[page 1]
Black Liberation & Socialism INTERNATIONAL ING MARXIST GROUP
CONTENTS
1. RACISM AND BLACK LIBERATION
20 OUR ATTITUDE TO THE BLACK SOCIOLIST ALLIANCE
Malcolm X October '78 No.5.
[page 2]
RACISM AND BLACK LIBERATION *
hoy : ue 7
Introduction - J
During the recent Mess Side bye-election the National Front were prevented from organising meetings or canvassing by the leeal Afro-Caribbean community. Only a few weeks later the Bengkli cemmunity of Spitalfialds (Brick Lane) staged the first political strike by black workers against racist attacks.
These examples of militant black self-activity are a continuation of the general level of combativity in the black communities,. above all symbolised by the willingness of the black youth to'take action when they are attacked, wether by the state or the fascists (Southall and .Nettinghill Carnival). As well as these ‘community’ actions black workers have been to the fore in the fight against the Labour a ara austerity program (Grunwiteks STC, sccngen Typewriters, etc). This militancy by black people reflects their position in society. Overwhelmingly proletarian and discriminated against as blacks, they are potentially a revolutionary forde out of preporticn to their numbers, This is what Trotsky was talking about in 1938 when he said: "What serves as the brake on the higher strata? It is the civil a privileges,the ‘comforts that hinder them from becoming revolutionists. It does not exist for the Negores, What. can transform certain stratum, make it more capable of ‘courage and scrifice-? It-is concentrated in the Negroes. If it happens that we in the SWP are not able to find the road to this stratum, then we are not worthy at all, The permanent revolution’ and all the rest would be only a lie.” (1) The IMG has to take up this challenge that Trotsky threw dowm forty years ago and © ich which the blacks of Moss Side and Brick Lane are reissuing today. Only by developing a strategy and tactics to fight racism and support black liberation can the IMG ary up this challenge. oe Se ed ey a ae ie ie oe ie ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ‘ ma t Racism and Resistance
Colonialism and the slave-trade played a crucial role in the development of British capitalism. Racist ideology grew as a justification for the ravaging of Africa and Agiem and the barbarows enslavement of hundreds of thousands of Africans, The profits of impérislism helped the British ruling class to create the labour aristocracy and bureaucracy, who became the bearers of bourgeois ideology into the working class. The racist and chauvinist justifications for imperialism became an intergral part of the reformist ideology of the labour movement, disarming the British workers and preventing them from linking-up with the colonial masses in revolt against their common enemys
After the second world-war racism found a more direct target. Thousands of black workers from the Indian sub-continent, Caribbean and Africa came to Britain to work in the expanding post-war economy, Racist ideas and support for imperialism was transformed into systematic discrimination against blacks. This discrimination in turn helped to create and re-create itself by developing real, material, divisions within the working class. The nature of these divisions is examined balow.
Racism in Britain today is. not merely an ideological legacy of colonialism but is also a real, material, factor in social life, Those- who see racism as purely an ideological question,’ of combatting mistaken ideas amoungst the workers, fail to understand the real oppression of black people and ignore their real fight for social liberation. This is the policy of the Communist party and left social-demoecrats who see fighting racism as some sort of glorious educational crusade, carefully avoiding the complicity of the Labour and trade union movements in the real oppression
[page 3]
=
of tlacks. On the other hand, some seperatist and black nationalist forces see the material divisions within the working class as the basis of a lasting desertion of white workers of the revolutionary struggle. They write-off the white workers who they see as bought-off by the privileges of racism, an analysis which cripples:the black movement and leads to cynicism and demoralisation,
Racist divisions within the working class are now being consciously and deliberately fostered by sections of the ruling class and the media as a. means of weakening the working class in this period of capitalist crisis. he reformists,. far from fighting this offensive, have capitulated on all the major questions whilst of course making sora a in the direction of anti-racism, The growth of this offensive has provide a breeding ground for the nucleus of a fascist movement which has, in turn, helped to mbisled up the fires of raciam, The black communities have Pe an ability to fight+back and d@fend themselves against the more direct attacks on them, by whatever means are necessary. There are, however, certain clear obstacles to. building an adequate. response to the whole gamut of racist attacks and going onto the offensive towards black liberation. The national heterogeneity of creates real barriers to a unified black movement. Not merely does thic create language and cultural difficulties, but the recent nature of their immigration means that many blacks retain strong political links with their home countries and the aiypeaon there are matseoted here, The abs-ence of a strong revolutionary. party in Britain also. aS to aisern the: black masses. Because there is no unified and powexful revolutionary movement in the white working class there appear to black activists to be only two alternatives, either an alliance with the reformist leaders of the workers movement, in the hope of: winning some small gains or a retreat into seperatism, Although some small numbers of black militants have joined the -existing far-left organisations none of these, including ourselves, has so far been able to help these black socialists develop an adequate strategy and tactics-for the creation of a mass black movement. There is one further factorwhich weakens the black response to racism, Only about 12 million blacks live in Britain, in comparison #6 22 million Afro-Americans in the USA. Although almost 50% of the black pqpulation lives in the greater London conurbation, ond a further 25% in the west Midlans conurbation, nowhere are there the 75-100% black thettoes which exist in the USA and have been the powerhouse of the black movement there All of these factors combine and reinforce each other as obstacles to the building of masa black movement. The militancy of Moss Side, Nottinghill, Southall and Brick Lane show clearly that such a movement is both possible and necessary. They show the stremenc ous scope and vitality of the black masses, but they also show the problems non have tos be overcome on the road to developing a mass black liberation movement. a ¢ foe St Se Se Oe SE eS Sk ee
Racism in Practice
The 1968 and 1976 Race Relations Acts have made little impression on the major areas of practical discrimination, against black people, in employment, housing ‘and education. These aspects of racism, which affect the daily lives of the majority of blacks, receiv: little publicity and little attention, even from revolutionaries, But. they are the: conditions of life of most blacks and the issues around-which they could be mobilised. ‘i . Black people who rent Council houses pay, on average, the same rent as whites. Yet the housing of blacks is in general inferior to that of whites, Only 0.6% of whites “have to live in shared Gouncil housing, whereas 10% of Afro-Caribbeans and 18% of sAsians do. For blacks in private accomodation the situation is. even worse - the differences, in’ conditions are the same but blacks pay 75-100% more than whites. {n,Council housing blacks are not merely overcrowded, but also get the older and more decrepit houses - 75% of whites live in houses built since 1940 compared to only 386%. of blacks,
[page 4]
oT, in addition to the digorimnation which exists for blacks in housing conditioks, there 1 also, exists. discrimination in where they can live. A GLO: survey in 1974/5 showed that the GLC. itself tended to-allocate blacks to specific, poor quality, ianer city estates. On the other hand, many of the new and’overspill estates are almost. exclusively white in'Midtown' (psuedonym of a local authority) only 0.9% of tenants in outer and overspill estates were black, compared to. 23%. 72: the central area. (3) ; These eaddtt ee of, diserimination in housing are repeated in employment. Whilst during periods of high employment. black unemployment is no higher than the average, ‘as total unemployment rises, so the mindrities tend.to make up a ‘ preater proportion of this total in_other. words,. unemployment. of minorities,rises more steeply than total uneitployment "(4 In the period 1974-1997 general. unemployment rose by 138%, but for blacks it went up. by 307%, over twice the aver®@@, For black youth unemployment has always been significantly higher than for white youth, and over the past years has further increased, For example, ielevishon in 1974/5 2% of black. youth were unemployed compared to 13% of white youth. Even when blacks get jobs they don't. get. the best jobs, as the following table shows: ‘se * + & *# *¢ © Fe ee ek ee ee eh hUcrtlhUrhhUchUhLhUcrhhUhUrhUhUhDhUrrhUhr hr Cet FF Se ee eOUhehlUcrhUcrhUhhUrtrhlU hhUc RmhUchUrhUherhUrE Job level by country of origin - men (6) ee West Bangla- White: Indian deshis Indian Proféssional/ ... % *% “- a * Management and : Lo 8 : § kg ee White-collar :
Skilled, manyal .:..; 42 59. 33 4 Semi-skil#ed & : unskilled 18 32 58 36 a bihs "teltgk aad Nar ces ten ee Le! ice eth ean ee a Even within the various categories of employment, blacks earn less than whites on avers |, ‘ ‘ + * + + oe ek ee oe ee he Uhhh UehU hh hh UU ee et ee ke ee ee ee ee eo job level - black and white men (7)
Professional/ White- Skilled. Semi- Unskilled ' Management collar . Manual Skilled Manual
Tene ete ee ee eT ee ee OT TO ee eT TT TT TT The figures for black workers in the semi-skilled and unskilled levels are only higher t. than whites because a much large proportion of blacks work shifts to make up spices earnings, aa: their jobs are intrinsically worse paid, Many reformists beleive that one panacea for 'deprivation' of black people is to better the educational provision for blacks. This view is based on the belief that blacks are merely the victims of a poverty trap - poprhomes, poor education poor jobs; ete. In fant educational achievements make little difference, Amoungst men with degree standard . yualifications 79% of whites get Proéfessionsl/management jobs as opposed'to only 319 ef blacks. Over 20% of blacks with degree standard qualifications end up doin Mal jobs. ‘Of ‘course, the generally low living standards of black people, .the poor quality housin; ‘and the fact that most of them ive in areas which are "educationally deprived' means that black youth are at a tremendous disadvantage in attempting to get decent qugiific-t:. ations, Added to this are lancuage problems. Amoungst Asians up to 30% of men and 60% of women speak English only slightly or not at all. (9) For Afro-Caribbeans the problem has, in some respects, been more difficultbecause until recently few educational authorities even recognised patois as a distinct language.
[page 5]
at
These figures demonstrate that in the major areas of social life - jobs, housing and education + black people are systematicallt discriminated against.-The state, Aecal and national, is responsible directly for,this discrimmation in-education and in housing and public employment, The Labour: party runs the fovernment-and many local councils which are directly responsible for this:discrimination. The Trade Unions haye acquiesced in. the discrimination in employment. This discrimination in jobs, Aiea the and education is of course not the only way in which blacks suffer oppression as blacks, We have many times detailed the effects of the immeration laws ~ the fact that in April this year almost 200 blacks were being held in prisons up. And down the country, many of them for months, for no crime other than being immigrants, merely reaffirms the barbaric nature of these laws, The hundreds of black youth picked up a summarily epnvicted under the SUS laws by racist police and magistrates; iB. another example of direet state attacks on blacks as:blacks, These examples can be multiplied, The overall picture which emerges is of systematic discrimination against and oppression of black people as blacks, backed with the full foree of the state, t q* *- * ¢ «+ © © *# © 8 *® © #
How To End Racism ?
Racism cannot be finally eliminated without the smashing of capitalism and the settingup of a workers state. Sven then only the material and political conditions for ,the . end of racism will have been established, the practical effects of racism will still take time to remove and the ideological problems will undoutedly linger on for even longer.
Our view that racism cannot be ended without the end of capitalism isn't smething merely derived from theory. There are absolutely concrete facts which support this view, The best example is to compare the achievements of the U5A and Cuba. The United States, the richest and most powerful state the world has ever known has proved totally incapable of eliminating racism. Despite the massive black movement, and some of the gains which it has unddutedly made, blacks still only earn about 58% , unemployment is higher, there are as many black families living'in pverty as in 1967, and so on. Since the emancipation of the slaves in the Civial War the USA has had 113 years to eliminate racism, It has failed. Cuba, a tiny, poor country, racked by the problems of underdévélopment and a- distorted economy as a legacy of colonialism, managed to eliminate the major effecte of racism in a couple of years, ending all discrimination. Net merely were discrimination and segregation smashed but they were well on the way to ‘intergration' in the sense of black people cecupying:a position in society commensurate with their numbers.(10)-These two examples should make evengthe most pie erd reformist pause ‘for reflection on the relative merits of their plodding 'porgressive' policies and the liberating. effects of revolutionary socialism,
There is also an example nearer home, The Race Relations Acts, and all the paraphenalia of the race relations industry, have been hailed by reformists as the answer to racism. Yet racism, despite all these changes, remains fundamentally untouched, as the je corer eited above show quite conclusively.
Should ‘our position therefore be to tell blacks to hag t til the revolation". Absolutely not. We are not opposed to struggling for-reforms, wether they be higher wages, better housing, orending immigration controls, The best way to make black people, or workers, studénta, women, etc, aware of their own strength in collective actiok and the inability of capitalism to end their oppression is to fight over specific issues. It is even possible, depending on tHe issue and the relationship of forces, to actually win certain concessions. Such victories aid the masses to self-confidence and consciousness of their Pewers
[page 6]
— a anti-racist policies which we, along with the rest of the left, have pursued have arsely been defensive responses to leral and physical attacks on blacks and the growth af the fascist movements. We have to develbp a program which tackles all aspects. of racism, not merely derensively but going onto the offensive around policies designed to end racisms The ending of all legal discrimination, the serapping of the SUS and immigration laws, ending of police harrassment and attacks is obviously a key element. Despite the liberal facade of the race relations industry the state is a major instruement in EADEST OME. racism, repressing Shark people and attacking militants.
Discrimination in jobs, housing antl education are more difficult to tackle because, while it is-easy to point to the cumulative effects of racism it is far harder to pin down . the individual act of discrimination. Attempting to end discrimination through ending : individual acts of racism is'the trap of liberals and reformists who see things in individualistic, humna rights, terms rather than as social isSues. The only way to end these types of discrimination is through the demands taken up and fought for by the Afro-American, Chicano and Womens movements in the USA - affirmative action, Only through affirmative action can the-biack and anti-racist movements go beyond. purely formal ( and fictional) Se bia ef and fight for actual equality, If, tomorrow, all employers suddenly started hiring, training and promoting purely on the basis of'merit' blacks would still be*at a disadvantage because of past. discrimination (which would take decades to overcome) and because of discrimination in other areas.
In any case, employers will not start being suddenly non-discrimnatory. because it pays to be discriminatory. The state cannot force them (even if it wanted to). to do otherwise, *bécasue there ape a thousand and one ways to get around any legislation (as the éxperience of the Sex Discrimination Act shows). Finally, there is no.way that the masses of workers, black and white, can force non-discrimnatory employment policies (except by taking workers control). However the black workers, and white wirkers, can fight for affirmative action, demanding that fixed percentages of blacks be hired, trained, promoted, 6c. Not merely is this the only practical way for workers to fight. against racism in the ‘factory but it also contains elements of workers control, ofa dynamic in the direction of workers control.
Various Séotartana(aee to mention thé reformists) attack affirmative action because it is 'racism in reverse', 'splits the workers’, etc (11). This nonsense is refuted by the practical experience of movements such as ‘Steelworkers Fightback' in the United Steel- Workers of America which had affirmative action as one of its main planks. They won in basic steel (ie the actual industrial workers) on the basis of such a program, defeating the bureaucracy.
Affirmative action demands don not merely apply to jobs but.can be applied in other areas, hosuing, education etc. In the section om 'Self-Detremination and Black Nationalism" bélow-the relationship of self-determination to education . and hosuing is examined. 4 . i a a a ci ie ee ce s+ *« + = @&
Self-determination and Black nationglism "The slogan "Black Power" first came to national attention during the June, 1966, voters' march through Mississippi,....At Jackson, Stokely Carmichael, the young chairman of the SNGC,-ended a fiery speech to the marchers with the words “Black Power", The crowd todk up the chant, and. ‘the ‘slogan was somsleced en extensive ‘publicity by “the national press.
Civil Rights leaders, black and kta. soceomion with hysteria. The ‘slogan was denounced as “extremism"..and "racism in reverse", a device to split the unity of black and white that had achieved so much in the Civil Rights struggle. More conservative Negro leaders rushed to assure the: white Peameaee re that the black Roe aAVOCAT ES did} not speak for the Negor. people, ,
But, to the black masses, especially in the urban gchettoes, "Black Power" was a clarion : i call+ Philip s. Foner (12)
[page 7]
for ag Black nationalism as’ a movement amoungst blacks within the imperialist countries began with Garveyism, the 'Back to Afriéa'povement!,amoungst Afro-Americans at the start of. the century.lts modern counter-part in America can be seen in movements as diverse as the Black Muslims, the Black Panthers, and a host of other groups.
It is important to be precise about what we mean by black nationalism. George Breitman, the US Trotskyist: - - ",.eeblack nationalism can be seenas approximately the following: It is the. tendency. for black people in the United States to unite as a group, as a people, into a movement of their own to fight for freedom, justice and equality. Animated by the desire.of-an oppressed minority to decide its own destiny, this tendency holds that. black people must control their own movement and the political, economic and social institutions of the black community. Its characteristic attributes include racial pride, group. consciousness, hatred of ‘white supremacy, a striving for independnec from white control, and identification white black and non-white oppressed groups in. other parts of the world."(13)
Black nationalism is not the same thing as Seperatiam, Seperatism is a movement which says that the only solution for racism’ (in Britain or America) is the-seperation of the races, either through a return to Africa (or the Caribbean, etc) by black people (as in Garveyism, the Black Muslims, Rastafarianism) or tg a seperate black state within, the existing state (the Black Muslitis, partially). As the SWP put it "all. seperatists are nationalists but not all nationalists are seperatists."(14) eepesatlen in Britain only exists in the form of a ‘return to Africa" movement, (the ’ Rastas, Jand a fairly large ‘return to the Caribbena' sentiment amoungst.. Dene tied Wena it“is dnpor taht for revolutionaries to be absolutely clear about. our-attitude to seperatism, because, although it is not a’mass movement our attitude to it will be seen by some black militants, aud a correctly, as a test of our commitment to black rights.
We have to be absélutely in favour f6 self-determination for black people in Britain.
That means that‘we defend the right of black people to either emmigrate or.sgt up-a black state within Britain, This is not in any way similar to segregationism, aprtheid, etc, which liberals insist on confusing with the richt to self-determination. Segregation is imposed - all we are saying is that if the majority of black people decided that they wanted to emigrate or establish a black state we would defend their- right..as.an Shezesqss minority to do so, *t WE must be careful to distinguish a seperatist sentiment from an actual. savdrati at movement. C LR James, talking about Marcus Garveys' Universal Negro Improvement.Association of the 20's,said: "Garvey raised the slogan "Back to Africg," but the Negores who followed him did not believe for the most part that they were really going back to Riera. We know that those in the West Indies who were following him had not the slightest..«. =* - intention of going back to Africa, but they were glad to follow a militant leadership. And thare is the case of the black woman who was pushed by a white womsn-in a street ear and said to her, “You wait trtil Marcus gets into power and all ycu people will be treated the way you deserve," Obviously she was not thinking of Africa.'(45).. pa oe it is quite possible that in Britain the political and social awakening of the black masses Will be marked by a strong seperatist current, If however _an-actual seperatist . movement arose, in the shape of an actual and practical migration, it would signify that the black masses had despaired of ending racism in capitalist Britain ard that the white working class had failed to take up the defence of the black minoritys Such a movement: would obviously signify a-tremendous defeat for the class struggle in Britain, However, to attack the actual seperatist currents that do exist is to completely misunderstand their objective funetion in developing the self-confidence and combativity of blacks. As Malcolm X put it: "If blagqk men become involved in a ‘philosophical, cultural and - --shological migration back to Africa, they will benefit greatly in this d¢ountry."(16)'" a: : Black nationalism, de-a black | s...+a cmovement demanding ‘black power" here in Britain today would be a - « great and positive leap forward in black consciotisness, It would signify the determination of black people to 'stand up and fight for their rights', and should be encouraged and ‘applauded by revolutionaries, Naturally there are ‘dangers'
[page 8]
—s in a mass black nationalist movement. George Breitman again: "One can be both a black nationalist and a seperatist, but one can also be a black > tii 12 nationalist without being a severatist...+.How iong this will be true no one can now foretell.....if rackam ia completely eliminated in the near future....black nationalism will disappear..e...8ut if racism is not uprooted soon ani if black people reach the conclusion that full equality is not attainable in the foresseable future, seperatist moods and activities are sure to arise amonme Negroés as a whole as well as amoung those ee now b: considered. black nationalists. In that case, the historical judgement will e that glac: sacti.nalism in its Byepene: phase was only embryonic, incipient, not fully piaieye oe a AH? ) However in Britain today there is no significant black nationalist movement. Such a movement. has tremendous barriers to overcome because of the heterogeneity of the black communities. which we described earlier, In many ways this makes black nationalism, black consciousness, an even more important phenomena than in the USA because such a movement would be able. to break down the divisions amoungst blacks and weld them into a united movement to oppose racisms Finally, the question of self-determination as a pdlitical (ie state) ie Sito ie been dealt with, The question of. recognising national rights also extends to other questions, the two best examples being housing and language. The recent controversy over housing of Bengalis by.the GLC,during which the council greposed to create all-Bengali areas 'for their. protection', posed. sharply this question. It is crystal clear that the only consistent, democratic, palicy is to demand that the Bengalis themselves must decide on their houatngs The Logic’ of such a position also demands raising the demand for community control of housing, in an analagous way to affirmative action having a logic towards workers control, Naturally, the IMG would have an opinion on what the best policy for for the Bengalis to pursue would be, conditioned by a whole series of tactical and other considerations, However our main campaign would be for their right to decide and it would be important that any Specific proposals came from black Comrades. The question of language rights is equally important. We defend the right of national minorities to learn in their own languages, and to have facilities in schools, the media, libraries, etc to use their own language. We are absolutely opposed to any policy of ‘intergration' which forces black people to abandon their own languages (and cultures). This will be a crucial issue in areas of high black concentration, for example in Hackney, Wandsworth and Lambeth where around 30% of children are from the minorities.(18) # ¢ «© *# *# & & & *& te *#e F +e * EF fF CU
How to organise?
“There can be no black-white unity until there is first some black unity", wrote Malcolm X. He was expressing the basic idea that oppressed groups have to organise to fight their own oppression. It is important that racism be fought by the whole of the working class and its allies, which is why we have consistently fought for the building of a mass anti-racist movement which would not merely take on the fascsists but begin to challenge r racism.in é6very sphere. The development of a black movement, of black people organised as blacks to fight racism, is however crucial to defeating racism, It is also erucial to the building of a mass anti-racist movement, because only through black people standing up and ‘fighting will the real issues of racism be posed sharply and clearly for the whole class, Thus we must have a twe=pronged etratery for the creation of an anti-racist movement and a black liberation movement. That does not however solve the problem of what tyoe of mass black movement is best suited to the struggle in Britain, In the USA the Trotskyists have fought for the creation of a Black party, and such an idea has repeatedly crepped up here (Black Unity and Freedom Party in the early seventies, Black Peoples Political Alliance in Moss Side, ) The Black Party project in the USA has two clear foundations: the concentration of the urban ghettoes and the non-existence of a Labour party. These ‘two factors mean that the only alternatives for revolutionaries to project for blacks in the: political terrain would be either abstentionism (between the two bourgeois parties) or call for a vote for
[page 9]
~E-
= vote for the SWP where it’ can stand, These are not real alternatives for the black masses and fail completely to tap the. strength of black nationalist sentiment in the ghettoes. The Black Party strategy'is designed to do just that, to politically organise that black nationalist sentiment and break the’ black’ MES pes ren the Sheet GsOnat support for the Dtbtratic party. Such a strateky does not apply to Britain bechuse reither ef the confitions for its Success, the urban ghettoes and the non-existence of a Labour party, apply. On the political terrain here differtnt tactics apply. The majority of blacks support the Labour party and the question of organising this support to have an impact on the Labour party is central. The question of organising black caucuses is albeStly' becoming important. as more blacks actually join Labour. We need to pay some attention to what other forms’ of organisation can be used to organise Labours blacks supporters to take the tissues of racism into the LP, Additionally of course we can argue for black support for socialist alternatives to Labour, such as Sotialist Unity, where they are created. The érucial form of black self-organisation however is the creation of a black liberation movement. Such a movement would be based around an anti-racist program. It would not be an explicitly anti-capitalist prgram, as the program of the womens movement is not, but it clearly would have-an anti-capitalist dynamic in practice, in strugele. Such’ an ‘autonomous black movement would organise blacks in the fight against racism in all spheres, although it would obviously fbcus around certain key issues or attacks on black rights. In that sense its program Gf demands would not be radically different, from an anti-racist movements program. The crucial difference is self-organisation, although of course their would also be differences of emphasis, ete, It is important to étress that, whilst we understand the “line ef march' towards a black liberation movement, such a movement will be the outcome of a protess of struggle which will involve all sorts of partial and temporary forms of organisation, The living struggle of the black masses is rather unlikely to fit neatly into any preconcieved notions of ours, and we will need’ to continually assess and develop our strategy and : tactics towards a black movement,
This obviously poses serious and difficult problems for black revolutionaries. These problems will-and can only be solved in the faremwork of 1 unified revolutionary party, capable of synthesising the experiences and strugeles of all- geetions of the oppressed and fusing them with the lessons éf history and the international class struggle. Any cohcessions to seperatism on this question would be disastrous for the development of the black movement because it would isolate and disorient black revolutionaries. We completely reject the conception of the SWP/Flame of an'autonomous' black revolutionary organisation ‘in solidarity’ with the revolutionary party.
Besides black organisation in the Labour party and the rreation of a black liberation movement othe types of black self=organisation are cre necessary to develop a full black fightback. In the trade unions the organisation of black cacuses can be central Vs taking up this issues of discrimination in ermloyment, training and promotions and to ight for affirmative action, In the USA such caucuses have emerged spontaneously in mee Unions in the wake of the ¢reation of the black natichalist movement.(19) In the black communities we already have examples of struggles over housing and self-defence, most notably in Brick Lane. The development of forms of community self-organisation, capable of organising the masses, can undoutedly be’ developed around such specific issues (along the lines of neighborhood councils, tenants associations, etc). Such organisations are ¢r*iojal te any fight sround housing, education and self-defence, None of these types of organisatichs eyt exist in Britain. The difficulties of the Bengali community in defending itself in Brick Lane despite massive mobilisations shows that this question of organisation is the central problem we will have to confront as the black movement broadens and deepens. $424.4 6 420K hhet 98-5. Ge 8 we 8 oe 6 te se 4 Ot Fe et 8 oe 58 Bob Hutton, 11 October 1978 NE The general-line of this decument-is based.on two other documents, one submitted to the Socialist Challenge/Socialist Voice school and one submitted to the Political Bureau, both-of which were in general. agreed by the PB.
[page 10]
NOTES
Ae Leon Trotsky on Black Nationalism and acktibeteoiualias be David J, Smith, Racial Disadvantage In Britain (1977), pp236-241 (Many! of Smiths figures are exclusively about men, unfortunately)
Thid,: pp. 297-299 4 : : .
Ibid, p69 a Sei mae CIS Pamphlet, Racism: who Profits?, po : jus Smith, op cit, p73 . a = , Ibid, " pphl-86 Ibid, pp75-76 iy ebtT bn @ Ibid, pp54-55 Jae “lias ’
Baxiry Ring, How ‘Cuba Uprooted Race Discrimination. ; 70, IP/I No38 4h Philip 8, Foner, Organised Labor & The Black Worker, 1619-1973, pp400-401. ee Sree George Breitman, The Last Year of Malcolm X, pp35-56 Ibid, p62 14, Tortsky, op. cite, pro Tos 16; Breitman, op. cit., p63 Ibid, p56 Ta ILEA dcocument on Multi-Ethinic Education (8 November 1977) 18. . Foner, op. cit.,; Chapter 25, 'Black Power in the Unions'.
AD.
[page 11]
Our Attitude to the Black Socialists Alliance wee Li f° - The Black Socialists Alliance (BSA) hadi about 50 supporters at its national meeting in London on 8 October 1978. It has produced a provional program and is doing work around state harrassment of black people, where they played a leading role in initiating the Black People Against State Harassment (BASH) campaign. They are. also Pe ss work around t the Fords strike. : The BSA is composed of both members and non-members of existing far-left groups, aii black militants who have not been menebers of such groups. In sur opinion there are certain cunkinanaetticus in the initial program, ecelé and nature of the BSA. We hope, the BSA can resolve these contradictions in a positive direction and we beleive it is possible far. the BSA to make a major contribution to the development of the black struggle. As we see it there are two alternatives for the BSA, Either it can see itself as an _ independent black revolutionary organisation or it can be an alliance of black militants who share common goals, ie Sg creation of a mass black liberation movement. * Some indications in the BSA ts program sugest the black revolutionary organisation line: the attacks on "white dominated left organisations", the statements about the need to develop a "Black socialist cadre that can seriously develop Marxism in relation to the struggle for Black Liberation.” These statements are reinforced by some of the public interventions of leading BSA members. On the other hand, the fact that the BSA sees itself as an alliance, sees itself open to membership of black members of existing farleft groups, tends to sugzest the opposite approach. The BSA can become a significant intervention into the crisis in the leadership of the black communities and crganisations.It has already suceeded, despite its weaknesses, in drawing together a significant layer of black militants from the major sections of the black communities and different areas of the country. We will be encouraging our black members and supporters to join the BSA and argue for it to direct itself towards the ereation of a mass black movement, without of course in anyway substituting itself for such a movement.
We make no bones about the fact that we are for the construction of a united, multinational, revolutionary party and are in favour of black socialists joining the IMG, Internally the IMG is organising a black liberation fraction, of black and white comrades but obviously pre-dominantly black, to organise our work in all sections of the black communities, We also recognise the problems for black socialists in pre-—dominantly white revolutionary organisations and recognise their right to caucus to discuss these problems. Obviously IMG comrades active in the BSA will be under the disepline of the IMG and will organise to promote our policies and ideas within it.
Bob Hutton, 11 October 1978 (NB: The general line of these notes has been agrecd by the IMG Political Burean)
[page 12]
NOW THE CARNIVALS OVER -~ WHERE DO WE.GO FROM HERE ? (Resolution On. Tints Racket, Anti-Fascist Work for the Political Committee} : i ; ——= = — - Se eT
CARNIVAL 2 was cnhcutedly big enough 6" “confirm the continuing size and strength of the anti-fascist movement which the ANL and RAR have galvanised and led: Despite this massive example of the strengths of this movement, the Carnival also showed the signs of the problesm which we have identified previously (eg inadequate program, democracy, etc) starting to come to the fore, signaling a crisis of perspectives for the movement.
1. The period between Carnivals 1 and 2 (April-September) was one of massive defeat for the political project of the fascists (gaining a respectable political ster and following) and of big steps forward: “for” a nass Sapp fanopeyrepreneite Src SaanCPETS : airs a ee, 4! ie i?
The major factors which contributed to the dfeat of the NF were: (GG) the nase wis youth _ radiealisation amoungst the ‘giro generstion' with which the ANL and RAR managed to link up; (ii) the turn of sections of social-democracy towards ‘anti-fascism' both as a left cover and as.a reaction to the sucesses of the NF in its politicak project (ie it high” votes); (iii) the turn by the SWP, the largest farleft organisation, toward’ 4 united front type initiative, which built on the previous work of the anti-fascist movement; (iv) the growing mass radicalisation within the black communities; (v) the turn by thé Tory.leadership to a racist offensive, coupled with the Select Cttee Report, which took the wind out of the NF's sails. - Tt. ‘was the conbinatien of these factors which turned Carnival 1 into such a massive event, upsetting in the process a good many apple-carts. "
For the bourgeoisie, and its Labour supporters, this was a8 new and statis phenomena, Bespite their obvious algrn at this development they adopted a cautious "wait and see’ approach, which was especially important for the reformists who saw in the ANL a way of undercutting the fagoists political offensive without tackling its real origins. They wanted..to:'contain' the ANL, exploiting “ceratin weaknesses of -preram-and democracy to. do so, Atithe same time the reformists united with the main bourgeois parties in a vain attempt to set up an alternative to.the ANL, the Joint Committee Against Racialism, whieh however. could mobilise only miserable forces (about 800 at their Traffalgar Sq mass rally).
By the time Carnival 2 came along certain sections of the bourgeoisie, the press and the reformists had obviously deceide that: the 'containment' sbabegy was insufficient and, further alarmed: by the "Pull the Plugs" campaign, began a wit®h-hunt. Others however maintained the 'containment' sisiiaet as shown clearly by Benn's prescence at the Carnival. 2. The debate around the Carnival about what attitude to take to the NF march in East London illustrated absolutely clearly that the far-leff is the dominaht force within the antinfascsst. ANL, mozements It was essentially a debate between far-left forees.
For the SWP the ANL wimaked life q glorified version of the Right to Work Campaign, something which would remain essentially under SWP control and would serve as a massive party building aid. In this they undoutedly failed - the ANL took on a massive life of its own. It is difficult to assess intented or wanted the ANL to go as far as it has whatever their subjective plans they in practice built an enormous anti-fascist movement, and for the first time in recent history engaged themselves in a real united front
The SWP have now clearly become disorientated by the sucess of the ANL, cutting ac ross ms it does some of their worst sectarian and economist habits, The upsurge in industrial i -9 lgia ae with the nonpElection, has compounded these problems. The resul.ts are clear tq see i: complete lack of homogeneity in tactics in local ANL's; lack of pro file and party building; conseqent failure to recruit; upsurge of economiam, ‘back to the. factories’ in the ranks; ete ete.
Ee SS
[page 13]
——— This paralysis obyipysly, will not. last, “but” its immediate “effect ~is—thet-the-Swe eee an equivocable and vacilating attitude towards the ANL. This is: potentially extremely dangerous, because it will undoutedly open up room for the reformists to manoeuvre, will give elbow room to the sectarian opponents of the ANL, and create general confusion in the forces around the ANL.
It is now clear that there is a significant sectarian layer which has crystalised in opposition to the ANL. This doesn't-merely embrace the grouplets, (the. RCG,RCT,WSL,WP,etc) or-the- lunatic fringe (WRP etc) but also embraces a layer of anti-fascist militants from the old anti-fascist organisations; Finally, and importantly, a layer of black militants, basing themselves of quite genuine and correct criticisms of the ANL, have also adopted a thoroughly sectarian practical attitude ‘to it, refusing to go into it and: fighh: for their PORT EAT IRs The confusion of the SwWP a the? forces mobilised around it. pre af - :
ZB. It was sin tha cont aie of a certain malaise within the ANL, coupled with attnole trom without,,,the&t the National Front attempted to wreck the Carnival through a massive «..- Lewisham style provocation in the East End, provoking a massive Rg SIS eee ‘thus: ‘expoeing! ‘the ANL. mg 3 2 : ‘ rae i =o It is sueare sie we take |; a sober account of the actual possibilities in the situation. - Firstly, it was perfectly clear that the state had absolutely no‘intention of; allowing tthe NFyto,provoke the black community. That community had already demonstrated an ability to take really massive action and any real NF threat would undoutedly have been met with enormous resistance, Given this, and thé 50,000 plus expected at the Carnival, any attempt to allow the NF .to march into.Brick Lane had alt the Fs cap of a posttiaat: ane possibly military defeat for. the police. : = — pete Despite this realistic estimate however, it was absolutely correct to fight tor. a mobilisation to defend the area against the fasc&sts, to place no. reiance on the state.
Such a mobilisation, to both appear and to actually be credible, needed a prescence of , at least 2-4 thousand on the. stredts, preferably a bit more, We fought for sucha , = mobilisation through (i) an East London ANL mobilisation and (ii) forces to be sent from Hyde Park by the ANL. At the same time we fought for the Carnival fo go on, arguing that the best response to the NF's provocation was a defended Brick Lane area and, a massive .
Carnivals } This position was 100%. cof ‘irmed by events. The failure of the ANL to: wand shecushe forces, properly organised and in good ‘time, to help defend the Brick Lane area was a> big mistake which undermined confidence in the AND itself and left that ‘area without : adequate self-defence. This decision also show i the very weak relations of the ANL with the -biack ican and militants and the real dneece of an rn demeratic structure. ah 2 On the ‘other: hand the S peatties saveben’ ‘by “the ‘Hasitiey and Tower Hamlets. Defende: Cttee : fell into th trap set by the NF. The Defence Committees call for ‘everyone to Brick Lane! and for ‘stopping the Front march' failed to understand either the need to have the Carnival or to adopt a defensive posture in Brick Lane. This ‘posétion: was both ° influenced by, and aided, the sectarian currents “who oppose the ANL. «
4, The period between the two Carnivals was essentially the period of growth and consolidation of the ANL forces as organised forces, The Carnivals themselves played a crucial centralising role. The General Election was ko be the next sige national focus. : Laws In that period we were anata! correct to atlopt a Sa i which said-that. the pic: > priority was to build the ANL organisations around its existing political: basis.: We were tactically opposed to the ANL adoting positions on a whole Be ia uf raparlag oaareba
[page 14]
me corny Ge /fissues * night have split the movement, Pa
we want essentially a begin to turn it towards taking up anti-racist issues but again : L not to adopt s which would let the reformists ofr _ceemernre pat nie: Westie is rete LPs meer This is even more complicated by the fact that there are no obvious national focii for centralising the ANL, like tha election.
There are three essentval things which we have to take up to develop the forces around t the ANL and take them an an anti-racist direction:
** central national initiatives, which attempt to minimise the inevitable fragmentation which is currently occuring (eg ANL TU Conference, ANL Conference) ** build on the gains of the ANL, using the ANL's strengths, its attraction to the « youth and others, to build mass actions in. the lowalities The hime es ** build the initiatives of the black movement and other anti-racist iniatives as a way of posing to the forces in the ANL the importance of taking up these questions. ‘It is quite possible for us, if- we are sensitive emough, to take anti-racist issues into the ANL without being sectarian and giving the reformists the chance. to opt-out. For example, the crucial question of immigration controls can_be taken up on the ‘oppesition to the 71 and 68 Acts' basis which we have advanced newer dices not exclude the tactical problens. 5e The major initiatives which the IMG has to put its efforts into in the following months are the following: ioc 1) ANL TU CONFERENCE - (December 2) this was originally proposed to the ANL Conference by the IMG and is mow actually happening. Given the massive growth of sectoral ANL .groups (Dyers. and Bleachers Against The Nazis, etc).this Conference will.be extremely important. The central issue we want to inject into this Conference, and the sectoral groups, is that of ragdam in employment, along the lines indicated ig the "Racism and Black Liberation' document. We should recognise that as a 'sub-debate' we have to be absolutely clear on the 'no fascists in the Unions' campaign and resolutely oppose the sie demand to expel all NF members from the Unions, : 3 eee 2) ANL CONFERENCE - three issues necessitate the calling of the ANL Conference: promised at the last one - the organisational fragmentation of the ANL forces and the need for an authoritative conference to pull them back together; the nedd to prepare for the General Election adequately; the need to elect a genuinely authoritative leadership responsive to the ANL supporters ( as illustrated by the Brick Lane fiasco). 3) DEFENCE CAMPAIGNS | the sucesses of ‘the Wolverhampton Defence Campiagn provide.a basis for begining to develop serious defence work in other areas. The coming together of the Tower Hamlets and Hackney Defence Committee and the ANL to launch a defence camapign for those arested on the 24th is a major achievement. Similarly, in Manchester the Ahmed Defence Campaign is begining to get off the ground. These campaigns serve the function not of simply defending victims of state attacks but of going onto the political offensive against state harrasssment of blacks and anti-racists. , 4) SUPPORT BASH ‘The development of BASH (Blacks Against State Harrassment) is a qualitative step forward for the black movement, bringing together a wider range of forces in a single campaign than has been seen since the late sixties, It is paralleled by. developments such as the Bradford Asian Youth Movement which has broken significant barriers between different groups of Asian youth. BASH/BAYM are planning important anti-racist initiatives and we must put real forces into building them nationally.
[page 15]
- ahs
5) "INDOOR CARNIVALS! to continue the initiative we should, where possible, fight for student unions etc to be turned over to the ANL/RAR/Steering Committees to hold big anti-racist festivals. Such festivals (in the spring) would attract thouSands, give the scope for political debate and specifically anti-racist activity which was not . present at the Carnival, and generally keep up the morale of the movement. Links can be built with the local black communities by using such evenst to promote 'speak outef on state attacks, etc. In some areas it will be possible to launch labour/black movement enquiries seperately (eg Manchester). 6) SOWETO DEFENCE CAMAPIGN as has already been agreed in a seperate discussion we want to inject the issue of southern africa into the anti-fascist/anti-racist movement via the trials of the Soweto militants and launch the defence campaign which the AAM won't.
7) B UILD CAIL/CADRIL whilst the main initiative for dny' real- activity around. inmigration laws has to come from the black groups, we should continue to fight to establish united front bodies which co-ordinate and educate around this issues The CAIL day- ‘school (December 9) and its newletter should be used; particularly by the. London organisation, to take this issue and campaign into existing ANL(s, anti-racist cttees. *
6. There is clearly a need for a certain propaganda offensive by the IMG around the 'new'*issiies and positions which we want to inject into the anti-racist movement . “These centre around four issues: ‘ /se1f-defence/self-determination/nationalism around which we now have a clear enough position to 'go public' and really project ** Racism at work where again we have a clear position and useful agitational material 4 with which we can really begin to push into the movement
** Democratic Rights/Faschsm where we have yet to fully clarify our positions but where we already have clear advahtages over the ultra-lefts and the reformists..which we fail to spell out adequately — 4. -" ik ; | —— t c a i | ** Strategy for Anti-Racist Movement spelling out more clearly our conception of the relations between fascism and racism, our’ attitude towardé‘&n anti-fascist: and anti-racist movement as well as towards a black liberation movement a
The exact form that this dhould take needs to be carefully discussed but we can agree initially on the following: i) More coverage in SC on the first two, linked to the NB tour. ii) Building the RABL School on December 3 (with NB) as a major national school to launch the debate on black liberation into the organisation as a whole. = .1ii) using the NB meetings/interviews to take up these issues fusing the US example) _and project them into the anti-racist movement. ee ‘iv) continue the debate already stimulated around Brick Lane te develope the question or self-defence.
Bob Hutton ; i 7 November 1978. a