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THE DYNAMICS OF WORLD REVOLUTION TODAY - TEXT OF RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT THE REUNIFICATION WORLD CONGRESS OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL IN 1963-
PP International Marxist Group 182 Pentonville Road. London. N.l.
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of World Revolution q oday ti. ate
mae 7 he. * ad Felon Adogi by Reunification co “=< - Congress of ‘the Fourth International, June 1963.
1 The General Background The betrayais by the reformist. bureaucracy led to the defeat of the German and Central Eyropean rev- HE classical: ‘echema of world revolution assumed olutions of 1938-21, isolating the first victorious revolution to backward Russia and thereby paving the «that the' victory of socialism would occur first in the ‘most-industrially developed countries, setting an way for the bureaucratic degeneration of the Soviet example forthe less developed. “The more advanced atate and the Communist International over which the. ' eountries show:the more backward ones their own fu- Stalinist bureaucracy established tight control: The ture,” wrate:Marx. Yor the victory of socialism, Marx~ Comintern became transformed. from an instrument of igra goenarally -held' that. a: highly developed industrial world revolution into an instrument of: diplomatic maneuver in the hands of the Kremlin thereby. blocking; basesand: powerful proletariat as well as a strong and ly conscious labor® movement were indispensafirst unintentionally and then with calculated purpose, the victory of the proletarian: revolution in many prom-. appexr only with the full ‘development of capitalism. ising situations in many countries. At. the end of World It is true''that after the revélution of 1848, Marx War If, Social-Democratic and Stalinist class-collaborationist policies, in combination with the. efforts of voiced some misgivings about ole’ or the political assumptions underlying this’ schema; ' hamely, the capa- Western imperialism, -led to the stabilization of a capcity of the bourgeoisie to carryout ‘a’ ‘classical bourgeoisitalist economy. and a bourgeois. state..in several. imanit democratic revolittion in countries: ‘whitte capitalism is perialist countries where the victory of socialism was still'immature but where a ‘modern’ proletariat already objectively possible and even imminent.
As a result of the successive failure.of the two major:
Later Engels further underminéd this schema revolutionary waves of 1919-23 and 1943-48 —:and of liti¢al . @onsciousness among the British working class ’ the minor one of 1934-37'— the main center of world was due precisely to the fact that Britain wes the most revolution shifted for a time to the colonial world, advaneud capitalist country, holding a world ‘monapoly The victory of the Chinese Revolution in 1949, followon hgh productivit ¥. ing the postwar revolutionary wave in Europe, opened a ‘AS the beginnirig of the twentieth. ‘cpiitiiny,, an uninterrupted series of colonial revolutions. All the in 1908 "fi his his theory of permanent revolution, which victorious revolutions after 1917, including the estabheld that the working class would ‘find itself comlishment of workers’ states through revolutionary up- — pelled to carry out tasks historically belonging to the heavals in Yugoslavia, China, Vietnam and Cube, thus took place in relatively. backward countries while the bourgeoisie, and Lenin in 1914 in his theory of impossibility of early revolutionary victory in the imperialism, which included the view that the imperis ist ; perialist countries was postponed.: break first at its weakest link, Showed * come to understand the main conse- r ow at uneven and combined develop-... iT view must be vigorously rejected that this dehat the proletariat might. well come... . velopment, unforeseen izi the clessics of Marxism, © a& backward country as a result of: was. more or less fatally determined by objective factors, or by lack of revolitionary energy or will among of the world capitalist system as a Both Lenin and Trotaky were firmly af the the workers in the iriperlalist countries. No one can seriously deny ‘that’ since 1917 -various: mass upsurges | i the victory of the revolution in such cirprove to be only the prelude to the and. even uprisings of the working class made the over-_. y of the & ialist revolution in the key capitalist throw of capitalism objectively possible in many im- — “and a means of facilitating the final, , outperialist countries. (Germany and the whole of Central | come. It' was'in this spirit thet the Bolseviks. “took Europe 1918-20, Italy 1919-21, Germany 1923, Britain 1926, Austria 1933-34, Spain 1931- 37, Belgium ‘1932-36, power ‘in October 1917 and founded the Third’ ‘Inter- France 1935-37, Italy. 1943-48, France 1944-48, Britain national in’ 191 The’ ‘revolution ‘followed’ a mare. devious ‘path than Se e 1945-50, . ete.) Nor can it reasonably be denied that in. even its greatest’ theoreticians: expected. We know what innumerable general strikes, occupations of factories, a heavy’ price marikitid, as a whole and ‘the workers mass demonstrations that have toppied governments, and"‘peasants of the first workers’ states in perticular and even insurrections threatening the foundations of have’ hed! to" pay ti this detour. bourgeais, atate: ‘power, that the: proteturiat: ‘of the jmog Bey itiats WTRNATIONAL SOCIALIST REWEW. | 04
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perialist countries (excepting the United States) has standards while industrialization nevertheless proceeds shown again and again its understanding of the genrelatively rapidly, create situations in which the failure eral need to reconstruct society along socialist tines-and . of one revolutionary wave does not. ‘ead automatically relative or even temporary. sacial ic stabits willingness to carry out the task. The. failure of: al Do. ; Kiseemingly inexeustiote mux wuccessiort’of mass these attempt. {s not due to any innate Jnespass (iia ” eae “struggies continues, such as Bolivia has experienced any political “backwardness” of ‘to “corru to the treacherous role of the official leadership ‘which for ten years. The weakness of the enemy offers the revolution fuller means of recovery from temporary has repeatedly preferred not to utilize the objective possibility of taking power, or to deliberately destroy _ defeats than is the case in imperialist countries. that possibility. The European : projtitariat ‘has, beet hit:: 7.23 Tousum -up! the victories and defeats since 1917 express. the relationship _ of farces between the old ruling harder by such betrayals than any other sector of the world working class as is clearly shown in the cases’ “glass and the toiling masses on a world scale. The fact that the revolution won first in backward countries and of Germany and Spain.
The crisis of revolutionary leadership exists, of not in the advanced is not proof that the workers ii: the advanced countries have shown insufficient revolucourse, in the colonial and semicolonial countries 2s well as in the advanced countries. Many defeated or tionary combativity. It is evidence of the fact that the aborted revolutions bear witness to this crisis —- from opposition which they have to overcome in these countries is immeasurably stronger than in the colonial and the. Chinese, Revolution .of 1925-27 to the more recent defeats in Guatemala. and Iraq. But in possible outcome semicolonial world. The weakness of the enemy in the backward countries. has opened the possibility of comof the struggle,-a big difference is evident betwteri ing to. power even’ with a blunted instrument. The inadequate leadership.in a backward countty and simstrength of the enemy | in the imperialist countries. deilar leadership in an imperialist country: the’ enemy tnahds' a tool of much greater perfection. - _ facing. the working: population is: inmensurably ‘strong ‘At thé same time, it is important to recognize that er, tn the. latter, Confronted: with the powerful and. welluixperienichd the'three main forces of world revolution. — the, golonial: bourgeoisie of the imperialist countyies, the ‘working’ revolution, the political, revolution in the. degenerated: or deformed workers’ states, and the proletarian revgluclass can achieve victory only undera genulne tév=' olutionary Marxist Jeadership which is:ablé: (1) to 6~ tion’ ‘ity ‘the imperialist countries’ -. form a dialectical tablish unity of action inside the ranke of: the ‘prole=: - unity! Fach force influences the others and receives tarigt; (2) ta mobilize to the fullest extent. the Jatéent iri ‘returti powerful. impulses or brakes on itg own development, The delay of’ the proletarian revolution. in and often . hidden. revelutionaty potentialittes’ of the’ working: class; (3) to outmansuver’a very astute and the imperialist countries has in general undoubtedly prevented the colonial’ ‘revoluti¢n from taking. the. so~ supple capitalist class leadership which: has ledined how: cialist road as quickly’ and as conscious ly as would to. transform reforms into a powerful brake upon reve: olutions; (4) to win over. a part and neutralize another: have been ‘possible iinder the influence of a powerful revolutionary ' upsurge | ‘or Victory of the proletariat in part of the petty -bourgeoisie (the mass basis-of capan advanced country. This same delay. also retards the italism in the imperialist countries): without surrendermaturing of thé political revolution in the USSR, es- , ing its own cless objectives. ‘The: absence of an‘ ex-pecially inasmuch ag it'does not place before the Soviet . plesive agrarian. problem is an important ‘element in workers a convincing example of an. alternative way to . strengthening .. and stabilizing capitalism in most: ‘im build seciatisin: ‘Finally, thé upsurge of the colonial and perjalist countries... : The situation is ‘different in the. backward: countides.” politieal revolutions, hampered by of the proletarian ‘revolution in the West,. nevertheless con- Confronted by. ruling classes,: rotten te the core ‘and’ lacking mass. support, the revolution draws into strug-~ ° tributes in helping the’ proletariat in the: imperialist countries’ to’ ‘overcome’ this delay. gle. the mass of the working population, including the’ poarest peasants and. pauperized. p etty. bourgecisie, © bringing abaut collapse of the. traditional order. and ite’
I, The Colontal Revelation, | a + Pas. state, and exerting such pressure on centrist. working-'- From the close of ‘World War I, and most noticeably. class perties and similar. formations as to: ‘bring. them -. after the victory of ‘the Chinese ‘Revolution, con- . _ to power, : nermal capitalist conditions, tinual mass moverients have drawn one backward coun- __ » Under, anywhere near it ‘ahoiild. be remembered, “There. do- not,”. as Lenin: try after another into thé process of permanent revolusaid, “exist situations without.a way out from an eco-tion. The general causesof this wave are to be found . nomic point of view.” The failure-of @ revolutionary in the weakening of the old’ cofonial powers during wave in_an imperialist country gives way eventually . and after World War I; the attraction exercized by the advances of the Soviet Union and especially the new . - to. some form of temporary relative economic stabiliza-~.
China; the dawning mass awareness of the wretched tidn ard even to fresh expansion. This inevitably: post- : pones mew revolutionary uprisings for a time,.the com- °. material and- ioral conditions throughout these counpolitical setback (or.even demoralization) ipa pon class and a rising standard. :of living tries; the power displa; ed by the movement for na~ . tional independence: a its identification in the ey¢s , bela "unfavorable: for. any immediate revolutionary TE of the masses with the poésibility of overcoming misery, © undertakin Tig. low living standards, low cultural levels, and exploita- Tn the colonial , and ‘semicolonial ‘countries, on the! tion: and oppressioti of ait kinds; the worsening of the. other hand, the very weakness. of capitalism, the. whole. intersational ‘terms of. trade" for’ ‘the’ countries exportpeculiar socig-economic structure produced. by itnpe-::: ing ‘raw materials, especially since the end of the | rialism, the. permanent misery of the big: majority of -° “Korean war boom”; the contrast between the ehormthe population in | ous economic expansion of all the industrializéd coun- — absence of a radical agrarian. on end even reduction of living revolution, the stagna tries and the near stagnation (or lowering) of the
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perialist power. Inasmuch as it also entails acceleration standard. of living of the masses in most of the colonial . of the process of industrializing the colonial countries, and semitolonial countries: in-the past decade —- these. are some of the main ‘causes of - the general upheaval. it even signifies modification of the international division of labor, granting an increased share of the world... in the colonial world, As a development in world history, the. ¢olonial revmarket to the colonial bourgeoisie in the production of; certain industrial consumer goods (especially. textiles): vs olution signifies above all that two billion. human beings and narrowing the imperialist. countries ip an: increasing, ‘ -— ™men,; women and children in areas where,the tradition for centuries has been to live as passive subjects, . degree to the export of investment. goods. ; This aspect of neocolonialism corresponds. to, certain. mn condemned to super. oppression and to. super exploita~ inherent needs. of. the imperialist ibouregoisie itself, the... tion, utter humiliation and destruction of their-national changing industrial structure. forting: it to seek. new. traditions: and even their. national identity: when they markets-for-means of production rather.than for con- , have not’ been made the target of mass slaughter and sumption goods. So-called “aid::to: the, underdeveloped: fe extermination — suddenly acquire a voice, a language countries” boils down: to umderwriting financially the, and a personality of their own. Basically, the colonial effort to secure provisions for these needs, the expected . revolution is the irrepressible tendency of these two billion human beings to become at least the masters and political and social consequences being but by-products’ of successfully meeting the main economic necessity. builders of their own destiny. The fact that this is so- But .the limited nature of this industrialization process. “ ciatly possible only through a workers’ state provides under bourgevis’auspices as well as the picayune amount the objective basis for the tendency of the colonial of: imperialist. “gid” leave the real needs of economi : revolution to move into the tracks of permanent revdevelopment.in the colonial countries scarcely touched, ; “4 olution, In the process of world revolution, the colonial rev- Basically their socio-economic structure thus remains as * it was under. direct: imperialist.rule. They continue: subs: olution -— first:.the Chinese Revolution and then the whole chain of upheavals —- has:prevented any temstantially as producers and. exporters of raw .materials:; ari: foodstufts, completely dependent on. the. price flues: porary stabilizatidi of. the iniperialist system on a world tuations-of the world market. They continuaito carry. . scale such as édcutred after 1021, It has turned the in~:ternational rblationship -Of-forces against capitalism;: the burden of tremendous unemploymentsar under emai: ployment :in. the, countryside. Even the limited indu-:: torced imperialism to fight <~ and in most cases lose — a series of defensive bsttles::ind wers which it has strialization pricessoccurs at the cost of inflation: and. a lowéfitig of reat wages; Le., at the cost of increased launched in its efforts. tyhalt the advance of revolution:in the colonial world: It has thereby given: tremmiséry for’ the Working masses.
Since the cdiotial revolution up to now has in: the endous rapetus to anticapitalist forces everywhere in the world: It has provided the Soviet Union: and: the. main: been held Within the framework of the capitalist other workers’ ‘states the necessary breathing . spell _ world market/“it‘bas not inflicted staggering economic : biows to the’ capitalist world economy as a whole nox. needed to overcome. the’ qualitative advance in the military. field whith came’ into the hands of ‘imperialtouched off. major economic crises in imperialist coun- . fsrn' Ld ‘World War NG ‘weached its climax. tries which lst their former empires. Only: one impe-.rialist economy, because of its peculiar economic: strucs . TH colontal revolution would not by its own forces ture, seems:‘doomed to collapse the moment, it loses its. bring about thé:downfall:of imperialism. Paradoxcolonial holdings — Portugal. —.
But: ‘tHis‘does not mean that the colonial revolution. feally, it has not' éveri: heenable:to undermine the relahas aot “affected the mechanism of imperialist ecanomy: tive economic stability’ of:ttie imperialist countries, Contrary to the general: revolutionary Marxist assumption Its most noticeable consequerice has’ been to slow. soy following 1919, the collapse of the colonial system did the export of private capital -to the backward counter not lead to an immediate economic crisis or breakdown, . end to impel netional ‘or’ international spublizsXgoverns.. ment). bodies ‘to as#ume “the role: ndsmally:uadert in the imperialist countries; it coincided with the . t relative expansion of capitalist production and. by-private capital in the heyday: of impertajisns. Grave . monetary, financial: dnd“ economic’ contradigtions. Bow. asa the multiple causes of this apparent paradox, trade they have experienced in half a century. from this. In the imperialist countries im:the past teh one is Gf mithtanditig importance. So long as-the-newly years, the reluctance ‘of private capita] in the face. of, relatively rapid expansion — to export its surplus independent states, emerging through the, colonial reyolution, are held-by bourgeois or. petty-bourgeois leader~ to -backward . countries caught - up in the’ process < colonial. revolution has constituied | & major problem,, ships within thé limits of the’capitalist mode of produc- ; Government investment guarantees. and insurance: cary: tion and the capitalist world market, the real power of imperialiam is not broken ‘in, ‘these’ countries. Ns‘ tule mitigate but not overcome the block. i _ As long as the great. majority. of the newly-indepenmerely shifts from @ diréct’to’ an indirect forni.’ As foreenen long ago by revolutionary Marxists, the besic dent countries remain, within the. framework of the cap~" ” ay of ithperialiam, ‘“onfronted with the ‘ddtonial italist world: market, these difficulties constitute’ a strate revelution, has been to modify its form of rit® While ; “lesser'evil” fromthe yiewpoint. of world ‘capitalism’ which can be led, more or less, within the sys+ seeking to maintain its essential content. In some cases, tem: —.at least. for. the time being, Only .if the tain. of course, this transformation has cost imperialism real semicolonial countries. were to.break out of the caps. losses and it tias sought to avoid the dangerous shift italist world sustem-by abecoming: workers: states. would: ; : | in the form of its ule, sometimes by desperate and the.colonial revolution.deliver economic.blows. of such’ bloody colonial . The transition te a ‘direct to indirect’ imperialist rule proportions as.ta-repidly create the ‘gravest: econvinll i ihvoives a redistribution of the surplus value produced radt-sonink crises: in: the, dmperiatist- centers..:; So far. as, real pégepectives. are concerned, “it'§ excluded. that:.fhese ‘countries . will, become workers by the colonial: masses. in favor of the colonist bour- ; geoisie and petty bourgeoisie at ‘the expense of ‘the im- INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST aries, i
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ful thinking. It presupposes that the objective process. states before the political revolution triumphs in the Soviet Union and before the proletarian revolution. will solve by itself-a: taik which can anly be solved’ in. struggle through the subjective effort of the vanguard: scores a decisive victory in cine or more of the impor- Le., revolutionary-socialist conquest of the leadership: tant imperialist countries. However, it would be inof the mass movement. That this is possible in the very advisable for revolutionary sccialists to base them-. process of the revolution, and in a relatively short? selves on this unlikely variant. Such a perspective imtime, has been ‘adequately demonstrated in the case of. plies not. only the continuation of the process of per-.
Cuba. That it isnot inevitable, and that without it the: manent revolution in the colonial world (which is sure. revolution is ¢ertain: to ‘suffer serious defeats or ‘be’ to, occur) but also the. victorious conclusion, of. this limited at:beat to inconélusive’ victories is demonstrated | process in many countries,within a specified time limit: by. much in the’teeent history of other Latin-American. (before victories elsewhere). A policy based arbitrarily. countries; . for: inétance, Bolivia,’ Argentina and Gua-" upon any one of the many possible time sequences. in temialass: © 8 94 & ; ° the development of the three main sectors of the world:
A more: “precise ‘perspective for each of the greit® revolution could lead to exceedingly grave ‘paliticel ethneosgeographical zones of the colonial revolutidn (Latin: America, the Areb world, Black Africa, the , Ts: objective conditions for the process of parme~ Indiah subcontinentand South-East Asia) can only be. worked ‘out: on the basis ofa concrete analysis of the: hent revolution in the colonial countries rests specific social and politieal forces at work and of theif more exact’ economic conditions. However, certain’ ‘gen basically on the inability of the colonial bourgeois or eral social trends which apply to all or most | of” the” petty-bourgeois nationalist leaderships to solve within. the framework of the capitalist mode of production colonial ‘and: semicelonial countziés can “be ‘In : fundamental problems created by economic and cul- :(a):: The: aaumetionl and ‘evénomic’ w national -b . Despite the priority srented Oe them, tutal upsurge. This is expressed most acutely by the incapacity of capitalism to undertake radical agrarian by history; the-ational’ bourgedisic® has proved incap- © reform. ‘The subjective conditions are determined by able of handlitig: the’ cap ‘Yrade available under the the fact that the colonial masses generally do not distinveloped ‘countiies” in such Fubrie-62:“aid to the unde a way? as to. achieve: optinguin Ferulte’ “in industrializh-" guish the conquest of national independence from, the. conquest of a high material and cultural standard. of. gest obstacle: in the way rot. tion; This is ‘perhaps the bigges living. “As long as living conditions do not improve, | a-“Bourgeois soltition’ uf t probien ‘ote derdevelopment: Everywhere we ‘find the game piien: indepthdénce seems incomplete, inadequate and even. unreal. This means that in the tong run no social, eco~ , & major patt is | oniena: of available sutptus ‘capital nomic ‘or or, Political stabilization ls \possible in these coune diverted from industfial tises to inVestiient in lend of.” tries without the ‘victory tthe socialist .reyolution,, ‘goods, ” . Temporertty political stapilizatio m can be.a usury, hoarding; import ‘of luxury “‘consumers even outright flight abroad. ‘This ‘incapacity 'o ‘of the’ ‘1a chieved by. or petty -bourgecis nationalist leaderships. ‘migré, Feflection " tional bourgeoisie is not the result or’ ‘continue to be identified in. the eyes of the masses. ; of its moral corruption but ‘a normal operation of the with @ real anti-imperialist struggle for national indecapitalist drive for profits under the given economic and social conditions. Fear of permanent revolution ig and which succeed in selling the masses the | idea that the process of social upheaval and economic» not the least of the motives involved. ° (b). The creation of the infrastructure of heavy in-. development is actually under way. The outstanding dustry ihreugh the state, taking the ferm of ‘tational. cases of relative success in this were Peron in Argenized property, The social layer heeding and embodying | tina, Nasser in Egypt and Nehru in India. Even in these this ‘process is the urban petty bourgeoisie, especially instances, the political equilibrium has proved to be the intellectuals, the military and state functionaries. quite unstable, indicating what would occur with the The process favors, is even: ble, for the deappearance of an alternative working-class leadership elopment of isnct toutyeoks state 1t can clash able ‘to mobilize the general anti-imperialist feelings v of a nal rs of the masses sround basic, concrete, revolutionary goals ~ Borrever, with the interes which the traditional leadership cannot realize; for xe ample, tadical land reforrn in India. ean ec cer the wader probable’ perapective Subscribe for most of. the backward. countries: isa: succession of protracted . -so¢ial revolutionary. crises .which bourgeois... or petty;hourgeois nationalist leaderships will:-desper~.”’ 136 University. Place, N. ¥. 3, Ne 2 rately try to contain.or to eanalize but which,: despite te ‘setbacks, will periodically.:leap. over these Enelosed is $3.00 for my: ‘subseription ter the next. te This protracted period of: instability and social erises does not imply the automatic victory of prole- | Atarian. $orces or af revolutionary: peasant forces: led by. eight issues. — a Marxist, ment of workers’ states. As jn-the.case.of- equating the: beginning: of-.the. colonial sevolution (under bourgeois or petty-bourgeciz nationalist leadership) with its vice; torious conclusion .under proletarian leadership, any idea that. this process will occur automatically . or’: fine 7 avitably within a certain time limit. necessarily leads to’: a distorted estimate of the. actual relationship of forres and replaces scientific analysis by ilusions and wish~. .
FALL 1963.
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ford master of the i+8 in land, it can as a class be the ally of the eitt 14: 92F
not OnLY even the for thi
ear tbe the ra. tot rati priv ustrtal suboutright gifts, continues = to be (8) petty cotocapital
адті- 101 much gate
the forma of doubt. rike ditof the vent any n situahappeople's tale ouch 2088in the engantry the ald landto became order alergial on as long as the workera' atate refrains pirqqucine pociatiot. property polations An(the ' untryside.
Such relations can be based only on thr actot p' the peasant class and can therefore be
¿ revoluti ary. The existence of a large majority ng perpents her undoubtedly derved prace on the revolutionary process in Asian countries (Malaya, Thailar tween the tronaime indiatry with a hackgroun abc the pr equation vance. rist triba цдаї) PrO to the the injovighout
outset Eyed not be heave a a not be klentin literally "nothin
capable
someponente al industrial rationality.
cata
dora tiehters in the ask to ario olementary revolutionary come be level of icentine soctaliam and an under BEET macking out concrete analyses of their spacitie nationa Atta treme in a line piece out a t not the caloriat revo new of the wee torey, in, the Into conside
economile area, mined the warld economy of capitalism. Wi examine the effects of the colonial revalution ed relationship of cless forces in the imperiall INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW
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ell particularly on the working-class movement, and on the ee li os of izikes3* 7 “eratically deformed ‘er degenerated wor b “\; In most of the imperialist countries, the colonial rev-
‘tntexnational Stalinism, favorand ing the developmedt of a
i BH
af a
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mains, and the Wareacricy uses this threat quite ton and Afriea; ftcis‘aleo noticeable inthe other work; states.:In Algesia.the influence of Castroism again seiously to lence thé voices of However, the «masses. cannot: help but -feel the: new al rsestifies to the. bopertaneeof the :Cuban-‘development. - Exoépt in Spein-and Portugal, Castroiarn had not had ‘power and standing of the Soviet Union in. world. afgreat ‘impact per ige ‘Its influence in:other metros fairs in the epoch of missile warfare when the leaders Fe of the bureaucracy themselves continually boast of their poli euch United States end. Japan F ability to inflict a crushing defeat on the imperialist _. The evolution of the workers’ states as a whole since | Revoly,.icn, dn 1949 and q- ‘therefore
. s persepectives and help bring {t-closer the: nerd for a new revolutionary June 16-17, 1983, general strike and uprising in Eastern Germany, to the Poznan events in the spring of . B56 ‘abd the capacity of sections of the Fourth in. Poland, to the beginning of the political revolytion in Poland and Hungary in October 1956, to the renewal i to help:.win fresh: victories. .. “ee ates ane concepts in this new Case of political militancy among same layers of the workors’ va and oppositional: Communists during the “hundred flowers bloom” period in Thina in early 1957, to the increasing -pressure of the Soviet masses on the bureaucracy wiblch won the concteniees of lees ‘(break~ up of the GFL power, diesolitiog ot fhe slave-labar
‘datnodratically ‘elected councils have not: “beae But-it is only’s question of time until’ they ‘appear.’ racy lowatd:"Yugislay sevice
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teeth 78 _ne ro etre _ Por the lower layers of the bureenerecy ‘sapesiaity th the. lower irevelution, the: pdlitical révolytion (above: all in the y * nts -of ‘th “révilution ~— the colpnial ranks of the: trade-union affipialdom< who: one in: it- jowiet Union); arié the proletarian ‘revolution in the im- . Feet contact with the proletariats: 2° ie 9 Ut peribliat’ coustriog ot the time element is-of decisive It is neceasary to distinguish clearly between seueral- ‘importance . Bren without the cemtoretion! ut preseterian vainly of rairmistehiracte), ood th ping of he ive" poweron the masses of the’ colonial ‘‘¢dtecual uae ithe beat of events sve ft invoite
F of ‘ Hit ties
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Pe
notnic: power ‘of the workers' states, since this conflicts _ment of a revolutionary: miis*party’ whicti would put: with the orientation of: an alliance with the colonial the proletétian conquest of pdweét'on the agenda at the ~ ed ‘favorable objective dccasion. In countries. where bourgeoisie. “The ‘view that the economic and technologies! adist Patties sire Weak secondary forces, it would ‘tevor the ‘emergence of x revolutionary-socialist vances of the workers’ states ¢an in thentselves decipvemiint ‘through’ the fusion of the left wing in sively modify the relationship of forces between. the aaees int the imperialist countries or contribute decisively to the overthrow of capitalism in these countries,
Rg G4E E a
id ettenpt fo force Cube to Is enormously more effective if wet Bode shle'ts evens forward the workers? states on the '
world trend is running ning again ‘caphaliest, sat ofthese concepts expect essentially. eventually overcome capitalism in the ip
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a, ignetcnt ptf. rears Jn In hie test-case a high standard, of. lying: een give. powerful: -impulsion>to. speting asvelevdke; in the second + end of: lying. cat chave:a demoralizing : rationist. -illusi
‘that it ta quite false tp bald thet, te highest paid workers are automatically, “corrupted”. by “capitalist ing thes, .e as..goals of. action. Under careful analysis, lanl the Imagined alternatives. do not stand: up ss
o,f yale ot ea a
capacity of the colonial revolution by it” ‘ downfall of Westemn imperialiaon — analysed the reasons why this {s, an h that both thése deteatist theories on, faecal 4 erate ed the ip eon | hig oars nape rienbei Abela msl wa ee ie attti mosses of sbeurd cone ao Sak 3, _ : * pessi ne to
wticass bo ea oY . Name seca teoervonevens i +ouessaneracvonan: iggyrngggestetersnnionneanerteh . : : ao fhe, h eh Srniqas cis en oc eye des ged Ane ne Morte , Street. eves nr reece Cree anne ee fr y One. ainong’ “other” deterninants, Tt. makes: * a er cr ce Lae O) Ee -f . -' at : : of evange ‘whether a high. standard -of oe a hate ¥ “is. ‘Femlt of of working-class suesie®.. end therefore Sy ea" tap etal tpt vege : whether, Ihqpsoets tothe workers to bea “git” from sees eye .
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ol
ach oy sa beg tt Sa aa 24% : nao aha i ‘mechanism through. which “prerevolutionsty or: : history. prove that this is but one road. to possible. rev~ ll y.@ven revolutionary. situations can arise in the~ ’ olutionary crisis in a highly developed industrial counpesaen of the relatively stabilized capitalist eco-. try. The big strike wave of 1936-37, and slong with it _the Spanish ‘Revolution, came neither at the end of a nomics of the Western imperialist countries. can. be . war nor at the peak of a major economic breakdown. briefly stated as follows; mr) They came in the. period. of. relative economic -recevery After a first period of rapid economic expansion ‘fed betweéri the twa big crises of 1029 and 1938. A whole essentially by the war‘ preparations, by the need ‘for series of contributing factors —- the most important reconstruction (both absolute and relative; ie, rebuildbeing the threat of fascism: and the desire of the working destroyed cities and plants, modernizing outmoded ' ers to make up for the suffering borne during: the big ~ equipment) in Europe and Japan, and by the big wave ot technological. revolution spurred by both reconstruceconomic crisis — gave this strike waye.a. pre-revolutionary character in the ¥J.S. and Belgium and a revfor anew world war, the eco- ‘tion and. prepara olutionary character in France. In the.imperialist counnomies of the imperialist countries have now. entered tries in. the next. five to ten. years such revolutionary a period in which the forces of expansion are slowly erises. opportunities are much more Hbely. to occur Sane ty 1918-19 or 1944-48. mding themselves and in which competition among the new! equipped imperialist’ countries ‘is sharpening in a work’ that is relatively amglier as & result ot she vietoriog in Abe eclblbil revelctiet ‘and the of the workert”: ‘states. This inil’ further 1
| jeantality att the American’ proletariat” _ ‘natras of Atcarican Preeti el tie , facanigue at the end of World War Il. The scooter and running the economy and the’ country. hy hinges essentially on the activity: and. influence of 4 Santevtike of the European worker appeared during the broad left" in the labor. et mnugulion tr te : in the form of flying strike eT of the future revolutionary defense pa reyes re prong ee ling f61 oDv obviously. fing, suite ‘of the undereatats whe seem to have. dis~ “strong” state ‘or against an “emergent fascist danger) the possibility. a swift reaction to @ sudden financial 2 aes tice strongly ihe. or political crisis; the possibility of. mass ig soniner . & epnasious, Yeading role. fn. the ‘Prosi
ment power and the creation. of. + ‘pow {Labor to Power; For a Workers Government; A Work.
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during the Suez crisis, the 1960 Berlin erisis, afid fin~ ers and Peasants Gevernment; A Workers Government Based on the Trade Unions; and other variants.) - . ally; Sd nowt ominously during the fll 1962 ape Inthe United States the wave of working-class mills over Cuba. | ‘taney which can lead to a decisive turn in the domestic ic waves of reormaant, no me ~ ialism “has hot yet I launched a full-scale at -< situation will in all Hkelihood follow a compatable pattern. It will'come about as the capitalist class under- -Keonomie. mines its alliance with the trade-union tureaucracy by | ‘belp. 0 ;starting.to pass on.te the American working class the ; 0st. of Measures required to counteract the chronic ade ecto alliance’ and depreciation’ of the dollar-aecompanied by suptral” solution of the" sno. "4 _ pression of escalator clauses in collective contracts, ‘attempts to freeze or lower real wages in order’ to’ imviet bureaucracy assists: . pose a halt on: the Laos- evolution.) prove the..co;npetitive position in foreign markets; in- . Other considerations sown the. American imperialists _ creased indirect taxation of low and medium incomes, ete, The long-range tendency. toward. rising permanent .tneraployment:and the relative whittling dows of trade union strength will add to the ferment: The first major moves of the capitalist class against the working class could touch off a tremendous defensive reaction, forcing -someé union: leaders to break their alliance with the
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. roped 78 fAgggleat’ . Wovoihéoav andl ay re key WEL PCE Eh ok lithic. ‘The "Oia “Snnperiiiist powers like! BiiWin -inid = mort fest iterit “ebdut' ‘staking ‘“éverything on nuclear ws 86 eb ar . #rance, reduced to the statis of ‘me: alle tothe wat: On the other fiand the very same development.
American colossus, may well find it highly profitable increases thsit' tendency to elose thelr eyes to the futo prepare-for war and to accept the American hand- ture: When they feel’ that no other alternative is open. outs needed to shere up their structures. Experience. _ but passive Capitulation before the revolution, they are has taught them, however, that war itself is not nec- capable of plunging into a fatal adventure. But at a essarily as profitable as its preparhtion. And this ele- certain point, the momentum of the class struggle will mentary truth holds especially im the cite of nuclear place the workers in | wat which can end’ is the destruction of'ail the higher
V. The Fourth International | of the Fourth Internations] and nearly four dec~ ades since jhe label of “Trotskyiem” began to be tached to‘fevolutionary socialism. |
eomraunism in a world of redicbelow the- level of the primitive The goal must be to prevent
ri ‘Ieee. confident in their own ultimate perspective and —
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faith tn: the of the ll ta. re Bin of the of tely. rp ta > _the rae ing up in Belgium, Spain, es baals a t in r ws re ta : si the field of ideas to that of organiza ‘ struggle exception ‘of Ceylon, thepe Wi init i Lh ane sink striking ceanfirmation-in. the more or less spontatiebus’ nat et srs Fee iul B ArH ate 2 et a appearance of workers’ nvelel of —, mass fi - ‘Hungary in tle Teisyts “The timeliness of: 6ven ‘some of the det Totkyt sng nder positions 4s graplileslly: shown: by: 3 eee. 3 3 PH the He power cratization. of a workers’ state in an ond i
i z
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rectly related to his capacity to win power in a situaten sections were present at the founding conference tion like that of 1917. In remaining faithful to the longof the Fourth International in 1938; less than twenty range interests of the proletariat, Trotsky had to share . “ <<“ Second World. Congress. in 1948. Today ‘Trotskyits temporary eclipse in the Soviet Union under the rise organizations ‘exist in forty countries and most of “ok. the.réactionary social forces which Stalin came to these’ organizations are stronger than: they were ten or represent and to. express. With the downfall of the twenty" ‘years ‘ago ~~ ‘if they. existed. at'all at that time.
Stalin cult, Trotsky's star has again begun to rise in Two significant developments must be ‘sessed, In the Soviet Union.— in other’ words, the proletarjat the first | Place, the Trotekyist movement in recent there ia once: more beginning to move into the poliyears Has grown jn. a notable ‘Way, more or less followtical. arena. _ ing the general. tise of revolutionary developments on ‘a -world scale. This fact in itself proves that. the Trot- 'skyist movernent corresponds: to- the objective needs N THE final analysis, the fate of the Cinovement is linked to the. dialectical interrelationship “@f the world proletariat and is nét a mere passing phe- “nothendht peculiar to particular countries for a brief between the three sectors of the world revolution. This ‘Ether Especially worth noting is-lis success as against ‘is the necessary basis for any real understanding of ther oppesitional trends in the ‘communist movement ‘the organizational vicissitudes of the Trotskyist move- ‘Which “began initially. with much greater strength. ment, irieluding solutions for its most difficult: organes@ we may list. the Bordiguists in Italy, the izational problems.
Being proved theoretically ct..rect ‘in the twenties dl jn Germany, the Lovestonites in the et at States, :the Catalan: Federatién in Spain, the and thirties did not lead automatically to the strength. anist League in Japan, and a nimber of others. ening of the Trotskyist movement. Trotsky’s theory:
I'thes ‘national: communist” oppositional tendencies explained why the, British general strike of 1026 was. — ey failed to develop into world-wide orgenlost, why the ‘Chinese Revolution. of, 1925-27 was ‘yout, tig and, most of them have all but disappeared or why Hitler was able to come to nower virtually un-, . f.than, the Trotskyist. forces even in their Spanish . Revolution was defeated... . Te.ghould be observed that one competitive. tr in the French labor move-. pnai,. trend, the Yugoslav Titoists, have held came to naught. But these the proletariat and therefore r, for nearly. twenty years, and yet have rots * vist. “movement end it suffered le. of offering. a serious. challenge on the he a au, Jts,.cadres were ‘decimated, -ititernational. field.
Secondly, Tratskyism has again ‘and’ ‘again proved whether thtotigh:" diggou agement, capitulation, im-. prisonment, or’ “ ddstigh qJwurder. All world . reaction its attractiveness to revolutionary-minded youth ‘wheth ér originating in the Social Demdcritic or Com-~ centered its most’ ‘err ¢, blows against. the Trotskyist movement — frond throuh Roosevelt to: Hitler. . . Winnist parties and in countries as different as the In alt ‘history no rai al political movement haz suf- -. United States and Belgium,.¥France and Japan, Indonesia and Italy, Greece and Britain. This is striking fered such persecution or, received so little help from. ptgat, that the Trotskyist movement corresponds to a sources outside its own ranks as the Trotskyist moveneed on-en,international scale felt: ‘by thousands: ment. That the pioneers could hang on at all: is mon-venguar elements. moving away. froti'‘the opporumental testimony to the tenacity of the human will. nist polices. of, the. traditional. working“class leader- With the turn of the class struggle on an interna- ) and. seeking ways and means of building. new tional scale at the end of World War I, it might have ‘ative revolutionary leadership capable, ‘of guiding been expected thet she Tool cnatee Te loiacre roats struggles to success. . The. oot tretanyigor asd the correctness of the proved to be more complicated | age, of fhe. movement sthige ing ee is Program of and the orga onal weakakyist movement, could benefit only in the "the thirties it . and in the long range. e Uh fl To understand this, it. is necessary to i Sa bagi ii ee fy most important one event in..World. lar. ‘ py hogdiecctmentloety on ‘é aetna of ymbotisn~ they had at “orevlons tise ta. the. ‘tinet peoples Mi forses-. which: Trotsky dnd’ Stalin represented. in the & Boviet Uniol cs for inspiration and _ ance. But, s.incepacity ton hold bower ‘ after 1924 was difeb THE YOURG SOCIALIST This paradox wal oa te su a to the YOUNG SOCIALIST skyist movement, - strengthening ‘the door com ofS see fook ant 18 1956, " bowevse | doom af Stal and.the end, conseq . ations pasegt ay Soule usenroent, Ster.even. in. the offinis that cope rid “monaiith, has been shat way fo vad ‘new. political currents to crivitate” towar ~. opentiig Trotakyism- The. ;
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rvelationdcy program, ‘of. “building, eduesting | and clearly be seen in the pattern of the rise of the work- Hardening’ a’ yevolutionary. Marxist -.cadre; ‘and: of winers’ states since the end of the war — ‘from Eastetn Europe to Yugoslavia and China and finally to ‘Cuba, hing mast influence for this cadre, These three processes aré’ dialectically intertwined. Divorced from the the. Jeadership has: ‘demonstrated increasing independ Tass movement, 2 revolutionary . cadre becomes a sect. _ "The tendency-cari-be seed iniandther way. ‘The ian nee, front the; Soviet: bureaucraty:
Divorced fram the program of revolutionary Marxism, up: of, the. Stalinist-monolith: has been: atcormpahied ‘by cadres immersed’ in’ the mass movement eventually sixccumb- to opportunism. And divorced from: practical an increasing necessity: for discussior among the. Cotn= testing by cadres struggling, as.part and parcel of the munist parties, and an increasing need to deal with real issues in a reasoned way instead of in Stalin's Masses, the revolutionary’ program itself becomes cs~sified and degenetates. into a sterile incantation of way of substituting. false false, piues and replacing reason by pithets, ‘sisnder ahd frame-ups.Jt is instructive dogmatic ‘formulas. “Phe world ‘Trotskyist movement has given much for“tistance to see’ that’ “phe. of the major points under worldwide: ‘debate’ today” is “the necessity of extending " consideration ‘td the’ problem of setting out with emall the: ‘gtoletician revulittion ‘as the only realistic way to forces to win the working class and: organize it into end ‘the! ‘threat, Gf imperialist war. Clearly the disputants a party capable of challenging the rule of the cepitalafémearing whatup to now has been considered exist class, The over-all principle on. which it has: pro< clusively the realm of Trotskyist discourse. The victory ceeded on the organizational jeve! is the Leninist. dietum that a revolitiontst “must - not permit himself. to af'the Soviet Union in the war, the victory of the Yuseparated ‘from his” ‘eless under any circumstances gostay' and ‘Chinese Revolutions and most. recently the It is thus the“Horm'for Trotskyists to belong. to the Cian Revolution, as well as the destruction. of the Stalin cult, cahnot help but strengthen Trotskyism. union of their trade or industry and to play an active Asi F. Stone: ‘the acute American radical journalist role in union affairs no matter reactionary the observed sitter # trip to Cuba, the revolutionists. there union bureaucracy may be. They. likewise belong to the big organizations of the masses: whether they be are “tincondtious” Trotskyists, With the coming. of, full cdnstiousnéss arhong these and related currents,. Trotnationalistic, : cultural, OF, politica’. .in, character. Insofar akyism Will become a powerful current. 4 * Phis fh turn will influence the development of the and seek to recruit from them. beds paren of the world revolution. The appearance In countries where Abe masses have. an. old. ‘tradition ‘sais Trotskyist parties will bring to bear a new. poiectul force in the political arena. Even before these of class consciousness: and powerful political organizations, as in Western Europe and Australia, an especially Hé¢ gain majority status in various countries, their qibNE Presence and the partial successes they will begin difficult problem is posed for. the revolutionary nuclei. to Ségister can profoundly imfluence world events by Because of this tradition and the power of their numthe natural rhythm of the revolutionary bers, these organizations command. deep loyalty from poe the workers. As a result of past defeats and the long oe 08 cadies « at the Fourth International ‘carried. out period of bureaucratic control over. the yevolutionary duty in keeping alive the prott Trotikyism and adding to it as world events. ‘In addition to this. the alt cen ‘\eaderships do But this does not signify that the organizaig to the program of Trotskyism were im- Marxist educas not facilitate bringing. revolutionary. ‘the effects of Jong years of isolation and peroh: Two main problems have proved ' tional material: to the ranks. ‘Fhey. operate as ruthless of perennial | a ern “AR times a tendency has appeared here or permanent factions, completely. to. the ideas of thet that sought a short cut to the establishment. of Trotskyism and prepared to engage in witch hunting @ mass organization. Such experiments have in every and the use of the most undemocratic measures ‘against inathinte proved disastrous, ending in the disappearance those who advance fresh or challenging views. lente Such are the general conditions that must. be faced trot the revolutionary-socialist movement of many of © thes Who became caught up in these adventures. A by the revolutionary nuclei. They have no. choice to practice “entryiem”:; that is, to participate problem has been the occasional rise of sec- _ integrated. component in the itercal life of movement. The special function of the nucl otis Meri’ tendencies. In cormtrast to the opportunists, who betk escape froin the pressure of the hostile environ- AF’ by moving away from principles, sectarians resituations is to advance transitional slogans that. to bridge the gap between the inadequate conselousftito the books and convert the texts into dogrnas. ness of the masses and the objective n¢ed: to enter into “A revelutionist’ isolated by circumstances over which action on the road to revolution. The revolutionary pe has no contro] can fall into sectarianism quite unnuclei actively participate in building left-wing. ten- . nitsously. It is therefore a more insidious danger for. } ; weal organization than opportunism, which is gendencles capable of leading broader and broader ‘sec- @asier to recognize. tions of the masses into action. Through the experiences ; Phe building of an altérnative leadership of the . built up in these actions, they assist in transforming ‘wording ‘lass; ie., of new revolutionary mass parties, the best forces of these centrist or left-centrist ten- * yemains the central task of our epoch. The problem is dencies into genuine revolutionary Marxists. not that of repeating over and over again this elemen- The purpose of “entryism” is not to construct a “pressure. group,” as some critics have charged, but tary truth, but of explaining concretely how it is to be done. In fact, the building of revolutionary mass to build a mass revolutionary. Marxist. party in the ‘Parties combines three concrete processes: the process real conditions that must be faced in a number of: countries. The tactic is mined with dangers. and dif- ¢ of defending and constantly enriching the Marxist re
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arrive at a correct analysis or action. without a gena ae are constantly borne in mind. But for a certain ities and cannot be successfully carried out unless eral understanding of world developments. Never have countries and national sectors of the working class stage of work, no practical alternative remains open. been so interdependent as today. The view that rev- Owing to national pecutiarities, the tactic has many olutionary movements can be built on a “national” varients. It must be applied with great flexibility and scale or in “regional” isolation has never been so bewithout dogmatism of any kind. The norm for those hind the times as in the age of Intercontinental Balengaging in it is to maintain a sector of open public. work, including their own Trotskyist publication. listie Missiles and travel in outer space, What is involved is the construction of samething No matter whet the specific situation may be in qualitatively different from the mere sum of the nawhich a Trotskyist organization finds itself, so long as tional organizations. By pocling national experience it remains essentially a small propaganda group, it and opinion in accordance with the rules of democratic cannot play a leading mass role. Nevertheless it can centralism it is possible to build an international leadwork effectively in helping the masses to learn by exership much superior to anything within the capacity. perience through active and persistent effort at bridgof a single section, The basic concept is not that of ing the gap between their level of understanding and assembling a staff of intellectuals, however valuable the objective situation. Stated in the most general way, and necessary this is, but of combining on en interthis is alao the course that must be followed to become national scale leaderships that ere deeply rocted in & mass party. It is summed up in “The Transitional their own nationa! soi. and connected in a Jiving way Program,” written by Trotsky in 1938. This program with the masses of their own country. An international must be kept constantly up to date through study of leadership of that kind is capable of performing the shifts in mass consciousness and through constant efdifficult dual task of keeping theory up to ote nn ‘and fort to connect up with them. of working out viable policies of revolutionary action on ee An acute problem in relation to the construction of on the great world issues of the day. revolutionary-socialist parties in many countries is . lack of time to organize and to gain adequate exper- The necessity to build a strong, democratically centralized International is underscored all the more by jence before the revolution breaks out. In previous decades this would signify certain defeat for the revothe present dialectical relationship between the three main sectors of the world revolution. In the advanced lution. Because of a series of new factors, however, this is no longer secessarily the case. The example of countries, the International can perform crucial servthe Soviet Union, the existence of workers’ states from ices in behalf of revolutions in colonia) countries, whom material sid can be obtained, and the relative opening up ways and means of appealing to the feeling weakening of world capitalism, have made it possible of solidarity that exists even among the most politically for revolutions in some instances to achieve partial backward workers. The International can help the fighters of the colonial revolution remain true intersuccesses, fo reach certain plateaus (where they may rest in unstable equilibrium as in the case of Bolivia), nationalists, retaining their confidence in the world and even to go as far as the establishment of a workproletariat and learning to distinguish the working ers' state. Revolutionary Marxists in such countries masses in the imperialist countries from the governface extremely difficult questions, from an. inadequate ments and the treacherous leaders of the traditional ’ level of socialist consciousness among the masses to mass organizations, Among the edvanced workers, ina desrth of seasoned or. experienced cadres to carry — tellectuals and youth of the workers’ states, the Interout a myriad of pressing tasks. No choice is open to national can play a special role in helping them to dig them in such situations but to participate completely and through the debris cf forty years of falsification, diswholeheartedly in the revolution and to build the party tortion and slander as they seek to find their way to in the very process of the revolution itself. revolutionary Marxism, The victory of the Cuban Revolution haa led some “T building of new mass revolutionary parties retendencies in the international labor movement to puta question mark on the necessity of building revolu- | mains the central strategic task. To co-ordinate tionary Marxist parties, and expecially on the necesthia work, the existing nuclei of these parties must be brought together in an international organization. sity of building a democratically centralized revolutionary Marxist International. Such a conclusion is al! . Phe final test of truth, as Marxists well know, is the more unfounded in view of the fact that Fidel human action. Without the test of action, all theory Castro, as a result of his own experience in a living becomes hare and sterile. The correct analysis of the revolution, today stresses the decisive importance of world situation today is more complex then ever bebuilding Marxist-Leninist parties in all countries. fore. One fact alone graphically i!ustrates this: the In truth, the need to build revolutionary mass parpeoples of more than one hundred countries are for ’ ties and a revolutionary-socialist International flows the first time in history constantly involved in world from the objective tasks facing the proletariat in seekevents, sometimes in a highly explosive way. Only ing power, in winning it and in exercising it after the analysis of the world situation constantly re-examined victory. The inadequacy and treachery of the old ieed~ and tested in the light of practical action can enable erships of the working class have made the need Sit all the sectors of a world-wide movement to feel the pulse of history in the. making. Only an International the more imperative. The threat of nuclear tion has converted it into a matter of life and desth: based on democratic centralism, permitting different for all mankind. There is no way to win world social+ tendencies to confront each other democratically while uniting them in action, can allow experiences from ail icra except through revolutionary mass parties fraternally scsociated in an international organization. ; corners of the world to become properly weighed and translated into revolutionary tasks on a world scale.
Difficult as the task may seem, it will be accomplished | It is not possible on the national ficld any longer te — and in time. - £30 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW