Condemned from the Dock: John Maclean's Speech from the Dock 1918

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CONDEMNED from fhe dock | am not here as the accused; lam here as the accuser of Pe apt rge ripping with heed , Sat | head to foot.

JOHN MACLEAN’S : speech from the dock 1918

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TAL

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FOREWORD

"The world working class revolution was first begun with engagenents by isolated combatants representing with unequalled courage all the honest elements of official ‘Socialism’ - a socialism rotten to the core, which is in reality nothing but social chauvinisn.

Liebknecht in Germany, Adler in Austria, MacLean in England: such are the best known of these isolated heroes who assumed the heavy task of precursors of the revolution."

Lenin, October 7th, 1917.

Not long after these words were written, Lenin and Trotsky led the Bolsheviks to the victory which shook the world and which they both hoped would be the first stage of world revolution, As a symbol of the international character of their revolution, Maclean, Liebknecht and Adler were appointed Honorary Presidents along with Lenin and Trotsky of the first all-Russian Congress of Soviets to be convened aftcr the revolution,

Subsequently Maclean was also appointed Bolshevik Consul in Glasgow, and it was while fulfilling his duties and at the sane tine making herculean efforts to spread the flame lit by the revolution in Scotland that he was arrested, for the third tine, on charges of sedition, and tried in May, 1918, His "Speech from the Dock" was a vivid exposition of international socialism, and should be preserved as part of the socialist tradition, The International Marxist Group is therefore to be .ongratulated on re-publishing it.

It is a sad reflection on the Scottish revolutionary movenent, now moribund for many years, that it was the growth of Scottish Nationalism which stimulated renewed interest in John Maclean and the fornation of a John Maclean Society,

Nan Milton. o-w.©®

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INTRODUCTION by BOB PURDIE

Half a century separates us from the speech contained in this panphlet, and from the trenendous events of which it is a part: the struggle against the First Imperialist War and the revolutionary explosions which it engendered. It was that war which for the first tine showed the nonstrous degeneration of Imperialisn, and its willingness to destroy whole generations of wage slaves in order to achieve its ends. In the last fifty years it has not changed its nature, although, as we see in Vietnan today, it has developed its technique to a point of unimaginable horror,

In the struggle against the imperialist war in Vietnan, and in support of the Vietnamese revolution, we must be conscious that we are part of a fight which has raged uninterruptedly since Marx issued the call: "Workers of the World Unite", and we should exanine the experience of all the great leaders and movements which have participated. Therefore we must study John MacLean,

The importance of a thorough biography and a complete public-~ ation of the writings of John MacLean cannot be stressed enough, The short study, "John IMacLean, a fighter for freedon" by Tom Bell, publishec by the Scottish Committee of the Commnist Party in 1944, seems to be the nearest approach to this so far, Although it contains much useful naterial, it is not of course generally available, and the extracts it gives fron his works ser-e only to tantalise anyone concerned to delve nore deeply into MacLean's ideas, The quotations and biographical naterial contained in this introduction are based on this book and are hereby gratefully acknowledged,

MacLean was one of that snall group of leaders of the workers! novenent at that tine who refused to betray their principles and (unlike the najority of the Second International) support the bourgeoisie of their respective countries. Like Iuxenbourg and Lieblmecht in Germany, Connolly in Ireland, Eugene V. Debs in the United States, and the Bolsheviks in Russia, MacLean not only opposed the war, but strove to nobilise the workers to struggle against the systen of society which was its cause. They were the finest example of the workers' movement of their day, we owe then a tremendous debt: their example inspires us and their ideas help us to understand our own fight against the sane eneny.

Born near Glasgow in 1879, Jo’ 1 MacLean was the son of a crofter from Mull who had been driven South, like many others, by rack renting and starvation, His father's untinely death from overwork and undernourishnent, and the terrible suffering anongst which his boyhood was spent had a great effect on John, Despite the poverty of his childhood the young MacLean proved to have a brilliant mind, and he won a scholarship to Glasgow University, While at University he became influenced by the ideas of Marxisn, and resolved to use his knowledge in the service of the working class.

It was MacLean's consistent agitation, prop»ganda and education which, nore than anything else, laid the groundwork for the resistance to the First World War amongst the workers of Clydeside; and it was not possible for the state to ignore MacLean's influence, This period was the

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greatest of Maclean's life, but he paid a heavy price for his courage.

Harried by the Police, arrested on three separate occasions, trials, hunger strikes in protest at his treatment: a lesser man would have caved in under the strain, But MacLean was MacLean, and his inner strength and the encouragement of his beloved Clydeside workers kept hin going,

The speech contained in this pamphlet was nade at his third trial in May 1918, In the tradition of all the great revolutionaries MacLean used the dock as a tribune from which to denounce the war and capitalisn, and in the tradition of vindictive bourgeois justice he was sentenced to five years penal servitude.

This trial was preceded by an important facet of MacLean's life. Consistent with his internationalism he hailed the victorious revolution in Russia and agitated everywhere in support of it. This, and his fight against the war, led to his being appointed the first ever Soviet Consul by the All-Russian Congress of Workers and Soldiers Soviets, This was no mere honorary position, There were a large muber of Russian exiles living in the West of Scotland at the time, anong then nany revolutionaries, MacLean organised assistance for then and aided them against a Govermnent which sought to victinise then in response to the Soviet Republic's withdrawal from the war.

Throughout his life MacLean was concerned to use his knowledge of Marxism to teach the workers the reasons for their oppression under capitalism, Energetic as ever in putting his ideas into practice, he was, by the winter of 1917 = 18, lecturing in Marxist econonias to elasses of nearly a thousand workers, MacLean's nost important achievenent in this field was the Scottish Labour College, set up in 1919, which despite being held up by his imprisomnent rapidly gained support in the Labour novenent in Scotland, At the height of its influence in 1920 the College could hold an. anmal conference attended by 530 delegates and boast an incone of £2,000, The College was part of the general development of working class education which included the W.E.A. and similar bodies, but MacLean's revolutionary ideas ensured that it would be qualitatively different from other such ventures, nourished by Fabian ideas, The following extracts from MacLean's speech to the founding conference of the College, which was read from his unfinished text due to his imprisonment, should make his attitude clear: « "At a Labour College Economics must be taught fundanentally fron a Labour standpoint, Otherwise we ought to send our students to the capitalist universities, Our students must make the writings of Moxx and Marxian scholars the basis of their studies; otherwise the College becomes an expensive tragedy". "The nost effective nethod of historical explanation is undoubtedly the naterialistic method of Marx, whereby we rise from an understanding of the mode of production prevailing at a certain epoch, to a knowledge of the reasons for the origin and decay of classes and their antagonism to one another, The state and its functions are explained, and political struggles are seen to, be at botton class struggles",

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This basic class approach to equipping workers for their struggle against the employers was combincd with a rounded progranne of classes in English, Arithmetic and Public Speaking designed ‘to ‘overcone the deficiencics in the educsztion given to workers under sapitalisn, since, as MacLean put it: "The werkers if they are successfully to resist incrvascd exploitation, and to make progress towards freedon, can only do so if they use their resources wisely for the training of leaders and the diffusion of essential knowledge anongst thenselves".

Following the War and his release fron prison which was obtained as a result of mass working class pressure, MacLean threw hinself into widespread revolutionary agitation the length anc breacth of Seotland, fighting on two fronts: in defence of the young Soviet Republic and for working class action against the employers, The Scotland of that period seemed to be, in MacLean's words, "in the rapids of revalution".

Certainly the movenent amongst the workers reached a tremendous pitch, with a denonstration of 150,000 workers in Glasgow on May Day, the famous riot in George Square, where the red flag was hoisted, and tanks out on the streets Despite this mobilisation of the masses and the deep crisis of capitalism there was not in fact a revolution. The tremendous energy of the revolutionary masses was channelled through their traditional organisations and leaders and found its way into the electoral channels of the 1922 General Election when 17 I.L.P. M.P.s were elected from Scotland. This however is another story, The fact is that the upsurge of 1919 in the West of Scotland was headed off, despite the mass influence and revolutionary militancy of its leaders,

This was because, desvite-the inspiration, which the Tussian Revolution afforded to the Scottish revolutionaries, one inportant factor in that revolution was lacking: a deteminedly revolutionary party which had separated itself from the reformist clements in the Labour movenent and gained the leadership of the working class on the basis of its revolutionary programme. It would be foolish to bring this forward as a criticism of MacLean: the fussican experience was too explosive and vast for all of its lessons to be absorbed by the. generation of revolutionaries who were struggling against the war; and if MacLean did not appear to sec this aspect the sane could be said for some of the other great revolutioneries of his tine. Indeed one feature of leaders like MacLean, Debs and Connolly (who had of course been murdered in 1916) was that they shone out in their revolutionary ardour anongst the dross of the vre-1917 workers! movement, but_as individuals, not as part of a novenent which shared their revolutionary ideas. The result was that, deeply though they were attached to the workers, and highly though they were regarded, they had no direct organisational connections with the workers, and they were separated from then by the reformist bureaucracy.

This aspect is important in discussing the post World War One activity of MacLean, The leadership of the 1919 movement on Clydeside subsequently went in two directions. Such leaders as Kirkwood and Shinvell to the I.L.?. and Gallachcr and McMams to the newly formed Communist Party. Maclean's attachment to the Russian revolution would seem to nake it natural that he should go into the latter camp, but this

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was not to be. MacLean stood out against the formation of a Commnist Party in Scotland which was part of a British party, He was for an independent workers' Scotland, and demanded an independent Scottish Commnist Party. When Gallacher and his comrades proceeded to form an all Britain party, MacLean stood aloof, Apart from some possible personal differences with some of the leaders of the British Socialist Party, (one of the organisations which united to form the C.P.) this was the only disagreement MacLean had, in fact he was enthusiastic about the programe of the Commnist International, and the 21 conditions of menbership, In retrospect this would scen to be a tragic nistake by MacLean, both from his own point of view and that of the Scottish workers' novenent, We shall discuss his views on the national question below, but his refusal to join the Party was a contributory factor to an extrene imbalance in its development. Gallacher, McMamis etc. cane to the revolutionary novencnt from the background of the Clyde Shop Stewards! Moveriont, and were basically nilitant ‘syndicalists with very little theoretical grounding in Marxism. MacLean was the only serious Marxist thcorctician in Scotland at the tine, he was firmly rooted in the esteen of the workers, Without hin the C.P. lost that important bit of edge over the I.L.P.that MacLean's presence in .. its ranks could have given it; and nore important it lost the one man who could have given it a strong ideological lead. With Maclean, his ideas further developed by the international movenent, the Party could have achieved great things. Instead the C.P. relied too much for its theory on Moscow, and was caught up in the developing influence of Stalinism as a result. The end result was the tragic spectacle of ‘the in cin great Gallacher Daye the Moscow trials.

It is necessary. to diacida this period of MacLean's life in a little detail, and to relate it to his history and the influence of the Scottish revolutionary nevenent of the tine, since this latter period of his life is often presented as less important than his antiwar activity. Indeed it is often suggested that his sufferings in prison affected his mind, and thus his political judgement, This seens an unsatisfactory method of analysis, since,.while there may be “sone justification, and indced some evidence for this view, only ‘a « thervagh and objective exanination of. his ideas of the' period ‘and of his political activity can reveal whether particular aspects lacked rationality, It is particularly unfortunate when it is precisely Guring this: period that MacLean was nost energetic in pressing tor © : _ the demand which has revived interest in hin at present: that is his fight for separation.under the slogan: "a Scottish Workers! Republic", MacLean was deapiy attached to the workers of Scotland and as deeply. attached to the whole radical and revolutionary tradition of Scotland. He undoubtedly saw hinself as the contimator, of the struggles of the early radicals such as the United Scotsmen of 1796, inspired by the French Revolution, the Strathaven Pioneers of 1820, the poor weavers and labourers who were persuaded by Governnent spies that the revolution was imminent and who marched behind the banner: "Scotland .Pree, or Scotland a' Desert" to Cathkin Braces to join,up with a non-existent radical army, and of the Chartists of Scotland, All of

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them had a common thread of resistance to the Union of Scotland, Wales and england, which had had the effect of draining Scotland's resources and emptying its land in the interests of a ruling class ‘which enjoyed the wealth thus gained in London.

The Labour Movement too drew on this tradition, and frequently the demand for Home Rule was heard in the ranks of the workers' movement. This tradition combined with the influence of the Trish struggle and its great leader, the other revolutionary which Scotland can boast, James Connolly, influenced MacLean's ideas.

We have referred e@riier to the paucity of MacLean's writings which are available: this makes the task of a proper assessment of his views on the National question very difficult. This introduction will confine itself to giving some of the context of his ideas on this in order to show their importance, and to, in some measure, disprove the theory that they were simply the result of his sufferings.

In 1919 MacLean was asked to sign a memorial requesting President Woodrow Wilson to ensure separate Scottish representation at the Versailles peace conference. MacLean replied that he was in favour of "a Parliament or Soviet of Workers for Scotland with headquarters in Scotland", however he disputed the usefulness of the phony peace negotiations to achieve such a thing, or the advisability of asking "the sentative of the brutally blatant capitalism in America", Pre lson, to do anything for the Scottish workers and goes on: e Ito thank anyone for actual services rendered to Home Rule I would certainly thank my glorious comradesLenin etc. The only thanks they would appreciate would be the successful revolutionising of Scotland by its wage slave class. My life has been spent making for this goal and this year I mean to do more than ever for the ending of capitalism in Scotland - as elsewhere in the world and the establishing of the Socialist Republic in which alone we can have home rule." ,

In 1922 in his election address to the workers of Gorbals, during the General Election, he declares himself for a Scottish Workers' Republic and vows "To get a Scottish Workers' Republic I shall not go to the London House of Commons, but stay in Scotland, helping the unemployed, standing by those in work, educating in the Scottish Labour College and carrying revolutionary propaganda all over Scotland". In 1923, again standing in Gorbals during a General Election, he says: "Russia could not produce the world revolution. Neither can we in the Gorbals, Scotland, or Great Britain. Before dngland is ready I am sure the next war will be on us. I therefore consider that Scotland's wisest policy is to declare for the Republic in Scotland so that the youths of Scotland will not be forced out to die for England's markets.

I accordingly stand as a Scottish Republican candidate, feeling sure that if Scotland had to elect a Parliament to sit in Glasgow it would vote for a working class Parliament......the social revolution is possible sooner in Scotland than in lngland.

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"Tf Baldwin's capitalist policy is to bind the Empire closer together to fight American capitalism, and incidentally to keep the workers enslaved, then the working class policy ought to be to break up the Smpire and enable the workers to triumph in every country and colony. ‘Scottish separation is part of the process of England's imperial disintegration and is a help towards the ultimate triumph of the workers of the world".

These quotations should make it clear that MacLean's views on the subject of Scottish separation were a consistent and integral part of his general analysis of the struggle for Socialism in Scotland developed over a long period. But in order to achieve a balanced analysis of this part of MacLean's programme it is -neces=sary to see a little of his attitude to the question of revolutionary programmes in general. In this respect MacLean developed some important ideas in his paper "Vanguard", May 1920, under the caption: "A Fighting Programme Needed";

"In the ranks of the socialist movement are still to be found those who parrot today, as they argued in 1914, that no social revolution is possible until the vast majority of the wage earners are conscious revolutionary socialists. They remind us of the soc=ialists at the other extreme who argue- that society would slowly evolve into socialism with an accompanying improvement in the lot of the labouring classes and an increase in their happiness!" \ In opposition to this theory MacLean points to the deep crisis and instability of Capitalism which could plunge Europe into economic chaos, and make possible mass actions against the . consequent attacks on the workers. In this situation he puts forw the following programmatic suggestions:

"Very well then, ours is the duty to formulate an immediate programme that will appeal to all the workers, and so prepare thm for united action. We must have such a programme that no capitalist government can concede (our ¢:1, “sis), one that necessarily must bring about the downfall of the dominant class; a programme that may not immediately inspire the workers to action, but one that in a crisis might so rouse them that by effective spontaneous efforts they will sweep the capitalists out of power." . The essential conception put forward by MacLean was that in a period of capitalist crisis, demands which the workers are moved toward on the basis of their experience and day to day struggles, can go much further than the bosses can concede, thus a struggle for these demands will tend to spill over into a struggle for the abolition of capitalism. It was precisely this conception which was put forward by Leon Trotsky in "Transitional Programme of the Fourth International", published in 1938:

"It is necessary to help the masses in the daily struggle to find the bridge between present demands and the socialist programme of the revolution. This bridge should include a system of transitional demands, stemming from today's consciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the

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conquest of power by the proletariat." oe Of course a vital part of Trotsky's concept of transitional demands was that they were part of. the process of building a working class vanguard party, something which, as we have discussed, MacLean did not grasp. Nevertheless it would scem that he did understand the possibility that demands which did not in themselves pose the social-- ‘ist transformation of society, could lecd to a struggle for such a transformation, or at least heighten the revolutionary consciousness of the workers.

If therefore we refer back to MacLean's statement that the demand for a Workers' Republic was part of the struggle against the consolidation of the smpire for the protection of British capitalism, and the fact that Home Rule was a widely popular demand in the Scotland of his day (indeed George Buchanan, his successful I.L.P. rival in Gorbals introduced a bill to this effect in the Commons in 1924), it seems likely that MacLean believed that his policy was a demand of this kind, and that this was the main motive for his advocacy of it.

He died as he lived: in struggle. During his election campaign in.1923 he carried out unceasing agitation, despite the foul weather of that Gorbals November. Open air meetings, canvassing, speaking to the workers, with little rest and less care for the weather. It was too much for his constitution. Weakened by his lifetime's struggle he succumbed to a sudden attack of pneumonia on November 30th 1923.

But apart from any analysis of MacLean's life and teachings, the revolutionary movement today can be inspired by the tremendous spirit of the man. His refusal to bow the knee, despite the vicious treatment of him by bourgeois governments, His deep and unswerving devotion to the workers, not only of Scotland but of the whole world. The instinctive solidarity he had for revolutions abroad: the Irish Easter Rising, the Russian Revolution. His concern for other revolutionaries suffcring from repression, at one stage he considered making a tour of the United States to agitate for the release from prison of E.V. Debs and Bill Haywood. And his words which) conveyed “his” burning hatred of capitalism and confidence in his revolutionary convictions: , "I am not here then as the accused: I am here as the accuser, of capitalism dripping with blood from head to foot"

_ “I stand in the Gorbals, and before the world, as a Bolshevik, alias a communist, alias a revolutionist, alias a Marxist. My symbol is the Red Flag, and it I shall always keep floating on high."

We will wait a long time for his like again, although in this era of Imperialist degeneration and chronic capitalist crisis we need him more than ever.

His memory must serve for now, let us keep it bright.

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TRIAL AND SENTENCE OF JOHN MACLEAN Before the Lord Justice General and a Jury, at Edinburgh, on Thursday, 9th May, 1918.

At [dagburgh on the 9th of May, 1918, John MacLean, M.A., one of the ablest and most courageous fighters for Socialism that this country has produced, was sentenced to five years! penal scrvitude. The charges were brought under the Defence of the nealn Resulations, for the violation of which MacLean had previously been sentceneed to penal servitude, and from which, in July 1917, in consequence of the efforts of the Socialist comrades in Russia, and of the agitation in this country, he was released after serving fifteen nonths of a three year sentence, The remaining eleven nonths of this term have been added to his present sentence.

MacLean's nagnificent work for Socialism is well known, anc as the founder of the Scottish Labour Colleze, we believe he will be aratefully remenbered beyond his own tine.

With Karl Liebknecht, John MacLean shares the honour of being one of the first honorary vice-presidents of the Russian Soviet Congress, and he is also the Bolshevik Consul for Glasgow, The trial of which an account is given in the following pages, roused tremendous public interest, one of the nost piquant incidents being an over-night march from Glasgow to Edinburgh, by a body of enthusiastic supporters.

The speeches on which the various charges are based, were delivered at a tine when, from various causes, revolutionary fecling ran high in the Clyde district and all over the country. This feeling was not denied expression by MacLean, who with noble disregard of possible consequences to hinself, did not hesitate to say what others silently and safely thought.

WHAT THE INDICTMENT CHARGED

There were eleven charzes in the indictnent which accused MacLean of addressing audiences in Glasgow, Shettleston, Canbuslang Lochgelly, ond Harthill, consisting in part of the civilian population, and in part of persons engaged in the production of war naterial, or in other work necessary for the successful prosecution of the war, and making statenents which were likely to prejudice the recruiting, training, discipline of H.M. Forces, and by which he further attempted to cause mtiny, sedition, and disaffection aztiong the civilian population, and to impede, delay, or restrict the production of war naterial, etc., contrary to the Defonce of the Realn Acts. The first speech was made on 20th Jamary and the last on 4th April. The statenent charged against MacLean, and which the. indictment rogzarded as likely to have the effects above cescribed, were that "tools should be downed", that “a revolution should be created", "the Clyde district had helped to win the itussian Revole ution", and that "the revolutionary spirit on the Clyde was at present ten times as strong as it was two years ago"; that the workers of the Clyde should take control of the City Chambers and

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retain hostages and take control of the Post Offices and banks", that "the farners should be compelled to produce food for the workers, and if they refused their faris should be burned"; that "the novenent would be supported by the French Canadians and the workers of New York", and that "other districts would follow the Clyde"; that "the present House of Commons should be superseded by a Soviet, and he did not care whether they net in the usual place or in Buckingham Palace" and that "the workers in the munition works should be advised to restrict their output", On other occasions it was alleged that he advocated’ the seizing of newspaper offices, also the food stores on the Clyde and the ships - that he said the soldiers and sailors were with the workers, that the workers should profit by the experience of their Russian brothers, and that "he’was prepared to run any risk if he thouzht he could bring about a social revolution in Glasgow.

THE WITNESSES

MacLean, who was conducting his own case, refused to plead and when the Lord Justice General intimated that he could object to any particular jurynan, he replied ~ "I would object to the whole of then", There were no witnesses for the defence, Twenty-eight witnesses were examined for the prosecution, of whon twenty-three were police witnesses, cight being special constables belonging with the exception of two warehousmen and a oompositor - to the professional classes, Of the remaining five civilian witnesses, two were shorthand writers employed by the police, there was one newspaper reporter, a nining inspector, and a working nan who followed the occupation of slater,

Evidence relating to statements made by MacLean at mcetings in the Stockwell Street Hall on Jamary 20th and 27th was given by three special constables, In answer to the Lord Advocate all three concurred in saying that the oudierce "appeared to belong to the wage~earning class, and of the kind engazed in munition work", At the first neveting, one of the witnesses "took a full note", the others adnitted having taken no notes, although one of then afterwards wrote his report from menory, At the second meeting, one again took a full note, another "took a few notes", but did not send in a report, while the third "might have taken a word or two on a slip of paper", but went hone and immediately started on his report.

MacLean, in cross examining one of the witnesses (a comercial manager) saids=- "Don't you remeber it being pointed out quite clearly that the British Govermnent had taken a cheque for £1,000 from Kaneneff, who had been sent from Iussia to be ambassador in Britain? Witness- Yes; I think it was done in Aberdeen, MacLean- Quite a noral thing to do from a capitalist point of view, and therefore that the Consul had been left without money, and I had been without support in Glasgow, and hence the collection at the necting? \itness- Yes.

In further cross-exanination of the sane witness with reference to another lecture, MacLean asked him if he had any idea

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of what the lecture was about..

Yes, I renenber you referred to a magazine (Beardnore's Witness= Works Maga wine), cenerally on the question of production in relation to that, Don't you remenber me making a statement that production MacLeanhad been increased three tines?

Yes. VWitness- MacLean- And quoting Govermnent publications to that effect? Witness- Yes, I should not be surprised. MacLean~ And did you hear ne say that the workers were not getting three tines the money in return? Witness- Yes, MacLean- And therefore the workers, were being robbed the same as before the war? Witness- Yes. MacLean- And do you remember me saying thet we would have to take steps to prevent this robbery? Witness- I remember you used the word "robbery". MacLean- And quite frequently too.

MENTAL NOTES

In the course of the evidence in connection with a mceting held in a football field at Shettleston, a police witness pointed out that he did not consider it wise to take notes at the neeting itself, owing to the attitude of the crowd, but instead went to the police office, in the company with another two officers, and made his notes there. The better part of valour scemcd to have been chosen by the other four or five witnesses also, and no notes were taken at that particular neeting but nental notes,

With recard to a meeting addressed by MacLean in Fife there yere soue interesting points raised while MacLean was cross-cxanining the Police Superintendent of the County. This witness had his notes supplied to hin by a Press reporter, whom it transpired was present neeting in the interests of the police and the capitalist at Maclean's Press.

4fter the witness had read out a resolution that was passed at the necting, MacLean asked whether he had spoken at some length to it. Vitness=- I belicve you did, facLean= You don't renenber, Witness- I don't remember exactly what you said in regard to the - resolution; I did not pay so much attention to “that MacLean- You paid a good deal of attention to the report’ wide was’. sent in afterwards? . Wwitness= I remember it exactly. MacLean- You renember the report, but you don't remember what I said? Witnesgs- You spoke about that. : ‘MacLean- I spent a good deal of time on the econonic question anc the Goverment's issuing of paper money, and the government naking it difficult for peovle to live? ~ \Vitness- later.

Yes, you did. This resolution was made

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Machean- That is what I want to get at, You take wee bits out of ny speeches here and there? Witness- This is your specch, MacLean- But not the whole of it? Witness- Not the whole of it. MacLean- You don't renenber ne pointing out that the Goverment were responsible for withholding the food supply? \itness- Yes, MacLean- And that the people were out there at Bowhill in the cold and the women and children were suffering as a consequence, You did not hear ne say that? Witness- I did. MacLean= You begin to remember now, These were the main parts of the specch. The consequence 5f any nan's speech is always based upon what goes before, but what has been read out cones at the tail end, at the fourtcenth page of the sixtcen pages. Witness- These are only 2 few words of the speech MacLean=- That is what I was leading up to again. The main parts of the specch, in which ny themes are developed, are onitted, I want to expose the trickery of the British Government and the police, and the lawyers and so on,

In answer to Leis Lord Advocate, a amapigi ind writer said he renenbered MacLean saying he was quite prepared to run any risk if he thought he could bring about a social revolution in Glasgow, Cross exanined, bea MacLean- Do you think it is a correct report of what I snid at Harthill to say that I talked about bringing about a social revolution in Glasgow? . Witnesse You did. MacLean= It secus to ne a very bad slip because a social revolution Gannot be brought about ina city, It is cither a slip on your part or a slip on ny part? Witness- It is not a slip on ny part. You spoke about seizin; the Municipal Buildings in Glasgow, and it seens to ne that neant that the revolution would have its beginning in Glasgow. MacLean= There is a difference between a social revolution in Glasgow and beginning a social revolution in Glasgow,

i. mining inspector in the survice of the Fife Coal Company spoke as to a mevting addressed by MacLean: at Crossgates, Fife, He considered the speech a dangerous one, and made a report of it to his enployers. oe lot Advocate=- You took no notes, I think, of the speech? The Tord Advocate- Did any of the things that the prisoner aai8 inpress you a good deal? Witness- Undoubtedly. MacLean-(Cross exanining witness) Are you sure that I said "sweep Lloyd George and the others out of existence"? Witness- Perfectly certain, I have it noted here - "sweeping the whole gang out of existence", MacLean- Was that taken down at the the tine?

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VWitness-= No; I.wrote it down afterwards, There are certain statenents which one does not require to note down oom %s MacLean= It would be the last thin; I would think of - sweeping Lloyd George out of existence, The nation could not get on without hin, The working class'could not.. He is my good friend, I think there must be sone nistake there. It night have been "sween Lloyd George and his gang out of power". Witness- Out of existence was the word used. eM wa MacLean- You arc not aware that the lan? in the past has been violently seizec from the people by force? .You don't object to the present holders of the land holding the land even though they got it violently? Witness-= I night object to that, but it is a question of how you take it frou then. For ins shame, in answer to a question as to how these things should be — the question being "could we get these things by peaccful action?" you said - "I an hers-to-develop a revolution", os MacLean= In what respect? Witness-= Those are the words that you used. MacLean- Do you infer that revolution neans violence? Pe witness- You could not have put any other construction on your words after you had said that revolution here was to be on the -sane lines as in Russia, I understand that the Russian revolution was <a violent one, : MacLeanat is the ::ost peaceful revolution the world has ever seen, . and it is the biggest. Don't you know thet this war is we most bloody that has ever taken place, and that revolution and bloodshed don't go together? Witness= No MacLean-= You said it was a dangerous speech, Dangerous to whon? To the Fife Coal Company? Jitness- I was a servant of the Fife Coal Company, and I was an official and it was ny duty to report to then. MacLean= To g there and spy for the Fife Coal Conpany? Witness- Thank you.

Then examined by Mr. Blackburn for the Crown, a slater stated that he attended a necting at iiteteneipees addressed by MacLean, that-he took no notes, but that he remembered a few of the things said. Me, Blacklurn- Did he say anything abaut the revolution in Russia? Witness- Yes, he was pretty strong on that line, ifr. Blackburn- Do you remember whet he said? Vitnessllc acvised the working people of this country to follow up the Russian systen and heve a revolution here, Kir, Blackburn=- Did he say anythin: about forming niners' connittees? Witness- Yes. Mr. Blackiarn- For whet purpose were the uiners! cormittces to be formed? Witness- To carry out that lmwsiness, I suppose. The comtteus were to be something the sane as they had in Russia, Mr, Blackburn- Russia was to be the nodel again? Witness-= Yes. Mr, Blackburn- Did he say anything about the banks and pits? vitness- Ne said they were to seize the banks:and the pits. hin, Blackimrn- What did you understand hin to mean saying they were to seize the banks and the pits?

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Witness- I don't know what he was going to do with then, Mir. Blackburn- Did you think he was going to take then quictly or - by violence? Witness~ By violence, Mr. Blackburn- Did you think the speech was a dangerous speech at the tine? witness- It was likely to lead to unsettlcdness, Me. Blackburn- Likely to unsettle sone of his audience \litness- Yes, Maclean- In what respect do you aean that it would unsettle sone of the audience? Witness- Carried away a bit by your strong speech especially the youn: folks, the enthusiasts. MacLean- Carried away? witness- I doubt so very uuch, It would not last long. MacLean- So that there has not been sy imch harm done? Witness=- No I don't think so. MacLean=- A canny place, Fife? Vitness- Yes. 58 MacLean= I should say the last place in which a revolution would take ... place would be Fife? Witness- It would take sone working up for you. MacLean= Don't you think the war also unsettled the people, that it had an unsettling influence? Witness- I don't know, I think there are a lot of folk who should try and get on with the war and.cet done with it.

A "SPECIALS" INSTiMUCTIONS

& coupositor Special Constable who attended a neeting im the.. Stockwell Street Hall on 13th March said in answer to Mr, Blackburn that he went for the purpose of taking notes of anything seditious that ‘ni, che be said by the speakers at the meeting. MacLean- You were instructed not to take notes openly? ua weee- Yes. = facLéan- Why? Witness- I don't know. No reason was given, MacLean- You were not afraid to take notes openly? Witness- I was not afraid, but I did not think it war judicious. HacLean- You. thought you should go there as a spy and not let people know what you were; that you were a soy? Witness- Not necessarily. - : ; = MacLean- Spices are shot.

THE SAME "CATASTROPHE"

The Lord Advocate in his address to the Jury, said they had... heard in the course of the cvidence many references to Socia \lisn, social revolutions and the like. However inappropriate at the nonent, bhows was nothing in this world, in this country, or its laws, even as that oa law had had to be franed to neet the energeney with which we are faced -.-to prevent any nan getting up on a platform and talking about politics or talking about Socialism. But there oanme a point. at which discussion of social questions reached the attenpt - the deliberate and persistent

[page 17]

attenpt - to plant the secds 2f cisunion, rman arama hee a 24 - + ry ai <7

sccition ani mutiny amongst our people. They could no affo rs : E ic 9uld 2 rd that at any tine, Ile alu The truth is that no society coulc affor Ris Se toe not oretend, any more than any of then would pretend, to aes alk ok 7 dark recesses of the hunan heart. He did not know - they would arias know - none of us this side of Time would ever know what are precisely the motives which tempt a man to do what he can at hone t2 destroy the liberty and the safety which we were defending abroad. The rance of notive was wide, but just because they could not kmow what -it was, they mast judge of nen by what they did. If they wore soing to turn socivty upside down by neans of a seneral refusal to work, if they were going to turn socicty upside down by violent efforts devoted to the ruin of the existing structure of society instead of its repair, if they were going to nake attempts of this kind, there faced them at once in this country the same catastrophe - the sane betrayal - as overtook Russia, They must protect themselves against that kind of thing,

MACLEAN'S ADDRESS TO Tih JUIY

It has been said that they cannot fathom my motive. For the full period of ny active life I have been a teacher of Econonics to the working classes, and my contention has always been that Capitalisn-is rotten to its foundations, and must give place to a new society. I hac a lecture, the principal heading of which was: "Thou shalt not steal; thou shalt not kill," and I pointed out that as a consequence of the robbery that goes on in all civilised countrics today, our respective countrics have had to kecp amics, and the inevitably our armies mst come to clash together, On that and on other grounds I consider Capitalism the nost infamous, bloody and evil system that mankind has ever witnessed. My language is regarded as extravagant language, but the events of the past four years have proved ny contention, ;

THE CLASS WAR

Ie (the Lord Advocate) accused ne of ny notives. My notives are clean, My motives arc gemine. If my motives were not clean and gemiine would I have made my statements while these shorthand writers were present? I an out for the benefit of society, not for any individual hunan being, but I realise that Justice and Freedom can only be obtained when Society is placed on a sound economic basis, That sound economic basis is wanting today, and hence the bloodshed we are having, Ihave not tried to gut young nen particularly. The young men eane to hy neetings as well as the old nen, I lmow quite well that in the xreconstruction of Society, the class interests of those who are on top will resist the change, and the only factor in Society that can nake for a clean sweep in Society is the working class, Hence the Class Var, The whole history of Society has proved that Society noves forward a a] 2. —. oe class overconing the resistance of 2 close . much for tha ave

—— a also wish to point out to you this, that when the late : ne aan the Seventh died, I took as the subject of one of uy leeures “Edward the Peacenaker", I pointed out at that tine that his

[page 18]

tlie geen ae asd ne, ash alliance with lussia were for ee ‘ : : GM ogee ; ‘issue Berruny and Gibsonia Gc on ead of the coning friction then denouneed that title Eee Sue BE Ratan CAV : doncid, "on Wiest tas, Sa es the “vaccnaker and said that it d re, Che Warncker", The events which have ensucd »rove ny contention right up to the hilt, I a3 only proceeding along the lines upon which I have proceeded for hnany years. I have pointed out at. uy Economics classes that, owing to the surplus ercated by the workers, it was necessary t2 create a uarkctoutside of this country, because of the inability of the workers to purchase the wealth they ereate,. You mast have markets abroad and in order to have these narkets you mst have an cnpire, I have also pointed out that the capitalist developnent of Germany since the Franco-Prussian War has forced upon that country the necessity for enpire as well as this country, and in its search for cnpire there nust be a clash betwoen thesc two countries, I have been teaching that and what I have taught is coming perfectly tme,

I wish no harm to any human being, bub I, as one nan, a going to exercise my freedom of speech, No hunan being on the face of the carth, no goverment, is going to take from ne ny right to speak, ny right to protest against wrong, ny right to do everything that is for the benefit of mankind. I an not here then, as the accused, I an here as the accuser, of Capitalism dripping with blood from head to foot.

In connection with the "cat canny" question at Parkhead Forge, I wish to take up sone of the particular points first of all before I deal with the revolution, It is quite evident that it was in connection with a report in the "Forward" that reference was nade to David Kirkwood, It was there reported that Kirkwood nade a record output. Now David Mirkwood, representing the Parkhead Forge workers, at the end of 1915, when the dilution of labour began, put forward a printed statenent for the benefit of Mr. Lloyd George am his colleagues, the first sentence of which in big type was - "What you wish is greater output". We said thot the Parkhead Forse workers were then prepared to give a sreater output and accept dilution if they, the workers, had sone control over the conditions under which the greater output would accrue. That was his contention. Since he has got into position he seems to heave boasted that he has got a record output. The question was put to ne, Was this consistent with the position and with the attitude of the working class? I said itwas not consistent with the attitude and the position of the working class, that his business was to get right back down to normal to "ca' canny" so far as the general output was concerned, TUE CA' CANNY POLICY

The country has been exploited by the Capitalists in every sphere, to get the toilers to work harder to bring bis lehcae i a the comnencenent of the war that whilethis was being Gone, aG8, Sight . assurances wee being given that at the end of the war the people would i ral sturn circunstances would nake such a get back to nornal, I said that re inpossible, Now IT have anple evidence to support that belief; I have i ef

[page 19]

used it at ny uectings at Weir's of Cathcart - that they were askinz the workers to toil harder not only during the war, but after the war they wish them to work harder and harder, because there is going to be "the war after the war", the cconomic war which brought on this war. You sve therefore the workers are brought into a position where they are speeded up, and they are never allowe@ to go back again. They are specded up again and again, What is the position of the worker? This country is not a free country, The worker is deprived of land or access to the land; he is deprived of workshops or access to the nater= ials and tools of production; the worker has only one thing to do on the narket, and that is to sell his labour power, The capitalist purchases that labour power, and when he gets the worker inside the workshop, his business is to extract as much of that labour power out of hin as possible, On the oth-r hand, when it comes to wages, then the enployer applies the principle of "ca'canny". "Ca! canny" is quite justifiable when it comes tv the enployer giving wages to the workers, and we have seen it since the commencement of the war, Prices rose right away from the commencenent of the war while the workers! wages were kept at the old normal, Their wazes were kept low. The rpurchasing pow-r of the workers! wagcs wos therefore dininished. They were therefore robbed to that extent, At the sane tine the workers were asked in the nance of the country to work harder, "but", said the enployers, "we will not give you any nore noney, although the money you are getting is purchasing less in the way of food etc." That is the position,

The employers are chanzving their opinions now as a result of experience, but in the past they considered it in their economic interest to pay as low a wage as possible, On the other hand the position of the workers is to give as little of their energy as they possibly can and tv denand the highest wage possible. If it is right for the enployer to set the maximum of energy and pay the ninimim of wage, then it is equally right for the worker to give the nininun of his energy and demand the maxinun of wage,

What is right for one is equally right for the other, although the interests of thetwo classes are diametrically opoosed, -That is the position, and in view of the fact that many of the workers have overworked themselves and have had to lie off through overstrain, and considering the treatnent they get when thrown on the scrap-heap - kicked out like dogs when they are no longer useful - they are compelled tc look after their own welfare, The worker has therefore in the past adopted this policy of "ca'canny" and I have, in the interests of the working class, advocated the policy of "ca' canny", not because I an against the war, but kmowing thot after the war the worker will have the new conditions imposed upon hin, I hold still to the principle of "ca! canny", I accede to that,

So far as Parkhead Forge is concerned I also pointed out that none of the big guns had been nade for sone tine prior to the Sreat offensive. When the offensive cane, Gough, the friend of Sir Edward Carson, the man who before the war was going to cut down the Irishmen, he retreated and lost so many suns, and then the Glasgow workers had to give over their Eastcr holidays to make those guns.

[page 20]

We heave therefore, Beardmore and others responsible for shortage of certain natcrial, and we know fron certain disclosures that nillions of shells have been useless, and perhaps that has been duc to the act of overspecding, so thet even overspecding nay do nothing for the advancencnt of the war. Furthermore, if big reserves of naterial are going to be built up, and the Gemans are to be allowed to cet then, that is going to be to the advantage of the Germans, and not to the advantace of the British,

"DOWN TOOLS" AND Food

With regard to the next point, "Cown tools". 50 far as Glascow is concerned I don't think I told the workers to "down tools", I on of the opinion that I said - "Now that you are determined to down tools, it is of no use you standing ighe, you must do sonething for yourselves". As a natter of fact uy statement was based on a resolution that had beun passed by the A.S.E, in the Clyde area, the official Engineers! Comittee, It net anc it determined to down tools against the introduction of the Man Power Bill.

At the sane tine that was supplemented by unofficial effort at Geddes! necting in the City Hall. There a resolution was put up by the workers and carried unaninously, that if the Man Power Bill was put into operation, the Clyde district workers would "down tools", It was unnecessary for ne, therefore, in the light of these official and unofficial statencnts, to urge the "down tools" policy.

; As a natter of fact, we were told that the Goverment hac Gisnissed nany zcunition girls just immediately prior to the great offensive, so that if the workers are guilty of stoppage of output my RD .@) munitions, the Government is likewise responsible in the dismissal o: those thousands of girls.

Now then, food and farms, I pointed out to the workers that whet was necessary if they stopped work was the getting up of food, There had been a shortages the Goverment had held up the supplies, for several reasons probably, perhaps tu gut this rationing passed, in order to have a tight hold on food, and also lest the people get sut of hand in reference to this Man Power Bill, I knew there was plenty of food in stores in Glasgow, anc that the famiers had food stored up in their farms, The farmers have usec the war in order to make huge profit for thensclves, and then the Governnent assisted then in connection with the potato regulations; and latterly, at the end of the year, the Corn Productiou,Act was passed, not in the interests of the farm labourers, but in-the interests of the farmers.

When the demand for more food production was nade, the farmers said the would do their best, and the Goverment refused to give the farm labourers a minimum wage of 25/- to 30/- a week = 25/at that tine being equivalent to 10/- in normal tines. The farners were going to get extra as a consequence of the Corn Production Act. I therefore pointed out that if the workers went to thefamers and did not get the food stored up in the farms, they should burn the farms. We as socialists have no interest in cestroying property.

[page 21]

We want property to be kept because we want that property to be used for housing accomodation or other reasons, but I specially emphasised about the farmers for the purpose of Crane ae attention to this particular point.

In the sane way, when it cane to a question of seizing a Press, I suggested that when the "Daily Record" was seized, the plant should be broken up. I did not say that in connection with the "Glas gow Herald", I said so in connection with the "Record", not that it is a good thing to break up printing plant, but in cmiiear to draw attention to the Harmsworth fenily and to the Rotherner 1s and so on, and their vile press, which svems to be an index of the culture of Britain, I mention that particula ly here, that I said the "Record" plant should be broken up, in order to emphasise the dissust of the organised workers with regard to that particular fanily of newspapers.

THE WOMEN AND CHILDREN

So far as Ireland anc Anerica are concerned, that was nentioned particularly for the purpose of getting food from the St. Leawrence, food from the United Status and food from the Argentine, hat was needed was food in order to hold our own, for as the "Glasgow Herelda" pointed out, when the Bolsheviks cane into power, Britain was withholding food fron Russia, in the expectation that frost and famine would overthrow the Bolsheviks, That is to say, they were anxious to murder wonen and children inside Russia as well as nen, The sux estion I nade was in order to draw the attention of the workers to the ne.d of having plenty of foodstuffs to keep them going.

So far as the Govermient's responsibility for the murder of women anc children is concerned, the reason for ny statement is perfectly obvious, They have been accusing the Germans of killing women and children in this country. Perfectly true. Of course bombs Cropped in Germany have not killed women ane children, marvellous to say} But that apart; we had the Governnent getting hold-.of the food supplies inmnediatcly prior to and immediately after the New Year, and creating a shortage, I pointed out that it was an artificial shortage, The Goverment was therefore responsible for the queues.

Wonen were standin; in the queues in the cold, and women hac died of what they had contracted during thcir standing in the qucues. The women had dicd therefore in consequence of the action of the Governmnent, and I threw the responsibility upon the Government - and I still do.

e know that women and children - hunan naterial - have been ed up insice the factories, and the housing of the working class in this country has been so bad, and is so bad today, thet the women and children of the working class dic in creater provortion than the woncen and children of the better-to-do classes, I have always pointed out that the dcath rate aiong the working classes has always exceeded that in the bettcr-to-do districts,

I also pointed out that British Governnent had sent Russian subjects back to Russia to fight, amd had given their wives 12/6 per

[page 22]

week and 2/6 for each child, Now when I was functioning as iussian Consul two deputations of Itussian women cane to me and they told ne sorrowful tales of depression, disease, and death in consequence of the fact that they had received 12/6 per week and 2/6 for each child, I wrote to the Secretary for Scotland in recard to that end I received no reply. The children ought not to suffer because their fathers heve been taken, but those children suffered, There is not 2 Lithuanian fanily in the West of Scotland but has trouble today as a consequence of the starving of these people, These women and children of the Itassian community have died as a consequence of the measre supplies Given to then by the British Govermncnt, and I seize this opportunity for the purpose of naking ny statement public in connection with these woren, in the hope that the public in general will press the Governnent to sce thet these wonen and children are attended to at least m the sa1e scale as the wives and dcpendents of British soldiers.

AMERICAN "INDEPENDENCE"

With regard to the Yankees, I said, and I say today, that the Yankees are out for themselves. The British Press - the British Capitalist Press - sneered and jeered at the Americans before the Anericans cane in, and pointed out how the Anericans were making piles of profit out of the war, but were not participating in this fight for socalled freedom, Those insults were offered to America, and when Mr, Woodrow Wilson said that Anerica was too proud to fight, then that was used venonously, Therefore if I erred, I erred on the sarie side as the Capitalist class of this country, I nade the statement on Ancrican authority, not off my own bat. My authority is Professor Roland G, Usher, Professor of History at Vashington University. I think his statenent in "Pan-Germanisn" is one of the finest, showing the noves throughout the world leading up to this war, and Usher has his bias in favour of Britain,

, What I wish to particularly refer to are his two books "Pon Gernanisn" anc "The Challenge of the Future", In "PansGeranisn" he surveys North and South and Central Anerica, Ie takes the Atlantic first and explains what will be the consequence 2f the war. as regards South and Central. Ancrica whichever side wins, and then he takes the Pacific. He works it out from 2 material and eeononic point of view, his purpose bein; to get Central and South Anecrica to work in with the United States, In his later book he modifies that position - that is to say in "The Challenge of the Future", Ue >oints out that dAncrica is still today economically dependent, thet is to say, she has got to pay interest to financiers in France, in Britain, anc therefore America cannot afford to carry out the bold schenes referred to in his book "Pan Gexrmanisn",

I may now state thet today the business nen of this country know perfectly well that the Yankees are boasting of their independence. Therefore when you seve references to Aneriean independence, that ncans that she no longer necds to pay interest to investors fron outside, and that her policy will be nodified in consequence of that ‘new phase. This gentlenan points out that as a conscquence of Ancrican dependence sie must say which side she will take, This book was printed prior to

[page 23]

Anerica entering the war. Woodrow Wilson's policy works in admirably with the suc :estions in that book of Professor Usher, "The Challenge of the Future".

ALLIES AND THE BOLSHEVIKS

Je know quite well too that the United States of america prevented Japan in 1915 getting econonic and political control aver North China, 21 articles were imposed on China after the Japs had released their grip of the Germans there, america, alive to her owr interests, getting to know of these 21 points, Zimereill Japan to withdraw. aAnerica was there working in her own interests

; Japan has been, I think, incited to land at Vladivostock in consequence of the ltussian havaation and in order 3 te crush the Bolsheviks, The allies on both sides are united to crush the Bolsheviks. fmerica did not take that course, America, early on, began to back up the Bolsheviks because Anerica was afraid that if Japan got half Siberian Russia that would give her a strategic control of Siberia, and it would mean a closed door to American contact across the Pacific with Russia proper, America therefore has been i to her own interests, and for that reason I contend thet the Yankees, who have been the worshippers of the nighty collar, are looking after their own interests in the present wary; and as to the sreat boast they have been naking about wheat they are going to do, and their inadequate returns - that, I think, shows that Anerica has not been over anxious to plunge. right avay into this war anc make all The sacrifices she has said, I know, of course, that America has had her own troubles at hone, racial troubles, and also troubles with the workers, MNuncrous strikes have taken place in American since the cormencenent of the war, not only in consequence of the war, but also in connection with the economic position,

SOME BRITISH ATROCITIES

Now then, I come to the doctors, The doctors I referred to were the prison doctors. When I wos in Peterhead it was plain sailing until the nidcle of December, and then the trouble began, I was fevered up, and being eble to conbat that, I was then chilled down, Two nen cane to see ne at the end of December: a prominent lecturer in this country, and Mr. Sutherland, M.P. an? to then I protested that ny food was being drugged. I said that thire was alcohol in the food lowering ay, MenpEee 1ture, I know that potassium bromide is given to people in onl to lower their tenperature, It nay have been potassium bromide é1 nat was used in order to az ny tenperature. I was aware of what was callie place in Peterhead fron hints and statenents by other prisoners there, that fron Jamary to March, the so-called wintcr period, the doctor.is busy getting the people into the hospital, thcre breaking up their organs and their systens,

I call that period the eye-squinting period, because the treatnent then given puts the eyes out of view. Throush nunerous expedients I was able to hold ny own, I saw these nen round about me . ina horrible plisht. I have stated in public that I would rather be

[page 24]

inmnediately put to death than condemned t.-a life sentence in Peterhead. Attacks were nade upon the organs of these men anc also upon their nervous systons, and we know frou the conscientious objectors that the Govermient have taken their percentacze of taese men - sone have dicd, some have committed suicide, others have been kmocked off their heads, and in this way got into asylums. The very sane process has gone on there, Mrs, Hobhouse has done a tood service in register ing the facts, but uufortunately for Mrs. Hobhouse, she “focs not know how the wsult has been obtained, I experienced part of ‘this process, and I wish to emphasise the fact that this callous and cold systen of “destroyiny people is going on inside prisons now.

Whatever is done to me now, I give notice that I take no food inside your prisons, absolutely no food; because of the treat- ‘nent that was meted sut to me, If food is forced upon ne, and if I ‘an foreibly fed, then ny fricnds have sot to bear in mind that if any evil happens to me, I an not responsible for the consequences, ‘but the British goverment. If anythinc had happened to ne when I was last in prison, it would have been attributcd to John MacLean, not to those who arc working in the interests of the Governnent. I have been able to lay down ny principle and pokicy, not fron mere internal and versonal experience, but from sbjcective experience, I studied the natter carefully, I conbated the evils that were going to be perpetrated by the Goverment by reducing my food to the ninimun, and the present Secretary for Scotland knows that when I was in Perth I wrote tu hin asking nore food because of ny recuced weisht. I was about eight stones in weight et the tine and the doctor after weighing ne, had to grant ne nore food. The food “ however was of no use to ne, I threw it into the pot, My position is therefore thet I take no more Governnent food, that I will not allow any food to be forced in upon ne, and thet if any food is forced in upon ne I an not responsible for it, but when the Governnent can lounch nillions of nen ints the field of battle, then perhaps the mere disposal of one man is a nere bazatclle and a trifle,

RUSSIA'S PIGHT. FOR FRESDOM

So fer as Russian frecdom and British slavery are concerned, I wish to draw attention to the fact that an article appeared: in the "Scotsnan" the other day about Bolshevism, and I have a fecling that that article was written especially for this trial to create a feeling against Bolshevism. The statements in that article are a travesty.

Inside Russia, since Lenin and Trotsky and the Bolsheviks cane into power, there have been: fewer deaths than for the same period under any Czar for 300 years, Capitalists have been killed perhaps, officers have been killed perhaps, because they have not submitted to those who have cone to the top - the najority of the people - in the nance of Bolshevism. Sone may have heen put to death, —

\hen there was a shortarze and disorganisation of the food supplies before: the Bolsheviks cane into power, there may have been individuals, who in the scranble for food for thenselves, have gone to excess, but the crimes of individuals cannot be charged to Govern-

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nents. No person would hold the govermment responsible for theaption of those individuals. The Bolshevik governnent has not given orders to kill men, They have to imprison men until a complete reconstruction of Society has come about. It may be news to sone of yau, ‘that the Co-operative movenent in Russia has crown nore rapidly than in any other part of the world, anc since the Bolsheviks have cone into power co-operation has grown nore and more rapidly. The universities have been used during the day, ond in the evening to train the working classes in order that they may mangge the affairs of their country in an intelligent manner, The schools have also been used in the evenings, the imsic halls have been used, anc the thcatres and the picture houses, all heve been used, not for the trivial trash which is siven t2 the people of this country - but for the purpose of orseanisin:; the production of food and the work inside the workshops and factories,

We saw that prior to our comrades in Russia signing th treaty, when the Germans nade their advance int» Esthonia, Lithuenic and so on - the border countries between Germany and Russia - the apitalist class in the respective towns had a list of mawho were nenbers of the Soviets and those members of the Soviets were taken and put against a wall, and shot et the instigation of the propertied class of Russia. They have been responsible for more deaths than the Sovicts, Our Finnish comrades, the Red Guards, have pointed out that the ordinary procedure of war has not been acceded to then, that as soon as the white Guards, the capitalist class, take any of then prisoner, they immediately put then to death, It has been said het our conrades sver there in Russia were working hand in hand with the Germans and proof of this was that the Germans allowed Lenin to pass through Austrian territory. Our comrades have stood up against Germany es best they could, and the capitalists - the socalled patriots of Russia - have been working hand in hand with Gernany in order to crush the people of Russia, That has been done in the Ukraine. It has been done in the various states stolen by Germany from Russia.

FACE TO FACE

The Lord Advocate pointed out here that I probably was a nore dangerous eneny that you had fot tofice than in the Geman, The working class, when they rise for thvir own, are nore dangerous to capitalists than even the Geman enenies at your gates. That has becn repeatedly indicated in the Press, and I have stated it as well, I m glad that you heve made this statcnent at this the most historic tria that has ever been held in Scotland, when the working class and the capitalist class neet face to face. The Bolshuviks got into power in October, and the people wished peace, am they were doing their best get peace. The Bolsheviks wished peace throughout the world, They wished the war to cease in order that they night settle down to the real business of life, the economic reorganisation of the whole of Russia. They therefore got into negotiation with the Gernens, end they and the Germans net at Brest-Litovsk.

Towards the end of Decenber there was a pause in. the negotiations for tun days, in order to allow the British and their Allies

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to go to Brest Litovsk, .in o»vportunity, therefore, was given to Great Britain to go to Brest Litovsk, Ten days were given, The “last day was Jamary 4 of this year, Great Britain paid no attention to this opportunity, but on Jamaary 5th, Lloyd George, in one of his insidious speeches, seumed to climb down as it were, Ile was followed by Mr, Woodrow Wilson, But a speech by Mr. Lioyca Georse on the 5th was of no use. It was mere talk, It was nere canouflage, or, a better word still, bluff, pure bluff, ‘hy did the Govermient not accept the opportunity to go to Brest Litovsk? If conditions absolutely favourable to Gmmany wre proposed, then Britain could heve stopped the negotiations and plunced onco nore into the war, and I on confident of this, if Germany had not toed the line and come up square so far as peace negotiations were concerned, that the Russian workers would have taken the side of Britain, and I an confident of this, that the Socialists in all the allicd countries would have backed up their Governnents in order to absolutely crush Gemany, end we would at the sane tine have appealed to the Socialistsof Germany to overrthrow their Govern, nt.

Great Britain did not do so, On the other hand, they cane on with their Man Power Bill, and also with their factor of short food, All these things nust be considered in their ensemble before you can understand the position taken up by nyself. When this universal peace neeting was held at Brest Litovsk, then Trotsky played a very very bold came. He knew the risks he ran. He and the Bolsheviks spread. nillions of leaflets anoncst the workers of Gernany in the trenches - the German soldiers - urzing then to stop fighting and to overthrow the Kaiser, the junkers and the capitalist classes of Germany, They made a bold bid by trying to set the German workers on to their side. Great Britain has been trying to bring about, and hoping and urging for a revolution in Germany, in the hope that the working class would overthrow the autocratic class there and give us peace.

Pron a British point of view, revolution inside Germany is goods revolution inside Britain is bad. So says this learned gentlenan, He enn square it if he can, I cannot square it, The conditions of Germany econonically are the conditions of Britain, and there is only a very slight difference between the politica structure of Gemany and that of tiis country ct the best. Ande so far as we workers are concerned, we are not conecrned with the political super-structure; we are concerned with the economic foundation of socicty, and that determines our point of view in politics and industrial action, Our Russian comrades therefore did the Very sane as the British have ben doing; they appealed to the German soldiers cand workers t. overthrow their Governnent,

Strikes broke forth in Italy, The strikes in January passed into Gemiany, nore nenacin; strikes than have taken place inside the British Isles, An appeal was made fron comrades to courades, Many soldiers in Gemany nutinied; many sailors of Germany mutinied, and these men are bein: shot down by their Gover- “mient., All hail to these working men of Gemany who refused at the

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bidding of the capitalist to G9 on with this war, Their nanes will go down bright and shining where those of the capitalist of today and of the past will have been forgotten, It would be a very bad thing for the workers of the world if a revolution were developed and carried through to success in Gernany, and no similar effort were nade in this country, The Gernan workers! eneny is the sane as our eneny in this country the landlords and the capitalists are our mtual enerny = and if it was their business and their right and their duty to overthrow their autocratic goverment, then it will be a duty on us not to allow these nen to overthrow their Goverment, and then to allow France, Britain, and Itcly to march over then and make these Gernan workers slaves at the dictates of the capitalists of the other parts of the world, There was the situation fron their point of view and from our point of view too, THE CAPITALISTS ABOLISH THE CONSTITUTION

It hrs been pointcd out that if we developed a revolution the Germans would cone over and instead of having liberty, we would be under the iron heel of the Kaiser, If I grant that thet is true, it is equally true thot in the other case the allies would do in Germany what the German Kaiser with the capitalist class of Germany would do in this country, There can only be a revolution when the workers of all the countries stand united and capitalism is crushed . and until then the war mst go on incessantly and incessantly, It is not because I an against my own people. My own people are the workers here, and the workers in Germany and elsewhere, It was not the workers who instigated the war. The workers have no econonic interest to serve as a consequence of the war, and because of that, it is muy appeal to ny class that makes ne a patriot so far as ny class is conceyned, and when I stand true to ny class, the working class, in which I was born, it is because my people were swept out of the liichlands, and it was only because of ny own ability thet I remained, I have renained true to ny class, the working class, and whatever I do I think I an doing in the interests of ny class of ny country. I an no traitor to my country, I stand loyal to my country because I stand loyal to the class which creatés the wealth throughout the whole of the world,

We are out for life and all that life can give us. i there= fore took what action I did in the light of what was transpiring inside Russia, inside Austria, and inside Germany. You have got to boar | a in nind when you wish to understand ny renarks, I therefore urced the workers in this country that if they were going to strike, nere striking was useless, because they would be starved back into work again, and that if they were going to be’against the Man Power Bill it meant that. they were coning out for peace. And as there was no signs of either side coning to an anicable constitutional conclusion then it was the business of the workers to take the whole matter in hand thenselves,.

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var wos declared! No natter the uotive, no notter the cause, — constitution and order was thrown aside, and in the prosecution fe) the war the British Government found it necessary to throw 7 every low in this country and to bring in the Defence of oor Aét, which means the negation of all law in this ONE ao ake repeatedly pointed out thet if the Govermnent wishes to ce eo — with any individual, they do so under the Defence of the Rea Aes ’ The Goverment have power to do anything they desire. That nay be right, or it may be wrong, but the position is this, that Se ing in of the Defence of the Rcaln act has thrown 2asile all laws order 2s we know it during nomal periods.

In the plune into the war we have the abolition of constitutional methods, and therefore I contended, and I contend today that if-it is right and proper on the part of the Govermient to throw aside law and order - constitutional uethods - and to edopt nethods that mankind has never seen before, then it is equally right that the neribers of the working class, if the war is not soing to cease in a reasonable tine, should bring about a reasonable settlenent, ana 4a reasonable settlenent to the workers is no victory to either side.

PROBLOMS AHEAD

If one side or the other wins, then the revenge will cone, as France today is seeking revenge after the drubbing she got in 1871. Realising that, we, as representatives of the workers of the world, do not wish one side or the other to be the victors, We wish the status quo prior to the war to be re-established, If the workers are going to do that, then it means that they have to adopt nethods and tactics entirely different from the nethods which would be adopted, or could be adopted under normal circumstances, Abnormal lines of action must be taken, and I urge abnormal lines of action to be token, such as our comrades in Russia took. The very circwistances of the war forced in upon the Imssian workers! committees, and their national Soviets the lines of action which they adopted, and the only way we could do it would be t. adopt methods peculiar to the working class organisations in this country in the intcrests of the workers thenselves, .

The suggestions I made were intended snly to develop revolutionary thought inside the minds of the workers. I pointed out at the neeting on the 20th thet representatives of the police were present, and therefore if the workers were going to take action thenselves it would be absolutely foolish and stupid for then to adopt the suggestions I had given then. I only gave out these suczestions so that they night work out plans of their own if they thought fit to teke action to bring about peace. I was convinced, and I an still convinced, that the working class, if they are going to take action, nust not only go for peace but for revolution, I pointed out to the workers that, in order to solve the problens of capitalisn, they would have to get the land and the means of production,

I pointed out to then that if capitalism lasted after the war, with the growing size of the trusts, with the great aggregations that were taking place, with the improved machinery inside the works,

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with the improved methods of speeding up the workers, with the developnent of research and experinent, thnt we were going to have the workers turning out three, four, five tines as much wealth as they had done in pre-war tines, and a great problem would arise - 2 ereater problen than ever before - would arise before this country of disposing: its surplus goodéon the narkets of the world, not only of getting markets for these surplus goods, but of setting the raw naterials, We see today in the committees appointed by the Governnent that they are anxious to cet control of the markets of the world in order to cxclude the Germans. :

THE RUSH FOR EMPIRE

Our Governnent has eLPENGy appointed a Land Organisation of the Board of Trade and of the Foreign Office whereby it is going to plant agents here and there throughout the world so that ina scientific nethod British products may be thrown onto tie narkets of the world. This is scientific nethods, applied t» commerce internationally as wéll os nationally. These preparations are being made it is being said, for the purpose of carrying on the war after the war, Nobody denies that there is going to be a war after the war, an econonic war between the Germans and her friends, and the British and Anericans and their friends, and there is going to be a war bet-e ween the nations, and the respective Govermnents will take care that, as far as they can, their capital will be planted in areas over which they have control,

You have then, the rush for enpire, We sce that the fnericans have already got one or two of the islands in the Vest Indies, and I understand ‘that America has also got hold of Dutch Guiana, It has also suggested that’Mexico be brought into the Ancrican States, Britain herself is looking after her own interests. She has taken the German colonies, she is also in Mesopotania,and in Palestine, going there for strategic reasons, but when Britain gets hold of Mesopotamia, Palestine and Arabia, she will use tuem for her own ends and I do not blane Britain for that, Britain has got many troubles.

We*see Japan also on the outlook, Japan has been trying repeatedly to get control of Northern China, She would also like to get a great big chunk of Siberia. Even today we sce the tentacles being sent out, 211 anxious to crab nore and more power, We know the secret trenties and disclosures made by our Bolshevik comrades, We lmow that these nations have been building up'their plans so that when the Germans have been crushed they will get this territory or we that térritory. They are all out for Impire. That was absolutely necessary for the commerical prosperity of the nations.

411 the property destroyed during the war will be replaced, In the next five years there is going to be. a great world trade cepression and the ‘respective Governnents, to stave off trouble, must rush more and nore into the markets of the world to get rid of their produce, and in fiftcen years! tine from the olose of this wan- I have pointed’ this out at all ny neetings - we are into the next war if Capitalism lasts; we cannot escape it. :

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Britain hac the wealth, Britain did everything she could to hold back the war, That necessarily had to be tie attitude of Britain, but in spite of all her skill or cunning, there has been a war, I have heard it said that the Westurn civilisations arc destroying thenselves as the Easterm civilisations destroyed themselves. In fiftcen years! tine we may have the first creat war bursting out in the PACLLiuce = A nerica v Japan, or even Japan and China v. Ancrica, We have then the possibilities of another war, far greater and far nore serious in its consequences than the preseat war, I have pointed that out to ny audiences,

"NOTHING TO RETRACT"

In view of the fact that the creat powers are not prepared to stop the war until the one side or the other is broken down, it is our business as nenbers of the working class to see to it that this war ceases today, not only to save the lives of the young nen of the present, but also to stave off thu next great war. That has been ny attitude and justifies ny conduct in recent tines. I an-out for an absolute reconstruction of society on a Comoperative basis, throughout all the worlds; when we stop the need for armies and mavies, we stop the need for wars. i I have taken wp unconstitutional action at this tine because of the abnormal circunstances and because precedent has been given by the British Govermient. I an a socialist, and have been fighting and will fight for an absolute reconstruction of Socicty for the benefit of all, I om proud of ny conduct, I hove squared ny conduct with ny intellect, and if everyone had done so this war would not have taken place. I act square and clean for ny principles, I have nothing to metract. I have nothing tu be ashaned of, Your class position is against ny class position, There are two classes of norality. There is the working class norality and there is the capitalist class norality. There is this antagonisn as thers is the antagonisn between Germany and Britain, A victory for Geenany is a defect for Britain. A victory for Britain is a defeat for Germany, And it is exactly the saric so far as our classes are concerned, Whet is noral for the one is absolutely immoral for the sther, and vice versa, No natter what your accusations against ne may bes no natter what reservations you keep at the back of your head, ny appeal is to the working class. I appeal ts then exclusively because they and only they can bring about the tine when the whole world will be in one brotherhood, on a sound eeononic foundstion, That, and that alone, can be the neans of bringing about 2 reorganisation of Socicty. That can only be obtained when the people of the world gct the world and retain the world.

FIVE YEARS! PENAL SERVITUDE

The Lord Justice General, having charved the Jury, the latter, without retiring, intincted through their forenan, a verdict of cuilty on all charves. The Lord Justice General- Have you anything to say, John MacLean? MacLean- No, I think I have said enough for one day. , The Lord Justice General- John MacLean, it would be idle for ne to

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dwell upon the gravity of the offence of which you have been found cuilty by a Jury of your fellow countryuen after a very decent trial and after the clearest possible evidence, and because you are obviously a highly educated and intelligent nan, and realise the thorough seriousness of the offence you have comitted, This is not the first tine that you have been convicted of an offence under the Defence of the Realm Act, and in pronouncing sentence today, I have taken into account the fact that you have still, so far as I could judge, over a year to serve of your former sentence, Today the sentence of the court is that you be sent to penal servitude for a period of five years McLean- (turning +> comrades in the Court) Keep it going, boys, keep it going,

(Reproduced with croteful thanks fron the original panphlet procuced in 1918 by the Clyde Workers' Propaganda Defence Comittee)

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