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THE INDOCHINESE
REVOLUTION
&
THE FOURTH INTERNATIONALS THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL HAS — EVER SINCE THE START OF THE THIRD INDOCHINESE WAR — BEEN IN THE FOREFRONT OF THE SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT WITH THE VIETNAMESE REVOLUTION THROUGHOUT THE WORLD, AND, IN PARTICULAR, /N NORTH AMER- ICA AND WESTERN EUROPE AND JAPAN.
WE ARE REPRINTING THE MAJOR DECLARATIONS OF THE LEADING BODIES OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL IN RECENT MONTHS ON THE INDOCHINESE REVOLUTION FOR THE INFORMATION AND BENE— FIT OF THE NEW MILITANTS WHO HAVE ONCE AGAIN STARTED MARCHING ON THE STREETS IN SOLIDARITY WITH THE INDOCHINESE REVOLUTIONARIES UNDER THE SLOGAN: SOLIDARITY UNTIL FINAL VICTORY.
IMG SECRETARIAT, 10 FEBRUARY, 1973.
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Page 1 On the Betrayal of the Vietnamese at the Moscow Summit Meeting world that Nixon is able to use ob- [The following statement was issued solete B-52 bombers only because the by the United Secretariat of the Fourth Soviet bureaucrats refuse to arm the International on May 31, 1972.] Democratic Republic of Vietnam with the modern fighter planes that could wipe the B-52s out of the sky. Yet they have sold such fighter planes to several bourgeois governments in Asia, beginning with the Sadat regime in
Imperialism will not stop at anything The same goes for various types of in its efforts to drive home its messophisticated weapons. The Soviet busage to the people of Vietnam and of reaucrats deny them to the Vietnamese the world: better to destroy a country people but freely distribute them to than to see it break out of the "free half a dozen bourgeois governments world” of capitalist exploitation. in various parts of the world.
The attitude assumed by the Kremlin Even the amount of ordinary weap- While these colossal crimes were in face of the May escalation of the ons is kept down to a trickle by the being committed, subjecting one of the U.S. imperialist aggressionin Vietnam Soviet bureaucrats. The deliveries most courageous peoples in the world constitutes one of the most brazen and made by all the governments of the to genocide, the Kremlin chieftains treacherous betrayals of the world clinked champagne glasses with war "socialist camp" do not reach 10 perrevolution in the entire history of criminal Nixon, as if they were toastcent of what they send annually to Stalinism. The depth of this betrayal Egypt. The cost of the aid is under ing his deeds in Vietnam. They picmust be grasped by the international 1 percent of the total annual military tured their summit conference with revolutionary vanguard and all the expenditures made by the U.S. in Nixon as a "great success,” a big step friends and supporters of the Vietnamtoward "world peace,” while Nixon, Vietnam. with the callousness of a professional ese revolution.
This provides an indication on a Having proved incapable of throwmaterial level of the betrayal comexecutioner, continued the most feroing back the Vietnamese in their heroic cious and barbarous acts of aggresmitted by the Stalinist bureaucrats advances on the battlefields of South sion and violence ever to be vented against the Vietnamese revolution. Vietnam, having been forced to withon the workers and peasants of a Brezhnev and his cohorts have even draw the bulk of the U.S. ground hidden from the Soviet people the fact small country. troops because of the stiffening oppo- The Democratic Republic of Vietnam —revealed by the Hanoi press— that sition to the war among the American is part of the so-called socialist camp, Soviet seamen were killed by U.S. people, having been unable to mainwhose security and inviolability the bombs in Haiphong even while Nixon, tain the pretense of "Vietnamization" masters of the Kremlin have so many who ordered the bombing, was being of the war because of the spreading times guaranteed in the most solemn wined and dined in Moscow. disintegration of the armies of the terms. Claiming the existence of an Apologists of the Stalinist bureau- Saigon puppet regime, Nixon decided imperialist threat against the Czechocracy argue that the Kremlin had to in cold blood to escalate the war to slovak workers state (which they never act this way in order to avoid a dana qualitatively higher intensity in orbothered to try to prove), they sent gerous escalation of tension and a der to force the Vietnamese people to 200,000 troops into that country in confrontation between the U.S. and bow to an unfavorable compromise August 1968. Their real reason for the Soviet Union that could lead to despite their resounding military victhe invasion, of course, was to sup- World War III. This argument is comtories. On May 8 Nixon announced press the efforts that had been begun pletely mendacious. there to replace Stalinist police rule that he had ordered all the harbors History has shown again and again of North Vietnam to be mined and with socialist democracy, a change that to concede to an aggressor does that would have strengthened — not all transportation lines to be bombed not lead to easing the situation in up to the border of China. weakened—the Socialist Republic of the long run; instead, it encourages Czechoslovakia against any threat of In the history of imperialist butchery, the aggressor to engage in escalation. the destructive power unleashed on In the United States today the mood capitalist restoration. the Democratic Republic of Vietnam is such that the vast majority of the But in face of the unprecedented since May 8 is of unheard-of propormass of napalm, antipersonnel bombs, American people would never back tions. The bomb load released by four the White House in gambling on a and patterned bombing nearing the nuclear showdown. The American squadrons of B-52 bombers is equivnuclear level that are being applied alent ~ in destructive blast to a Hiropeople are sick and tired of the war day after day on the cities and towns shima-type atomic bomb. The number in Indochina. They would never agree of North Vietnam, the masters of the of bomb craters in Vietnam was re- Kremlin limited themselves to a few to risk a global conflict for the sake cently estimated at 26,000,000. The routine press releases —to be used by of maintaining a military toehold in cratering of the land destroys it for pro-Moscow Communist parties for Indochina.
By standing firmly and telling Nixagricultural] production. This loss is face-saving needs—while they pubon top of the loss of vast areas subon that his new escalation of the war licly toasted the imperialistaggressors! jected to defoliation and to crop-deconstituted an attack against the en- It must be brought to the attention tire socialist camp and that persistence of the workers and peasants of the stroying chemicals.
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in that attack would result in the The Vietnamese are continuing their utmost energy to helping to organize Vietnamese army, navy, and air force struggle with unparalleled courage and massive protest demonstrations being supplied with all the means necdetermination, and are still scoring against the imperialist aggression in essary to turn it back, the Soviet lead- Vietnam. successes on the battlefields. With the ers could have stopped Nixon in his Bring the strongest possible pressure help of the laboring masses in other tracks. By refusing to take any conto bear on the Communist parties by countries, they can still win their crete steps to halt the aggressor, the spreading the truth about the latest revolution despite all the fury of the Kremlin leaders fall into the position Stalinist betrayals. Help pillory the imperialist beast. of accomplices in the crimes of impe- Moscow and Peking regimes! Compel rialism against an allied workers state. them to provide adequate material The Fourth International calls upon They thereby lay the base for a still all its members and sympathizers, support to the Democratic Republic more explosive situation. upon all communists and socialists of Vietnam and to the National Lib- Once again the fatal logic of the eration Front of South Vietnam! throughout the world, to devote the policy of "peaceful coexistence," of "socialism in one country" stands out out in the clearest way. In order to save the international status quo from unsettlement by a victorious revolution, the Kremlin bureaucrats cynically acquiesce in the massive bombing and genocidal destruction of North Viet- No Truce in Support nam. At bottom they consider that they are acting in their own self-interest, for a successful revolution in Vietnam for the Vietnamese Revolution! could encourage the growing political opposition inside the Soviet Union and perhaps help detonate a revolutionary process that would sweep them from [The following resolution was passed arms and ammunition are still being power and restore the socialist democat a meeting of the United Secretariat of the Fourth International held 21st sent to these puppets. Thousands of racy that Lenin and Trotsky stood January, 1973.1] Thieu's U.S. "advisers" remain in for.
South Vietnam. And even if the Ameri- As for the Maoist bureaucracy, it can troops are really withdrawn, is unable to do more than issue feeble * + = powerful imperialist air and naval press releases protesting the bombing Once more it is reported that a ceaseforces wil! remain on the alert of North Vietnam. Having themselves fire agreement is imminent in Vietnam. in Thailand and off the Vietnamese accorded Nixon a royal reception last So we must stress again the vital role February, they cannot even take faccoasts. that the international movement in de- Moreover, maintaining the dictational advantage of the betrayal comfense of the Vietnamese revolution is torial Thieu regime in Saigon in the mitted by the Moscow revisionists. The called upon to play, regardless of the face of the combativity of the Viettruth is that by engaging in a "cordial" results of the current negotiations. summit meeting with Nixon they namese masses means that the -revo- Every analysis of the present situation, helped make it easier for the Kremlin lutionary struggle will continue after all information available, points to the to abandon all restraint in groveling the cease-fire agreement is signed, conclusion that the Vietnamese revobefore the commander in chief of the even if the general military confrontalution will not come to a halt, no U.S. war machine. tion between the two class camps halts matter what the outcome of the cease- The complicity of the Chinese and for a time. fire negotiations. There will be no truce Russian regimes in the Pentagon's The hard-fought negotiations that in the struggle of the masses of Vietcrimes in Vietnam can arouse a sharp took place between October 1972 and namese workers and poor peasants reaction among the masses of the January 1973 were centered precisely for their national and social libera- Soviet Union and China. That would on marking out the ground for these tion. change many things. However, in face future revolutionary struggles in The savage attacks perpetrated by of the tight police control over the South Vietnam, with each camp the American air force in late Decemcommunications media it is not easy seeking to gain the best possible posiber 1972 on the Hanoi and Haiphong to spread the truth in either land. tion for waging its fight. This is why regions, the unprecedented bombings Among the rank and file in the Comthe negotiations dealt with questions of the liberated areas of South Vietmunist parties in the capitalist counsuch as the real nature of the tries the situation is different. They are nam, Laos, and Cambodia, which are demilitarized zone, the size and role not sealed off from the facts or from still continuing as of this writing, conof the international control commisthe influence of the vanguard that has firm the determination of the Amerision, and similar issues. Any concesbeen staging international demonstracan imperialists to utilize all the means sions that imperialism may have extions for withdrawal of the U.S. armed of terror at their disposal to prevent tracted from the Vietnamese fighters forces and free exercise by the Vietthe collapse of the puppet regimes inin this regard, as the result of inadenamese people of the right of selfstalled in Saigon, Pnompenh, and quate international support for determination.
Vientiane. Considerable amounts of the Vietnamese revolution in the face
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demonstrations reached new heights.
The counterrevolutionary role of the of large-scale aggression by U.S.
What is more, in Australia, Italy, and bureaucrats of Moscow and Peking, imperialism, in no way undermine the Denmark, sectors of the organized who did not raise a finger to respond capacity of the revolution to maintain workers' movement started, or issued to Nixon's bombing of North Vietnam its momentum in South Vietnam. appeals for starting, direct industrial and who continue to refuse to supply action against the war, thereby pointthe North Vietnamese workers’ state The puppet Thieu understands this ing out the path for the most effective with the more modern kinds of defenvery well. He is hastily setting up a response to the imperialist barbarism. sive weapons made available to boursystem of semifascist repression, geois governments such as those in threatening to fire on every crowd of It is the duty of the international Egypt, Pakistan, India, or Banglademonstrators, to murder every Comworking class to continue to extend desh, cannot be condemned strongly munist, and to prevent any return of this movement of solidarity, no matter enough. By arranging Nixon's visits refugees to liberated villages. At the what the outcome of the negotiations to Moscow and Peking in 1972, these same time he is holding out the threat and the cease-fire agreement, until the bureaucrats helped him to weaken the of slaughtering the hundreds of thoucomplete and final victory of the Viet- American antiwar movement in the sands of political prisoners in his namese revolution. There can be no crucial months of the past year. Durhands. halt, truce, or "cease-fire" in our soliing the cease-fire negotiations they darity with the Vietnamese revolu- The popular masses, for their part, brought the maximum pressure on tion — this is the fundamental truth that are getting ready to take advantage Hanoi to get the Vietnamese fighters we must constantly réiterate to the of any military truce to resume their to make concessions to imperialism. working masses of the five continents struggle to free the political prisoners, They put the crowning touch on this as this turn is taking place in Indowin democratic liberties, defend their betrayal of the elementary interests of china. material interests in the ¢ities and the workers of Vietnam and the entire The Fourth International issues a countryside, bring about the disinteworld by remaining totally passive gration of the army and regime of solemn appeal to all activists, to all when Nixon unleashed against Hanoi the puppet Thieu, and create and reanti-imperialist and anticapitalist and Haiphong the largest-scale and inforce mass-based organs of power. organizations throughout the world. most barbarous acts of aggression For more than two decades the Indo- In these conditions, the signing of that humanity has seen since the end chinese masses have fought with a a cease-fire agreement will not mean of the second world war. The whole heroism unparalleled and an energy a halt to the revolution in South Vieteounterrevolutionary logic of their and endurance unique in the history nam, Laos, and Cambodia, or to the “peaceful coexistence” strategy has thus of this century for the cause of their counterrevolutionary intervention by been starkly revealed. emancipation and for socialism. They imperialism. These two processes will have fought for us all. The least that continue in temporarily modified we can do in return for the great serforms, with the possibility of a new But, for their part, the working vice they have done for the world direct military intervention by U.S. masses of the world, after being derevolution is to continue unceasingly imperialism remaining suspended like ceived by the secret diplomatic maneuour actions in solidarity with their the sword of Damocles over the heads vers of Washington, Moscow, and Perevolution, which is also unrelenting. of the workers and poor peasants of king, were awakened by the shock and The Fourth International calls on Indochina. indignation aroused by Nixon's barall working-class organizations to In these conditions also, the masses baric bombings. They have responded make defending the Vietnamese revoluof Indochina, confronted with the vioon an ever larger scale since December lence and the maneuvers of imperialtion against the terror of Washington 1972. Leading up to the actions of and Thieu, whose blows continue and ism and the native exploiters, willhave January 20, 1973, the international a still greater need for the active supmay escalate further, into the cause demonstrations against the imperialist port of the international working class of millions and millions of workers war of aggression have constantly after the signing of the cease-fire agreein all countries. broadened. In many countries, these ment, just as they needed this help It calls on all Communists, on all during the recent weeks of terror socialists, not to let themselves bombing by the U.S. Air Force. be duped by the diplomatic maneuvers of imperialism and by the cover that the bureaucratic betrayers in Mos- ' cow and Peking are continuing to pro- _@ vide for these maneuvers.
Our duty is clear. We must maintain, broaden, extend, and unify nationally and internationally the movement of active and militant solidarity with the heroic fighters and the peoples of Indochina until the final and complete victory of the Indochinese revolution. 0
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The Vietnamese Revolution, Cease-fire Perspectives, and Tasks of International Revolutionary Movement [The following resolution was passed at a recent plenum of the International Execrevolutionary forces. The agrarian revolution and the utive Committee of the Fourth Interformation of organs of revolutionary power have moved national, ] forward in vast rural areas of South Vietnam. The air attacks on the North and on the liberated zones of the three countries of Indochina did not succeed in breaking popular resistance or in preventing the revolutionary 1. The opening of negotiations between the United States armed forces from continuing their offensive. and the Vietnamese, and their subsequent evolution, can In this context, the Vietnamese Communist party's atbe correctly understood only in the complex framework tempt to win through negotiations a withdrawal of imof the existing balance of forces between the revolutionary perialist troops from Vietnam does not necessarily imand counterrevolutionary forces, both on a world scale ply a step backward for the Vietnamese revolution. The immediate prospects for the Vietnamese revolution can and in Indochina itself. be laid out and the tasks of revolutionary Marxists in The basic weakness of the Indochinese revolution lies relation to it can be defined only through a correct analyin its relative international isolation. The main cause sis of the military, political, social, economic, and psyof this isolation is the conservative policy of peaceful chological effects that the possible cease-fire accords may coexistence followed by the Moscow and Peking bureauhave on the various South Vietnamese social classes and cracies and by the Communist parties they control on a world scale. This policy has enabled American imperialtheir major political expressions. ism to carry out a systematic escalation of its murderous 2. In any event, withdrawal of the U.S. armed forces attacks on the revolutionary forces in South Vietnam, from Vietnam and cessation of the bombing of both the Laos, Cambodia, and the Democratic Republic of Viet- North and South would constitute a shift in the relationnam without an adequate response in the least way from ship of forces in favor of the Vietnamese revolution. This the bureaucracies in power in Moscow and Peking. What would reflect imperialism's inability to break the heroic aid they have given the Vietnamese fighters has been resistance of the Vietnamese masses as well as its retreat doled out drop by drop and has at the same time increasbefore the strength of antiwar sentiment in the United ingly been used as a means of putting political pressure States itself. on these fighters to "moderate" their struggle.
But in itself such a retreat does not guarantee the vic- The relative isolation of the Vietnamese revolution, which tory of the permanent revolution in South Vietnam. It was partially ameliorated only by the growth of the worldonly means that the revolutionary process will be able wide mass movement of struggle against the war of imperialist aggression, worsened after the announcement of to develop with a reduced, but not eliminated, foreign interference. U.S. aid to the counterrevolutionary forces Nixon's trips to Peking and Moscow. Nixon succeeded in South Vietnam will continue. The American fleet will in demobilizing a significant part of the antiwar moveremain in Indochinese waters, threatening the masses of ment in the United States, enabling him to launch a new these countries with a resumption of bombing should the military escalation in Indochina. Under these conditions revolution make fresh advances. The retention of U.S. the Vietnamese revolution cannot win victory over imbases in Thailand entails an analogous threat. Moscow perialism on a purely military level. Hence the attempt and Peking's pressure on the Vietnamese CP will scarcely to reach a negotiated solution in order to end imperiaiism's military intervention in Indochina. cease. The continuous rearming of the puppet army, the The basic power of the Indochinese revolution lies in transformation of U.S. troops into "civilian advisers," the the unprecedented breadth and vigor of the revolutionary continuing financial and economic aid to the Thieu regime, process initiated and developed in Vietnam, Cambodia, the increase in Saigon's police terror, the sending of forces and Laos. Because of this, the imperialist intervention from an international control commission, which, inashas experienced a series of strategic setbacks. First there much as it is composed of bourgeois armies will intervene was the failure of "special war,” then of "local war," and in favor of the counterrevolutionary forces—all these factoday the props of the "Vietnamization" policy have been tors show that U.S. imperialism will seize every opporundermined. tunity offered it by the continuation of dual power after The victories scored by the revolutionary forces in Camthe possible signing of accords of the type proposed in bodia (after Lon Nol's coup d'etat) and in Laos (after October 1972. the battle of Bass Loo in February 1971) prevented the crushing of resistance in South Vietnam. The offensive Under these conditions, everything will depend on the unleashed in South Vietnam eight months ago destroyed development of revolutionary mass struggles both in the the "pacification" program in the countryside and generally cities and in the countryside, on the policy followed by altered the relationship of forces in favor of the popular the Vietnamese CP, and on the interrelation of these two
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factors and their impact on whatever counterrevolutionary Vietnam; elimination of the landed proprietors, usurers, military apparatuses Thieu's puppets will command. big traders, and the gangster-watchdogs of the Thieu 3. The current situation in South Vietnam is one of regime, and implacable opposition to their returning to dual power from top to bottom. On a countrywide level villages from which they have already been driven. and on a provincia! level, in countless villages and in (b) In the cities, the struggle against the high cost of living, speculation, gambling, hoarding of vital goods various cities the workers and peasants’ governmental and basic necessities, exploitation of the masses by the structures and armed forces stand opposed to the governmental structures and armed forces of the counterrevoluindustrial, financial, and big commercial bourgeoisie. (c) In the cities and the countryside, immediate strugtion, the big landlords and the comprador bourgeoisie, gle for the release of the 200,000 political prisoners, for the puppets of imperialism. Some important regions have political rights, and for complete freedom of action for been completely liberated and are administered by revall organizations illegalized by the Thieu regime. olutionary organs of power. But this dual power has yet (d) In both the cities and the countryside, dissolution to be extended to the country's principal cities. The sucof the puppet military and administrative apparatuses cess or failure of the revolutionary struggle of the masses through the combined effects of the processes just dein extending the formation of organs of revolutionary scribed. power and in destroying the bourgeois state apparatus — All indications are that the cadres of the NLF and the a struggle to be waged after the possible signing of a Vietnamese CP are systematically preparing the South cease-fire agreement— will determine the outcome of the Vietnamese population for this mass political struggle. revolutionary process in Indochina.
The U.S. withdrawal, like the perspective of reunification It is in this context that the question of a "national with the North and the acceptance of the principle of coalition" government or structure must be approached. free elections with the participation of all political parties We must clearly explain that there is no possibility, in Viettoday consigned to clandestinity, will inevitably stimulate nam or elsewhere, of "national concord" between the exmass struggles and will further tilt the balance of forces ploiting and exploited classes. The Fourth International in favor of the revolution. 3 remains opposed to coalition governments with the bour- 5. The Vietnamese Communist party and ‘the NLF geoisie, whatever the specific composition of these govleadership enjoy such prestige and authority among the ernments. Even when the bourgeois ministers are hos- South Vietnamese laboring masses that their orientation tages of an already proletarian state power, their preswill significantly affect the pace and breadth of the mass ence does not facilitate the consolidation of the revolutionmobilizations. To evaluate all the actions of this leaderary seizure of power and can only disorient the prole ship it would be necessary to know in detail the situation tariat's class consciousness. in South Vietnam, which for us is impossible at present.
But this principled opposition to any coalition govern- We can only make some general observations. ment with the bourgeoisie does not entitle us automatically First of all, a capitulation of the CP leadership, which to define all cases of such governments as popular-front would entail the dissolution of the revolution’s indepenregimes stabilizing and defending the economic rule and the state of the possessing classes. History offers us the dent armed forces, seems very unlikely in light of what example of France and Spain in 1936, France, Italy, happened both to the cadres and to the South Vietnamese Greece, Indonesia, and elsewhere at the end of the second masses after the Geneva accords. Further, if the Stalinist world war, where this was the case. But it was not the training of the Vietnamese CP leaders implies the possibility of opportunist maneuvers — which are reflected in the case in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and China, where the presence of bourgeois ministers in the central govwritten public program of the NLF—the balance of the ernment did not prevent the socialist transformation of last fifteen years clearly demonstrates this party's tenacious the revolutionary process from occurring. The decisive commitment to the overthrow of the bourgeois state in thing is the nature of the state, that is, the class charac- South Vietnam. Finally, the relationship between the CP ter of those who control the armed forces. If the bourand the South Vietnamese mass movement is not simply geoisie is in reality disarmed, then the bourgeois ministers a function of the CP's political authority, but also of the are hostages of the proletarian state (whether bureauunusual pressure of the revolutionary masses on a party cratically deformed or not). If the proletariat and poor which in its practical orientation has broken with Stalinpeasantry are in reality disarmed, then the revolution has ism's classical Menshevik line in the colonial and semisuffered defeat. If both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie colonial countries and which is independent of the Moscow retain their arms, then the "government" or structure of and Peking EF ‘reaucracies. "national coalition" can only be an expression of dual 6. All opportunities for independent intervention in this power; that is, it represents but a momentary hiatus in an ongoing civil war that can be ended only by the victory process by revolutionary Marxists must be utilized to of one or the other existing camp of class antagonists. the fullest extent possible, with the principle aim of deepening the permanent revolution in South Vietnam and 4. The revolutionary offensive of the South Vietnamese of helping it attain final victory. On the scene, this will laboring masses will develop along already discernible involve action to strengthen the independent proletarian lines that make any interruption in the political struggle organizations in Saigon, in which our movement has a less than likely: real tradition. (a) In the countryside, the deepening of the agrarian It is especially important to stress the role that devolves revolution—which in many areas has already reached on us On an international scale, not only today, when the stage of forming cooperatives—and its extension to imperialism's barbaric war is in full swing, but tomorrow other regions, that is, its generalization throughout South as well, in the event a cease-fire agreement is signed. The
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revolution will go on after the signing. International solithe Indochinese revolution. It is around the line of comdarity with this revolution will remain more than ever a plete support for the Indochinese revolution until total vital necessity, the more so as the Communist parties victory —a line carried out through concrete slogans in around the world sink further into immobility, if not into each country in accordance with the concrete situation open abandonment of the defense of the Vietnamese masses' of the mass movement—that we must mobilize militants fight to complete their revolution. Our responsibility in and continue our mass work of support to the Indochinese developing mass actions to support the Indochinese revrev olution. ; olution will thus increase, and we will have to fight against Today an international campaign must be prepared any attempt to demobilize active international solidarity. demanding the immediate release of South Vietnamese The main lines of our activity are clear: extension of the political prisoners and against the terror unleashed by the Thieu regime — terror for which U.S. imperialism bears support actions now being waged by our sections, especially against any imperialist intervention continuing full responsibility. From now on, the American governafter the signing of the possible ceasefire accords(for the ment's responsibility for any massacre of these prisoners must be sharply stressed. This campaign must be carried complete withdrawal of the U.S. fleet and of U.S. "civilian advisers," for the elimination of the air-naval bases out in the most united fashion possible. in Thailand, against the sending of “international control The development of the situation in Laos and Cambodia forces" composed of bourgeois armies); the development must be closely followed. It will also most probably necesof increased propaganda against the "peaceful coexistence” sitate many solidarity actions. policies of the Soviet and Chinese bureaucracies, which 7. The importance of the questions raised by the future substantially contributed to the deterioration of the interof the Indochinese revolution necessitate a continuing disnational relationship of forces in which the Indochinese cussion in the framework of preparation for the tenth ‘evolution is unfolding. world congress (fourth since reunification) of the Fourth In case a cease-fire agreement is signed, our movement International. nust explain that there must be no letup in support for December 6, 1972
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