Charter, but this came out of the blue, vent a sell-out. The emergence of such unconnected to the rank-and-file leadership of the strike. The formally a national strike committee based on class struggle militants in the localities correct demands of this charter were has no precedent in disputes in recent therefore not fought for as answers to years, and it threatened to take the the problems that this layer of militants running of the strike out of the hands was attempting to answer and the of the ISTC bureaucracy. militants who looked to the SWP were To be sure, it never achieved the directed away from the key task of credibility to challenge Sirs. For all the building the unofficial national strike initiatives it was able to take, its committee. weakness lay in the lack of firm con- The total lack of influence of the tacts across the industry, the difficulty Communist Party among the active of gaining the confidence of key strikers meant that the local class struggle leadership did not have the militants, and their lack of tradition and experience. But for this reason-it was burden of the traditional ‘Broad Left’ strategy, which attempts to subornecessary for all those wanting to ae dinate actions to the wishes of left strengthen the class struggle leadership to aid the building of the unofficial bureaucrats. But the CP did play a role national strike committee and to sup- —Zs
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page 3 of the TUC to osganise solidarity in the strike — essentially one of across the board that limited this. The sabotage. real situation was seen in the docks.
For the strike to succeed, manufac- Dockers in the militant ports of Liverturing industry had to be hit. Stewards pool and Hull responded immediately. and union officials led by the CP ata But action in other ports was patchy. meeting of the Confederation of Ship- \When an issue presented itself in the building and Engineering Unions held port of Liverpool, 6,000 dockers in Sheffield during the sixth week of walked out. The day the steel strike the stnke refused to extend a boycott was called off was to have been the to all steel products. This was despite start of an all-out national dock strike in ‘an impassioned plea by Bernard solidarity with the steelworkers, Connolly of the South Yorkshire strike decided upon by a national delegate committee, backed by Keith Jones, conference. Such action could have the local ISTC official. been organised from the beginning, Ford is another example. Dan except for the refusal of the national Connors, the leading CP convenor at leadership of the Transport and Dagenham, was party to an agreement General Workers Union — the main to limit picketing — essentially to strip docker's union. steel — which would have meant Ford could have continued working indefinitely. It was only the determination of the rank-and-file pickets from South Yorkshire which succeeded in changing this. But by that time, the strike was in its twelfth week. The CP At the beginning of the strike, trade recognised in words — as indeed did unions throughout Wales demons- Sirs — that the strike was a struggle trated their support for the against the Tory government. But it steelworkers fight on jobs. Two hunrefused to accept the logic of this. dred thousand workers struck on 28 lfa defeat for the steelworkers was a January as the first shot in a plan-of defeat for the whole class, then everystrike action to culminate in @ virtual thing possible had to be done te aid the general strike in March. Terrified of the steelworkers. It was vital to generalise implications of such action, Len the links which began to develop bet- Murray successfully pleaded with the ween the steelworkers, miners and Wales TUC to ‘cool it’ and postpone dockers.— as well as the pulling in af the action. South Wales miners had other sectors — into a general strike to already ballotted in favour of strike bring down the government. It is action for jobs. Faced with this retreat hypocrisy to say that there wasn't supby the TUC in Wales and England, and port in the working class for the the refusal of the steel unions to steelworkers. From the start of the broaden their strike to the jobs issue, steel stnke miners, railworkers, and the miners were unprepared to strike dockers. in militant ports offered out alone. solidarity to the steel workers and im- The TGW'U leadership was the main plemented a boycott. It was the refusal —— ec
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page 9 to be solidarity with foreign workers. problem with another key sector — the lorry drivers. For the first crucial week The new class struggle leadership of the strike, only a clear instruction which is beginning to form out of the not to cross so-called ‘primary’ pickets experience of the strike must centre its was given. The decision of whether ta strategy on opposing root and branch cross pickets of stockholders and the rationalisation strategy of BSC and major users was left up to the ‘consthe Tories. This must centre on the cience’ of the drivers. This was intersafeguarding of jobs, opposition to any preted by most local bureaucrats as an hiving off and the total nationalisation invitation to cross picket lines, thus of all steel, including stockholders. sabotaging effective picketing. It was The Tory cash limits have to be only in the ninth week that a clearer insmashed, and a subsidy to save jobs struction went out. The bosses were forced on the government. The startnot so inhibited. They organised a ing point needs to be the safeguarding massive operation to share the of the guaranteed 40-hour week. This available stockpiled steel, and aided should be extended to a total policy of and abetted by BSC management, worksharing with no loss of pay. The they kept imports rolling in through shop stewards committees which have unregistered ports. been established in South Yorkshire The sell-out policies of the union must be extended nationally and a naleaderships was all of a piece with their tional combine committee formed, overall strategy. The thrust of the ISTC committee to a class struggle strategy campaign was to indict the inefficient to save jobs. management of BSC and its lack of an Such shop floor organisation will be aggressive export drive. essential for South Wales steelworkers It is true that BSC management is in the jobs fight ahead. They will have bad. Bureaucratic management in to. cut through the inactivity and comboth the public and private sectors will promises of the national officials and breed inefficiency — only workers’ their stooges at Llanwem and Port control of production by an informed Talbot. Plans for an action committee workforce and within the framework of to fight redundancies at Llanwern and a workers’ plan for the industry as a Port Talbot should be given full supwhole can eliminate waste and ineffiport from steelworkers throughout the ciency in large-scale production. But country. Proposals to open this comthe waste of resources exhibited by mittee to miners, Port Talbot workers, BSC management arises not from indockers and transport workers show competence but from wrong planning that Llanwern steelworkers recognise predictions due to the chaos of the they cannot fight for jobs alone. capitalist market. To demand import The fight has to go on inside ISTC. controls to deal with this is to continue The liaison committee for the reform of to join with the bosses in trying to the ISTC, which existed before the resolve their problem at the expense of strike, can now be placed on a higher workers — this time foreign workers. level, integrating class struggle policies But the needs of steel workers as into the fight for democratic control of revealed in the steel strike was shown the union. This is now the task. e
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A strike against the Tories
by Bernard Connolly (Crafts convenor, Rotherham)
The steelworkers’ strike was not simpshallied, with an eye on the mass membership who affect their votes. ly about workers’ pay, or about jobs.
The TUE certainly did not live up to This was @ strike set up by the Tory its responsibilities. Len Murray did Goverment, as a first round ina fight to destroy the trade union movement. nothing other than make attempts to get a compromise as the basis for a There is no question about this, and sell-out. There was never any realistic everyone — unless they were totally politically naive — recognised it. All support: everyone was just trying to the officials of the unions involved find an avenue to get the TUC off the clearly understood it. hook, Whatever might be said about the What disappointed thousands of rank and file workers in the steel indirective of some unions involved, like the Transport and General Workers’ dustry is that the officials of the labour Union, we got tremendous support movement allowed it to happen, from the T&G im the docks and knowing full well that their turn would amongst many drivers — the tanker come. drivers, the British Oxygen Company The steelworkers did not lose the fight. They won many rounds in the drivers, and other steel-carrying fight. True, it wasn’t a knock-out; the drivers. towel was thrown in. What can the The railway workers gave us tremendous support and if every union fighter do when the manager thraws in the TUC had followed them, the the towel in?
It is really as basic and simple as strike would have ended quickly. For that. The steelworkers themselves instance, if the Electricians’ Union had don't consider they have lost. They said ‘We're taking out the breakers unless you satisfy our members with a consider they were sold out, and are very bitter about it. They are very bitter reasonable settlement’, or if the about the people who they have listen- Engineering Union had come to our ed to for years; who for years have aid, then the strike could have been given militant speeches; but who, over in a month, successfully. when the chips were really down, The TUC could have done much, much more. They just sat on their weren't prepared to pick up the gauntlet. These labour leaders shilly- ———__——
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page 7! recommendation from the committee hands, so, from day one, the crafts were out During the strike there were discusalong with the [ron and Steel Trades sions between the miners and the Confederation members. steelworkers in Yorkshire. The right In Rotherham, a strike headwing in the Miners’ Union were making quarters was set up for crafts, prior to noises at leadership level that the strike Christmas. We set up a strike commitwas not political. But they really knew tee and from that elected a financial that the government was taking on the committees. Then picket control units unions in piecemeal fashion, and the were established. There were also TUC was allowing Thatcher to do it. various bedies for fund-raising, The executive members of the speakers, transport, meeting Yorkshire NUM gave a measure of organisers, and so on. support financially and morally. But The strike committee was a when asked if they would call out the specially elected body from a shop pits to support steelworkers, they stewards committee meeting. It was replied “Well, if we call them out and agreed to run the strike almost like a they don’t come, then Thatcher will military campaign. There was to be no use it to her advantage’. situation where volunteers were asked But surely she used it to her advanfor. Instead, pickets should operate on tage when they weren't called out! If direct instructions from the stewards the miners had been called out, atleast who were made into marshalls. Thatcher would have seen the union's executive was with the strikers. When The idea was for the stewards to they weren't called out she could only look after their own members, in cells. have concluded that nobody was with There were a mixture of cells; some us, and that everyone was standing by based on geography, others on departallowing the government to carve us ments. up, piecemeal, as it intended in the first This structure worked and at Rotherham, crafts had between 85 and place.
The TUC and all the unions involy- 90 per cent of members actively involved were very aware of the Ridley ed: 90 per cent for the first 10 weeks; Report and knew exactly what was at something like about 80 per cent in the stake. The TUC knew the battle plan of last two weeks. Twelve hundred the enemy well in advance, yet sat pickets out of 1400 members were on back and allowed the enemy to fight the streets for almost three months. At based on that plan. the end, people got a bit disappointed in the leadership, They felt they were Organisation of the crafts in being sold out and it was pointless to Yorkshire continue fighting against the hierarchy Prior to the strike, the crafts were that was intent on selling them out. strongly organised in Yorkshire. The The cell marshalls met weekly.
They didn’t come into the head South Yorkshire. committee recommended to its members that no-one quarters, because people sitting about should cross picket lines. Our wasn't encouraged, We never put tea members have never turned down a ——————
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page 12 on, oF coffee, or sandwiches. We cell visited the firm, and shut it down within 24 hours! It was possible, but merely paid picket money, in the form Sheffield was a bit disoriented at that of petrol money to get the pickets onto the sites. stage.
The marshalls rang in to the head- In addition to the three works strike Quarters each evening at six o'clock to - committees, we set up a divisional see if there was any change in their instrike committee for South Yorkshire. structions. On numerous occasions, a This was organised by the ISTC but other unions got involved. The overall bus-load of pickets would be needed at j2 hours’ notice, and although it co-ordination of the strike came from meant a lot of work for the picket conthis: committee. trol, the call was always met.
In some ways, this was disappointing because a Central Co-ordinating At Rotherham, there was a close Committee was also set up, but for a . liaison between the crafts strike committee and other unions. But variety of reasons, people didn’t give Stocksbridge immediately got a single this body the support and cooperation strike committee together, comprised it should have had. If it had been able of all'unions. to operate in a co-ordinated fashion, it would have better prepared Sheffield was very split, however. steelworkers for after the strike. A There was craft organisation in the River Don plant. In Tinsley Park, recognised, central committee with a lot of credibility could have helped however, craft organisation was based in @ local pub. The TEGWU and the weld together the unity gained in 13 Generaland Municipal Workers’ Union weeks of struggle. met in another pub, Finally the STC The Coordinating Committee managed to get regular meetings of operated from a caravan, with a call the Confederation of Shipbuilding and box down the road.
There was a big effort to get them Engineering, Number 28 — once a week, at the height of the strike. This all organised under one roof so that body is a mixture of all sorts of firms south Yorkshire would have three setups! a Stocksbridge, a Sheffield anda with varying degrees of strength and Rotherham group. This was suc- Organisation. The officers argued that cessful. Premises were found and there would be less resistance from the Sheffield got operative. They were workers if they weren't asked to go out struggling for funds, and didn't know on direct strike and less total wages.
Their argument was that soon there which way to turn, so they were given would be layoffs with lay-off pay and aid.
In the early stages of the dispute, this would produce a better response. sheffield workers were all pulling But this approach failed to recognise the political character of the against each other. At one strike committee in a local pub, all the strike. Ridley had spelt it out clearly.
The Tories were taking on what they steelworkers sat having great debates while steel was passing under their thought was a weak battallion. It was on that basis that we urged Conted very window into a firm not 200 yards up the road, In facta Rotherham flying ———aaal
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page 13 after the strike much more than the members to come out. There were big stocks of steel that could, and did, ISTC-oriented divisional committee. keep them working for weeks. In fact, The ISTC divisional committee did a because the workers were not given very worthwhile job and got lots of accorrect direction, and were not all pull- Ayn tion pushed through. Yet something ed out, the resolution of support was superior was in our grasp and we lost broken at some firms just as the strike It. began to bite. Scab steel began to be The Central Coordinating Commit unloaded. tee could have been maintained as So although the Central Cooranother form of committee after the dinating Committee got these weekly strike. Because that didn't happen, the Confed meetings, it didn't really play pieces now need to be picked up to much of a role, despite the good efgive_a central thread to all the unity forts of some militants. The great created during the strike. potential strength of this committee was that it involved a multi-union set National Organisation up. The ISTC multi-union divisional committee came out of this Central The Wational Strike Committee Committee, but the ISTC didn't supcame about because the hierarchy in port the Central Committee as it was. It the trade union movement failed to coordinate and organise the strike effectively. The suggestion for such a body came from aé Sheffield meeting.
Rotherham went along with this.
The committee involved delegates from Wales and Scotland, as well as South Yorkshire. But the Welsh delegates were very hamstrung and tied down with officialdom. The case of workers from the North-east was very similar. The officials were keeping a tight rein on the strike committees in those areas.
The reason they gave for not coming to the meeting was that they understood the committee was connected with the ISTC Reform Group, might have been a question of trust. established before the strike to fight on The ISTC proposed that two democracy in the unian. This was unmembers from each union should be on the Central Coordinating Committrue. Steelworkers were concerned with the organisation of the strike. tee, and delegates were elected accordingly. There were no full-time officers They wanted to avoid situations where South Yorkshire was sending pickets on the body. It was elected direct from to — say the Midlands — and upon arthe rank and file leadership. This body could have maintained the impetus —
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page 14 rival found Welsh pickets there; Scot they hold the purse strings it was very obvious that steelworkers weren't gotish pickets there; and so on.
Furthermore the union leaders ing to get much from its deliberations, almost every week were making and whatever was got would have to statements to the press involving be paid for with jobs. So the Commit- <_ U-turns. It was almost impossible to tee was set up to save the face of cerkeep up with the contradictions, let tain people in the leadership who alone keep the strike going in the right found thamselves in a situation they direction with the confusion this was didn't know how to get out of — where they had lost control, and the causing.
The Committee existed for seven strike committees were asking them to weeks. We sent off a number of take a lead. The union leadership teleqrams to the executives of the wanted to regain control of their unions involved; we attempted some unions, and so they wanted members lobbying exercises of executive back at work where they could exermeetings; as well as other actions. cise that control.
For years the union leaderships had South Yorkshire had been insaid to steelworkers, “Give us the strumental in closing down the Ford troops, and we'll give you the leaderplant at Dagenham on the Monday ship’. Well, the troops were there, But before the settlement was put to the the leadership was missing. We neednegotiating committee. It was thought ed the National Strike Committee to this would affect the thinking of the make sure the troops went forward leadership. Furthermore, the dockers anyway. But here once again, this were ready to come out on national body had its limits — it started late in strike. A number of other industries the strike, and there were big difwere also coming up for negotiations and it was clear the leadership was just ferences in the levels of militancy at a as afraid as the government and the national level. employing class. It would soon be a situation of a drift into a general sirike. The impact of the sell-out in The bureaucrats were terrified of Yorkshire what the results would be if the strike When the steel-workers claim was had continued another month with the sold out, South Yorkshire had to conprivate sector in-steel-and the railways sider whether it should remain out. It in the middle of negotiations.
There was a lot of anger in the park was clear the deal was rushed through the Committe of Enquiry. It has never in Sheffield where the settlement was been known before for a Committee of voted on, It was taken out against the that nature to sit on a Saturday and platform which was comprised of Sunday, and the result of its effort members of the South Yorkshire strike smacked very much of the Samuels committee. It was a difficult tactical settlement of 1926. decision to recommend Yorkshire The government had said before should return. Perhaps the long-term the Committee even started that it was effects of a national dock strike were having nothing to-do with it. But since
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page 15 not considered seriously enough. But discovered they can fight; they do have the tenacity and energy for strugstrike leaders on the platform argued gle; and they can win. This unity has that because the union executive had been fought for. Now it's got to be well sold out the workers, the support already won would not continue. Then used. the directives to the drivers, and the In South Yorkshire it will be easier to develop further organisation. All the dockers actions would be withdrawn. unions came out together and a Furthermore, the money to maintain the pickets would have dried up, once general respect grew amongst the other areas retumed, and there would workforce. The crafts refused to go be no petrol money or other forms of back before the rest of the workers, for instance. In South Wales this could be assistance.
more difficult. There the ISTC went The gains of the strike back and the crafts refused. When the ISTE came out the day after the setilement, the crafts returned. So both The main gains of our struggle crossed each others’ picket lines after were demonstrated the day after the being on strike together for 13 weeks! return, when workers came out again.
South Yorkshire has to ensure that Great unity and solidarity was the lessons it has drawn are maintaindisplayed. But this is tenuous even toed. We have to show what we have day, because it is not organised and channelled. Steelworkers have
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page 76 learned in practice, so other areas will has been picked off. There has been a catch on, and see the advantages. campaign for some years to pump into Itis not possible today to sit back in their heads that it is their fault that the one area and say: ‘Well we seem to be steel industry is in crisis. That logic of all right in our particular division’. The management and the Tories has to be stewards movement is under attack by fought. the government. Thatcher isn't too When looking at the alternatives to woried about the bureaucracy, but the Tories” plans for the British Steel she doesn't know how to deal with the Corporation, the first thing to consider stewards movement. is not the needs of industry, but the H's amazing to see what is happenneeds of the membership. Faced with the threat of job loss, a shorter working ing in South Yorkshire today. The attack here is actually less than week is essential. This can't be made anywhere else, yet the dangers have an excuse for more overtime. On the been registered and workers have craft side in Rotherham, 1,300 moved to collect their balance: In members work 10,000 hours of over- South Wales, Scotland and the Nortime each week. Think how many theast, workers seem to believe they more people could be employed if that are in an isolated, insular positions.
Was cut out. That's not at all good.
Sometimes. overtime has to be The fight for jobs in South Wales done in an emergency, but itshould be must begin. Seuth Yorkshire is obpriced so high that management is viously opposed to job losses. But the forced to employ more labour. It fight must emanate from the area should be treble or quadruple time. which is affected.
It is the 1980s, yet still workers But today rapid moves are needed can't retire before the age of 65. Sabto organise the unity which exists. The baticals, longer holidays, and longer last meeting of the strike committee studying at schools would only benefit has yet to be called. This committee workers. How long is it since we won should be wound up as a strike boriy, the 40-hour week? and started again as a co-ordinating Everyone is in favour of the new commitee. technology to improve efficiency. But I's clear that future battles lie who benefits? It should be the working ahead and we need to be prepared. class. Central to what is going to happen These are the kinds of policies that now is the fight against redundancies. a puts the interests of ihe working class The official leadership will not lead that ahead of the profits of BSC. Today fight. As far as itis concerned, the jobs there are many more activists since the have already been sald. 13-week strike, and it will be an uphill In the strike, the official leadership battle. The unofficial national strike tried to sell us out from day one. It had committee had to organise during the to be dragged kicking and screaming strike because the ISTC wouldn't do it every Step of the way. This-will be the officially. And in the fight over jobs, it case on jobs. will be once again come down to It is no accident that South Wales militants taking a strong lead. c)
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page 17
Steelwomen’s power by Celia Pugh (Socialist Challenge correspondent in Wales)
q fp] ‘Men of steel’ became a popular pylons. Her job involves unsocial hours newspaper quip during the strike. So and take-home pay of £40 to £45 per what about the women steelworkers week before the dispute: During the who make up 10 per cent of the strike she explained that Midmembership of the Iron and Steel diesbrough women had taken an ac- Trades Confederation (ISTC)? A visit tive lead: “We have the same interest in to any picket line during the strike the strike as men. We want 20 per cent showed that women were there, without strings. We've been on flying alongside men. And women weren't pickets to Birmingham and London, just confined to local picket lines. and outside the ISTC Executive Coun- In Stocksbridge, 60 women’s names cil meeting to let Bill Sirs know we were on the picket list and as Enid, part won't settle Tor anything less than the of the picket squad that went to British full claim’. Leyland in Covey, explained: “We had As the strike went on, it became a vast response from women. VVe are clear that women weren't content ta trying to show that women will do play their traditional supportive role. what men will. We've been all over — Merlene Tovey, an |STC member from from Hadfield’s to Sheerness.’ the Llanwern plant in Wales, recalls Many women in the steel industry that ‘at the beginning of the strike, work in the offices, canteens and as women were mostly involved in makcleaners. Majorie Hill, a cleaner at ing tea and sandwiches. Then | helped British Steel Stainless in Sheffield was Start a picket rota that fit in with pickon the Cowley picket line. She wanted ing up the kids from school. to help oui in the strike ‘to get out of “We found that if men were around, the house and in touch with other they wanted to put us to one side, and strikers’. deal with the lorry drivers. This wasn't Many women in the industry work acceptable to us. We were just as able on production. Pauline Sendrawich, to picket! In the end, we made the men for instance, works as a table driver in sit back and drink their coffee while we the Cargo Fleet Steelworks in Midtalked to the drivers. If we had just dlesbrough. Working with red hot stuck to picketing with men we would metal, she and 24 other women, help not have got anywhere.’ produce railway line beams and crane
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ST eee page 18 Enid, from Stocksbridge works, dominated union.’
Now that the strike is over Merlene agreed with this point: “We decided Tovey wishes women had been inthat women should be organised volved earlier. “We could have held separately from the men because the more meetings, possibly on a different men weren't letting us play our full part’. With this determination from night to the men. We could have got more women involved and kept this Stocksbridge women steelworkers, it going after the strike — maybe it’s still was no accident that it was 50 women fram Stocksbridge that set off for the not too late. If there is another strike, Sheerness picket at a time when the we'll be geared up. The strike has certainly given mea lot more confidence’. press was trying to whip up a ‘back to Merlene Tovey would like to see work stunt amongst strikers’ wives the political awareness amongst there. The Stocksbrndge women were women continue. ‘The young women armed with placards and banners prooffice trainees who came along with us claiming ‘South Yorkshire women hate began to ask more questions. Originalscabs’. ly they thought they were just out for But the involvement of husbands pay. But they've had an education on and wives of steelworkers was prowhat it's all about. Half of them may bably most developed in the small lose their jobs. | would like to see them town of Caldicott on the Welsh come along to our Labour Party meet- ‘English border where many ings to get this discussion taken up’. steelworkers’ families live. Each week, ‘Once the Government said the cash strikers packed into the local Rugby Club, to discuss their next move. This flow was being cut, itwas clear itwasa political strike, not just a difference was where Merlene Tovey first probetween the British Steel Corporation posed the women's picket rota, and and the unions. However, | do think she also tried to involve strikers’ wives. the Labour Party has a lot to learn after ‘These women were stuck at home all the last Labour Government. It looks day with the bills coming in. Many like a watered-down Tory Party! We couldn't cope and a lot of husbands didn’t discuss things with them. They can't put the same kind of party back even if we get rid of Margaret were left in the dark with the only néws Thatcher: We have to consider what from the newspapers and telly. All they takes her place’. heard was how their husbands should be-at work. The lesson for next time is ‘But we must also look at our union. to find ways to get the women more in- | would like to: meet up with other people in the ISTE who want to reform volved. Inviting them to picket meetings was a start.’ our union, and to see more women "But our union also has to do this take up union positions. It would be sort of thing. We had no women on great to discuss this with other women the strike committee because this was in the union trom different parts of the elected from those with union posts — country . @ the secretaries and chairmen of the branches. No women were in these positions in Llanwern. It's a very male-
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page 19 should be subject to election and re- We must change election if we don’t like what they are our union doing. This is something we are campaigning for in the Labour Party, and it by Ray Davies (ISTC member, should be extended to our unions too, Llanwern strike committee)
The Executive Council must be elected on the basis of the best person for the | was delegated to attend the national job, not necessarily on a regional basis. conference of the [ron and Steel We can also learn from well-organised Trades Confederation. | now find this areas like Caldicot. They had mass conference has been cancelled. This is meetings involving steel workers from a tragedy, just at the time when different unions and the wives of steelworkers have gained fresh exstikers. Everyone was involved in perience on the picket lines. The ISTC, making decisions about the running of with other steel unions, has sustained the strike. lf these mass meetings had the full frontal attack of the Tories. The happened throughout the strike, TUC must be made to stand by us. Our perhaps our executives would have national conference could have been more in touch with what we discussed this. We could have rewanted. Perhaps they would not have quested that the TUC set guidelines for been able to get away with accepting a counter-attack. This should include a an Enquiry which signed away our massive national fund toe back injobs. dustrial action taken by unions who are Steelworkers from picket lines picked on by the Tories. The TUC throughout the country feel the same should also be prepared to supply way as we do. In Yorkshire, Varrpickets and solidarity action when ington, Scotland, and Corby, they are these strikes take place. ad as fed up as we are with our union One of the reasons Bill Sirs has leadership and structures. During the cancelled the conference is because he strike we made links with members of fears the moves afoot to push through other strike comittees through the a vote of no confidence in him and the unofficial National Strike Committee. other executive members who sold us We should now make every effort to short. The feeling on the picket lines is keep up these links so that we can get that we were not so much set back by things changed after the strike. e the British Steel Corporation and the —————_———————— Government, but demoralised by our The above contribution is taken from the 4 April issue of ienwem Stee! Sheet, a bulletin produc: own leaders and full-time officials. It's ed by Llanwern steelworkers. Started during the the people we pay to lead our union sirke, Stee! Sheet production will continue, to who have been among our biggest campaign for a fight on jobs and to democratise the steel unions. Stee! Sheet supporters fram the enemies. They undermined our con- Engineering Union, the STC, and the Blastfurfidence with their national dealings, nacemens’ Union in Llanwern and the Electricians’ Uneon in Port Talbot meat requilarty to This is a lesson of the strike: we discuss the content of Stee! Sheet and to lay have to make changes in our union. plans for activity in the stee! unions. If you area Our union constitution was designsteeiworker and interested in participating in Stee! Sheet activities, write to: Stee! Sheet. cfo ed for conditions of the past: it must 5 Sydney Street, Vewoort, Gwent, Wales. now be swept aside. Our officials —————— nn eee
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page 20
The Warrington Brick Brigade by Colin Herd (ISTC convenor, Warrington)
Cw THE ‘Warrington steelworks were Tories and their backers in industry. It threatened with total closure even also symbolised the vicious role of the before the strike began. Most workers police in defending the bosses’ inwere over 50 years of age and prepared terests. Many lessons were learned in to accept redundancy cheques. the Hadfields operation that shouldn't Despite this, Warrington was 100 per be forgotten in the battles that still lie cent solid — and there was.a hard core ahead. of pickets who would go anywhere, at Warnngton strikers got involved in anytime. Because of the operations the Hadfields picket when a call went out for as many hands as possible to camed out by the picket squads, dames Anderton, police chief for report for picketing to an unknown Greater Manchester, labelled us the destination in South ‘Yorkshire. ‘Warrington Brick Brigade’. Ve ac- Although everyone knew it could incepted this gladly because our operavolve heavy picketing, fifty-four tions were carried out on behalf of volunteers met at one o'clock in the steelworkers, trade unionists and the morning of 14 February.
We arrived at a strike centre in the working class as a whole.
We travelled the country to points area, and were given details of the 5am where we were needed. VWe fought to picket. We were reminded about the close down Walkers in Blackburn, a numerous arrests at Hadfields in the firm claiming to be Europe's largest previous three weeks when peaceful steel stockholder. We travelled overpickets had taken place. night to London to occupy the ISTC Between 4.30am and 5am our coach headquarters to stop a threatened sellwas stopped on three occasions by the out. We joined the picketing at Fords police and the driver was challenged plant in Dagenham, in Birmingham about his destination, Fortunately, the driver had not been told. Nevertheless and other targets.
The picket on Hadfield’s private the police more or less ended up escorsteal firm in Sheffield became a symbal ting our coach up to the top of Vulcan to thousands of workers in the Narth- Road — one of the major roads runwest. It symbolised the united efforts ning past Hadfields.
When we arrived, we couldn't of engineers, miners, ‘transport workers and steelworkers against the —E—
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believe the amount of police force. Coach after coach of police vehicles lined the street — all of them empty. We wanted to go around the corner to join up with the rest of the pickets at the main entrance. The conversation with the police ended when a 19-year ald member of the Warrington branch was hit across the cheek-bone with a police truncheon. This individual had & € ide never been on picket duty before in his life. Two hundred police officers then strengthen the backing of the wives of ploughed straight into the mass of the strikers. They refused to print Warrington pickets. Arrests and ineither. The editor is a well-known right junes — on both sides — followed. wing Tory. We expected difficulties Around the corner, Arthur Scargill because of this, and we got it. Butnow and 400 Yorkshire miners led steelwe have a branch policy where this workers into a similar confrontation paper is banned from union matters. It with the police. With this united effort, will not be reporting at the negotiations there was a complete and overwhelmdue to take place on 16 July about the ing success and Hadfields closed early total closure of the Warrington works. in the afternoon of February 74. The This is how we have to deal with the toll was heavy, however, and this conpeople who stand behind the daily frontation became known as the St. press. But the working class needs a Valentine's Day Massacre. paper of its own. Only the socialist Of course this violence by the police papers told the truth about our strugnever became clear to the majority of gles. Now, hopefully everyone won't people in this country. Time and again have to go through our experiences throughout the strike we saw reporters themselves before they see through and cameras from papers like the the lies of the Tory press. Mirror at these battles. Yet the next The experience of the strike made day, the photographs we know were militants and socialists out of many taken, never appeared. At Sheerness workers who had never thought about we even witnessed a police inspector politics. We can’t let Sirs get away throw over an entire [TV camera unit with the sell-out. The idea behind the set up on a tripod. But not a word of unofficial national strike committee this came on either the six o'clock or that met during the strike has to be the ten o'clock news. continued in peace-time. Despite the Finally, we started to confront the so-called unity, it's disgusting to us reporters. ‘It's not up tous,’ they said. that the Number 1 Scunthorpe and ‘It's our editors you should be after’.
Number 11 Rotherham works have ac- But who are the editors? In Warrcepted Wartington’s orders, which ington, we gave two interviews to the makes total closure of our works Warrington Guardian hoping to build definite. This lesson also has to be built up pickets through the coverage, and on. ®
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page 22
Learning from Corby by Charlie Keeny (ISTC, Corby)
We at Corby have already experienced figures about our lack of viability that a the situation that Llanwern and Port four year old ‘child could have seen Talbot will find themselves in very through. shortly — the loss of livelihood and the Economists from Warwick Univermeans of supporting our families. We sity told us that the British Steel Cornow face the. degrading, dehumanisporation’s figures were nonsense. Coring dole queue, where the same people by could produce strip more cheaply who threw us out of work will now than bringing it in, with only a small inderide us as scroungers off the state. vesiment in new plant, much smaller In the two or so years that we than the amount they intended to buy waited for the sack, our officials conour jobs with. We tried to make the stantly relayed the message from Corporation see this. It was at this management: ‘Don't press for any betpoint that it finally dawned on us — ter conditions or wages now, or it they didn’t want to know, they'd never means inevitable closure. Help us now wanted to know, the whole quest for and we will be able to prevent closure’. viability had been a gigantic hoax at So for a long time we did just that. our expense. The BSC’s plans had We allowed cuts in our conditions and never changed, we had been fed this didn't press any claims at all for a thread of hope in-a cruel attempt to meaningful increase in wages. We keep us quiet until they were ready to allowed members to leave and not be give us the chop. replaced, even though many of us If this sounds familiar, itshould. It's knew that manning levels were already the same argument the BSC are using ata critical point. Production records over the national wage claim — ‘Don't were surpassed in the frantic attempt ask for more’, ‘Work harder for less or to “become a viable proposition’. This the closure will come quicker and was all we-ever heard for two years: harder’. ‘We can't afford to pay you more, but Don't fall for it, brothers and become a viable proposition and you sisters, as we did at Corby, because can keep your jobs". unless you fight against it they will Well, at the end of the two years close you anyway. Forget about the they told us: “Too bad, you didn’t work constant threats of closure, fight Tor a hard enough’. They presented us with —
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page 23 decent wage and carry on the fight against closures. If you don't fight The war is not over from the very start, you'll soon find that the closures demanded are everby Roger Tovey (NUB, Llanwern growing and the timetables for shutstrike committee) down even shorter.
It's imperative that the fight for wages and the fight for jobs are combined. If you think that the BSC’s promises of more jobs to replace the cuts are genuine, then take a look at the THE momentous 13 week struggle is facts. BSC's job finding service has now at Test — but if the battle is over, found 5,000 jobs in six years. We need the war is not. One who ignores the 5,800 at Corby alone, leaving aside the lessons of the past is doomed to relive other 46,000 redundancies BSC has it. You, the pickets, did not lose. You won new confidence in your own abiliannounced.
What we can tell the brothers and ty, new energy, and tenacity. This new sisters at Port Talbot and Llanwern is found defiant unity must never again be sacrificed on the altar of divisive that your future is in your hands, not leadership — it has already cost too the BSC’s. They don't care about your future or the future of your children. much. They simply want to rid of you in an in- Let us go fonvard with new confidence in our future. Never again leave sane plan to comply with the Common union business to the bureaucrats, but Market and if they decimate whole communities, whole regions, too bad, use your branches and lodges as your Don’t let them tell you that they platform.
Four hundred Llanwern can’t go on subsidising steel to a steelworkers from all the different greater extent than other European unions met the day after the settlecountries. They don't, the facts prove ment was accepted by the national that our steel is less subsidised than almost all in Europe. Less subsidised negotiating bodies. They voted to opthan France, for instance, where the pose the job cuts, with industrial action if necessary. Now is the time to lay steelworkers at Longwy have won plans for this fight, making links with their battle for survival and have sucthose who will be hit by the cuts and ceeded in bringing massive investment whose solidarity can help us succeed that will provide more jobs, not less. They have won a battle against cuts — the miners, the dockers, railway that put lunatic economic policies first workers. Steelworkers should participate in this campaign and take its and people second, plans back to trade union branches.
We can show again the strength and Their lesson is one we can all unity we found on the picket lines — benefit from. Only ff you are prepared but this time for the most important to fight and go on fighting do you have fight of all, the defence of our jobs and a chance of keeping your jobs and the those of our children. ° jobs of your children. e
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page 24
Organising the struggle by Brian Molyneux (ISTC, S. Yorkshire divisional strike committee)
TO understand the outcome of the ecutive Council and the system of Tulltime officials employed by the union. 13-week Steelworkers’ strike, and par ticularly how it was fought by During these early meetings, we Yorkshire steelworkers, it's necessary were preparing for a struggle on the jobs issue. We had all sorts of informato-go back 18 months before the strike. tion that indicated this would be the Then a group of steelworkers set outto win more democracy in the major steel issue, even before the British Steel union, the lron and Steel Trades Con- Corporation started to clase down the federation (ISTC). A number of Shotton works. A group of us even went down to Bilston and tried to do meetings were organised with what was possible there. But the ISTC militants who shared this concern for official wasn't that interested. democracy and a pamphlet called We were just getting involved in Steelworker ‘and Reform was publishthe Bilston issue when the Corby ed. We made contacts with other closure was announced. And so we steelworkers, but mainly what we went down to Corby and made some learned was how badly organised the links with workers there. But all these union would be in struggle, and how areas had the same problem: they poorly represented our interests were by full-time officials, and some lay ofwere relying on a local leadership which had no stomach for the fight. It ficials, was more interested in gaining setf- OF course, we didn't know then esteem from the struggle than in there would be a national strike. But leading the rank and file ina fight to we knew we would be in struggle keep jobs. All this time we tried to link some time in the future, even if it was up with people really interested in only at one works involving a few thoufighting for jobs. In the |STC there is sand people. Steehworkers have been no way of making contacts in the involved in many local struggles in the past, and the first thing that becomes union, so this was difficult. We have only just started to hold union conclear in any dispute is just how inferences in the |STC! And they are competent fulltime officials are. So mainiy attended by old-time branch frorn this local experience, we wanted to look at the weakness of the union at secretaries.
TT the national level — the union's Ex-
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page 25 per cent demand well before the na- During these 18 months, our small tional strike was on the cards. We group met weekly, involving mainly made it clear that we wanted a union officials from South Yorkshire. substantial increase in line with the We were concerned with how to get cost of living. All these resolutions aur membership behind us. At branch were adopted at the beginning of meetings, there were arguments about November. closures. We suggested that the plant At the time the two per cent wace should come out in support of Bilston. offer from BSC appeared, the But the Stocksbridge works actually Stocksbridge steelworkers were took a large part of Bilston’s orders, so already involved in dispute. | had been it was even more difficult. And of suspended by management, accused course management fuelled the contuof attending a meetings at the Fullersion by arguing that capital investment was vital to the life of the valley, but ton Arms pub, with other senior union Officials in the division. In my defence, without Bilston’s order, there was no members went on strike starting 5 possibility of investment. That had to December — four weeks before the be countered, and we had to explain national strike date. that Bilston would be isolated without A further area of organisation prior support. to the strike involved the metling pro- We started to broaden out the cess. It was clear management meetings, by getting crafts involved. organised this process on an area basis Crafts is very strong in Yorkshire, and not locally. This meant that if one highly organised. We called a meeting melting shop went on dispute, the with Bernard Connolly, the Chairpershifts of the other plants was increased son of the South Yorkshire Crafts so that steel production was not af- Committee, and several other craft fected. In response, the branches of convenors in the area. A fight on melting shop members got an agreeclosures was near, and we needed to ment that while one shop was in organise something around the andispute, the rest wouldn't increase the nouncements BSC would no doubt shift levels or handle any other orders. soon be making. But with the dif- All the melting shops started to meet ficulties encountered in mobilising the monthly, This was very significant in membership in defence of jobs, we terms of strength. No branches had began to feel that the wage issue was ever got together before, on any kind one way we could make our members conscious that there were other fights of issue.
By Christmas, it was clear a nawe needed to win. tional strike would be called. There That was when we formulated the were considerable steel stocks demand for 20 per cent, and saw the because everyone had been working need to link it to jobs. We didn't want overtime. A small group of us met to any strings. We started to put resoluevaluate picketing points, but we tions through joint committees — this didn't begin to look beyond our own was easy because our group involved region, outside of Sheffield, except to only senior joint committee officials. Te Many committees supported the 20 —_—_—
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page 26 the docks on our coastline. We eventheir file: whether the member was tually came.up with the idea of a divikeen, whether it was a waste of time sional committee, based on every joint asking them, and so on. That way, committee in the area. Some of tham whoever was organising the picket were a bit under the ISTC officialdom's rotas «=ocould «be psychologically wing, but that gave the body a certain prepared, and we didn’t waste official status. We were very conscious resources on useless phone calls. not to. go too fast, too soon. Eventually The organisation at Stocksbridge these people were won to a more miliwas a big job. Eventually, one person tant approach to winning the strike. was put in charge of each area: collec- At Stocksbridge, | asked fora mass tions in London, and in other areas: meeting prior to the holiday break-up finances from abroad: transport — into prepare for the strike. The full-time cluding the seven buses and 52-seater officials were involved at that stage. coach that we hired daily; picketing; publicity or printing. But one difficulty But all they had managed to do was hire a pub in each area for two hours.a was that everybody, including the local day to serve as a strike headquarters. leaders, wanted to go off all over the country, or to Germany, or wherever. This was hopeless. as we needed a headquarters from which we could We needed the leaders because they organise seriously — where people had influence with other workers, and could come for information or for had political knowledge. For those social security advice. We found an members with less experience, flying old, partly shut-down shop. No [STC pickets gave them a chance to meet branch has its own money, but when | others and to begin to speak at took office, | organised raffles so we meetings. That way, the union gained had some resources. We also collected new militants, the money was colmoney through my dispute as weil, so lected, and the leaders maintained a stable base for the operation. we were able to rent the shop and in- We didn’t have the cell. structure stall a phone. for pickets that Rotherham adopted. It For the first two weeks of the didn’t cater to our needs and our strike, we concentrated on organising method had many advantages: it was systems of every aspect of the strike. A easier to get organised quickly, we mass meeting was called, and more were more mobile in reaching pickets and more people turned up for picket by phone and directing them to a cenduty. We took everyone's names and tral point at a given time. In the cell addresses. The picketing was highly structure, often people were hesitant efficient. Every picket was given a to leave their own patch where they number. ff someone rang up to find the had been picketing for some time. location of a picket, we only needed to They also continued to mix only with look down a list. Each picket — and people from their branches. We there were over 2,500 whose actions wanted our members to mix with others, to get unity on the works when we were co-ordinating — had their own file. Each time they were we returned. Looking back, one imtelephoned a comment was made on —————
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page 27 officials were telling them not to provement we could have made was to picket. For the first time in their lives, try to broaden the numbers who took people weren't taking notice of what responsibility for various things during Sirs was saying. They just had one vithe strike. By the sixth week this was sion: to win the dispute. possible because the rank and file had This committee had members of six weeks of picketing experience, they the Executive Council (EC) on it, as were highly mobile and far fess relucwell as members of the Central tant than at the beginning.
Negotiating Committee (CNC), We encouraged these members to get out to other areas, but tried to ensure when they came back they would be responsisble to us.
We contacted Arthur Scargill, the Yorkshire miners’ leader, before the strike started and asked for a meeting between him and the divisional strike committee. All the EC and CNC members went to meet him. Scargill showed us maps from the 1972 and 1974 miners’ struggles, and explained how important East Anglia was; how When the strike started, the ISTC to log information coming in and out; at Stocksbridge reconstituted its joint how to set up a central log book so that committee into a strike committee. links with other areas could be main- Crafts had their own strike committee, tained without overlap; how to plan for as did the Transport Workers’ Union. accommodation, and so on. The Com- But lots of workers from these unions mittee members were very impressed. were coming to the ISTC shop They came out of the meeting whistlbecause we had resources, social ing. Then the press got hold of it and security information, and we were ina wanted a re-run just for the cameras. superior position because of our funds.
They loved it! Of course, Scargill Although they were reluctant, the concouldn't tell the militants much, but venors from the crafts eventually jointhis meeting was one of the factors in ed our committee. winning the whole of the committee, EC members and all, to an effective Organising at a regional level picketing policy which marked off South Yorkshire from then on. The EC From the first day of the dispute, members also went to France to speak we formed a committee at a divisional with the dockers. They couldn't get level. It had 12 people on it. We took over the solidarity they met. They some great decisions! There were peospoke to mass meetings like at Fords in ple on the committee who refused to Dagenham, and they proudly brought bow down to Sirs — who picketed back the money they collected! — Hadfields private steel firm and other stockholders’ firms although full-time eg
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page 28 By the second week of the dispute, dispensations in the first week, and we had a fairly solid independent body adopted a policy cf withdrawing safeat a regional level. We were then telling Sirs what we wanted. A few weeks It was very important for the later, when Sirs made one of his morale of the strikers to show that the famous mistakes, strikers were really strike was continually moving forward. angry. On the very same day, he issued This was why Hadfields was so centwo press statements: one saying all tral. It became a symbol not only steel should be stopped; another that because of the role of Sirs, but also the dispute was just with BSC, not the because the national press focussed private sector. It was totally confusing, on it, and because the factory union and that was when cries for his leadership played such a scabbing role. resignation came. The thing which We had in mind a Saltley picket. at Hadfields, because we recognised finally did it was when he gave a how important Saltley was in winning picketing dispensation to Hadfields, working class solidarity for the miners the private steel firm.
The call for his resignation came in 1972. through the divisional committee in the After Hadfields had gone back on sixth week of the dispute. Noone even Sirs’ dispensation, we took matters in spoke against it. We thought that our own hands. We put out the call for perhaps in other areas the rank and file a mass picket on 14 February. The inmight also have a similar view of Sirs, volvement of the miners and the mass and at least they would get their exmobilisation of the steel workers closecutive to be critical of him. And it ed down Hadfields after a long battle worked! According to Executive Counwith the police. This became known as cil reports, Sirs more or less apologised the St Valentine's Day Massacre. But for giving the Hadfieids dispensation. the victory was unfortunately allowed We thought it was important to to slip. The failure to close Sheerness take this up because it would register and Sirs’ failure to give an answer to in people's minds in other areas — the closure threat by the Hadfields there was an alternative that we had inmanagement, meant Hadfields returnitiated, This didn't exist nationally, of ead to work 10 days later. course, but at least it gave a vision of KKK how people could be in a position to govern themselves. Sirs’ credibility was at stake — members were The Central Co-ordinating Comprepared to be critical, and say tt openmittee was another regional body that ly. This gave others more courage to was Set up on a cross-union basis. It do $0, as well. had limitations; it was too far This series of blunders by Sirs remeved fram the rank and Tile to get helped us gain credibility. It allowed us the mass support it needed. George to take the initiative towards Hadfields.
Caborm, a full-time official for the and the private sector, and to dispatch Engineers’ Union in Yorkshire and a flying pickets towards stockholders leading Communist Party member in and other key targets. We stopped all —_—_—_—_—_—_—
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page 29 the area, came to the strike offices him out?” This sort of thing was hapnear the beginning of the strike. ‘I hear pening all the time. you are picketing Shardlows,* he said.
As time went on, it became clear that this committee was not much use. ‘My jads are honour-bound not to It was evident that Cabom and Knight cross picket lines, but you are forcing them to do it.” We explained that while were not prepared to ask their it was true pickets were on the gates, members to actually come out in support. After about six weeks, nothing no one was forcing anyone to cross. them, ‘But Sirs says you are only supresulted from our ‘common posed to picket BSC’. We replied how agreement. We hadn't reached an futile that particular policy was. agreement so that people could work In fact picketing was already beginforever! So eventually we decided the whole thing was a non-starter. ning to be effective in a number of engineering plants. Of course this was The concept behind this committee was okay. We did think it should be because we were stopping everything. kept ticking over with a small amount So Caborn announced that if we wanted to picket, we should adopt a of funds so that after the strike we could keep a forum in which all unions common policy. Many of the strikers could meet. Nothing has happened who had past expenence with Caborn yet, but we should still try toget sucha insisted he was only trying to control the situation — he had only a few meeting off the ground.
The ISTE divisional committee was members in steel, the majority in engineering. He was determined to meeting — ona parallel — all this time.
This body was guarding its autonomy protect the majority, not the minority. But the proposal seemed reasonable, and given that the Central Co ordinating Committee was more or less so we agreed that no raw steel would defunct, an overall body was still needbe allowed to move. This, we were ed. We had built up the trust of the assured, would lead to rapid lay-offs, membership, and had adopted what We set up the Central Coordinating Committee with two we considered were the right policies.
We didn't want to expend all this delegates from each union and met respect on the Co-ordinating Commitevery morning at 7.30 in the AUEW House. No full-timers, including tee. So we decided to expand the ISTC committee to involve other Caborn, were allowed in the meetings. unions. But it just happened that George This decision gave the militants Cabom or Albert Knight, another control over the committee which was Engineering Union officer and Comreinforced by the election of militants munist Party member, would drift in like Bernard Connolly and Frank and offer us coffee. Then they would Beaver from crafts. Sirs wanted to start to raise little matters. Caborn gain control of the body. He wanted would say, ‘Oh, | have a lad out here Keith Jones, the ISTC full-time official who just wants a dispensation. Ha’s for South Yorkshire region, to move to got a problem with your pickets and London. This failed so an edict came has to get things moving or he'll havea revolution on his hands. Can you help ——
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page 30 meeting people who would support from the Executive Council the followthem for no reward. All this developed ing week stating that all full-time ofstrikers’ political consciousness. The ficials should be fully involved in the badge explosion was another example. strike. This was six weeks after it had We started off with a few badges. But begun, so this was fine. We had they were so popular that eventually already exposed the officials in front of people were having their own made, the membership so nothing came out and they became treated like medals! of the edict buta bit of irritation.
The National Strike Committee The Press Fight weeks into the dispute, the One problem we had to deal with constantly was the press. They were crafts tried to conclude a separate settlement. We decided this had to be crawling all over the place like ants. stopped. Bernard Connolly went They clogged everything up. We taok around the country to squash it. We a firm decision that no-one but our press officer could talk to the press. decided while he was travelling, we should make contacts with other peo- This caused some problems but was ple, At the same time the International the only way to deal with them. One Marxist Group was pushing for some lesson we learned was how rapidly the general committee ta organise the press could alter its coverage. Until the third week, they were relatively symcontacts around the country into some pathetic. When they realised we structure. So once we had put a stop to the crafts deal, and had made many weren't going to be good, then the atcontacts, the call was launched for a titude of the press changed. It was pronational unofficial strike committee. bably not because they got some By that time, | was elected to the Cenorders from the top: perhaps jourtral Negotiating Committee and had nalists just react to what they think public opinion is. There was a conmade even more contacts. spiracy of silence by the capitalist press The idea of organising something as an alternative to Sirs nationally was towards the end. And the attitude of the strikers changed. At the beginning, vital. The possibilities were shown with the way we had closed down Fords at the coverage on television encouraged Dagenham and with some of the lobmore people to picket. By the end, bies. But the strike committee didn't journalists were being physically atfinally succeed. We needed something tacked — including the poor technicians who just held the camera. At to unify us in one fell swoop — maybe Hacfields, the press was stoned. a national rally. We should have at least organised a national bulletin, but We became involved in organising there just didn't seem to be the rallies from the third week, first on a Sheffield-wide level, then at each of resources. the plants. This kept morale up really The Settlement high. The flying pickets were meeting people from other areas, talking It was a dificult decision to decide politics to members of revolutionary to recommend @ return to work in groups often for the first time, and ———
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page 37 Yorkshire. We had a heated discussion but decided that it was better to keep Every action we take, we will the unity we had achieved. If the ma publicise to the ranks. Every time we gre asked to speak, or if we set up links tional strike committee had jelled, we possibly could have stayed out But wath other steelworkers in Europe, as with only one strong local organisa we are doing with West German tion, we would have been isolated. Ta workers, then we will explain in our day there is now a large layer of weekly Bulletin what we have done. militants in steel. So now we have to In that way we will be accountable organise the structures outside of the We want a mass shop stewards official ones. meeting every three months. This will The walk-out on the second day back to work showed that action was elect officials for the joint shop possible without the go-ahead by Sirs. stewards commiitee. We have already agreed on the representation for dif- The fact the walk-out was a display of solidarity over victimisation is also imferent unions. portant. This sort of support had never A 200-strong mass shop stewards happened before and shows what is meeting will be the controlling body, and the joint shop stewards will meet possible.
In most plants we now have joint each week. Each department will shop stewards committees. All the decide what it wants to put in the unions have been told that such bodies newsheet.
We have to consider a national are unconstitutional and certain people would like to see them destroyed for committee, and even international links. This might seem to be pie-in-theobvious reasons. We now have a sky, but we already have West Gerheritage of organising the rank and file. Joint shop stewards committees were man, French and Basque links. At not structures dreamt up out of the top some stage we need to take on of someone's head. They are a Brussels, so we have ideas for an interresponse to what the membership sees national bulletin.
This union is going to change. The is necessary, and is asking for.
We want to get steelworkers on first step has to be a campaign to get other picket lines, and to support Bill Sirs to rescind the cancellation of demonstrations like the 27 April march this year's ISTC conference. We have against the Special Patrol Group in already started passing resolutions to London. We want to maintain the that effect. militancy which existed during the At this time especially we need a conference to take stock of the sellstrike. out, assess where the union is at, and lt will be difficult. We have to work for a stronger organisation at the rank prepare plans for the next battles. @ and file level, but we mustn't be afraid of it.
Note: All the contributions in this pamphlet by steelworkers are made in Following the strike we have set up a joint shop stewards committee in * every plant in South Yorkshire, except
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Contents:
Introduction by Dodie Socialist Weppler...2
Lessons of the steel strike by Challenge Brian Grogan...4
A strike against the Tories by Bernard Connolly...10 READ SOCIALIST CHALLENGE, weekly paper of the International Marxist Group.
Steelwomen’'s power by Celia SOCIALIST CHALLENGE con- Pugh...17 centrates on political explanation of British and world events.
We must change our union It is a paper that campaigns for the interests of working people by Ray Davies...19 everywhere, and provides detailed inside reports of all The Warrington Brick major strike strugeles.
Brigade by Colin Herd...20 Get it delivered to your door each week by taking out a Learning from Corby by subscription. Only £6.50 for six months! Just write to Socialist Charlie Keeny ...22 Challenge, PO Box 50, London Ni 2xP.
The war is not over by Roger Tovey...23
Organising the struggle by Photo credits:
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