International Marxist Group Archive

Magazines, bulletins and booklets of the IMG and its forerunners, 1961–1984

Mining: New Militant Mood

· International, first series, Vol. 2, No. 1, January 1969 · p. 16 · 740 words

The scan: intl-v02n01-january-1969.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Read by machine from the scan, then tidied: columns reconstructed, wording unchanged. Check the scan before quoting.

The purpose of this [illegible] is to contribute [illegible] December issue of INTERNATIONAL. On that occasion the comrade started from the correct assumption of the importance of the strike and in discussion wrote off miners as militants. It is not my intention to refute the comrade's arguments, for there is a great deal of truth in what he says [illegible] the conclusion he does, and failing to clearly analyse the changed nature of coal-mining, he fails to see the emergence of a new militant attitude.

When it is argued that the new wage structure for miners, i.e., a day wage structure, is the causal factor in the decline of militancy, the point is missed that this new structure is itself an indication of the changed nature of coal-mining. The very nature of [illegible] changed before the advent of the N.P.L.A. (National Power Loading Agreement). At the height of the importance to the internal economy, when it was indissolubly linked to the fortunes of capitalism, coal was seen as a barometer reflecting periodic crises and turns in the trade cycle in a very real way. The miner by identifying the source of his exploitation, not only in the industry but in the system which coal mining so accurately reflected, called and fought for controls and [illegible] organised [illegible] the vanguard of our movement. Particularly important in developing the cohesive solidarity [illegible].

[illegible] factors they relied for cohesiveness on the social [illegible] and the physical danger of his employment. It [illegible] quite different to allow men who worked and suffered together to live and think together.

Coal-mining no longer holds the position it did in the internal economy. It is no longer, after 20 years of nationalisation, subject in the same manner to the trade cycle. Equally the miner is no longer so blatantly exploited in sub-human conditions. The fortunes of mining and the miner are less clearly linked to British capitalism than for example the car industry. This is not to deny the justification for a coal industry, its importance to British capitalism or the obvious exploitation of the miner. What is important is that these relationships are [illegible] to capitalism and to the miner [illegible] extent.

Just as we have had 20 years of nationalisation, we have had 20 years of the N.U.M. The corollary of the two going together is the disputes machinery and arbitration, conciliation and 20 years with not a day lost in official strikes. Consequently we have a generation of miners reared in conciliatory attitudes and without a recognisable national leadership.

At the local level, pit level, membership involvement is at a minimum. [illegible] do the local bureaucracy [illegible] a task for [illegible] membership is [illegible] obligatory, large sections find it [illegible] to identify with the N.U.M. Craftsmen and general workers on the service and underground have long posed the question of the willingness and ability of the N.U.M. to represent them. As far as craftsmen are concerned [illegible] importance in the present mining industry should not be underestimated. Particularly since it is a mechanised industry the importance [illegible].

[illegible] (which pays approximately 26/- a shift more than the day [illegible]) [illegible] completing their apprenticeship can expect to [illegible] either [illegible] or adequate material rewards - [illegible] only one [illegible] and one electrician can be included in the face team.) It is at this point that we see the contradiction, for they have been educated to suit the convenience of the employer; an education which develops their expectations and capacity to [illegible] but at the same time these [illegible] are unfulfilled, giving rise to discontent among a [illegible] important and articulated section of the workers.

In addition, the craft [illegible] less tied by loyalty to the [illegible] than say [illegible] criticism aimed at craftsmen. However, the failure of the union to impress upon [illegible] the [illegible] in general and the craftsmen in particular [illegible] to represent [illegible] will prove to [illegible].

[illegible] estimate the importance of the majority of the N.U.M. and mineworkers who are not craftsmen and who are equally dissatisfied. The disenchantment long felt by the miners of South Wales, Northumberland, Durham and Scotland at the Government lack of a fuel policy and at their union's lack of leadership has now permeated the areas which once promised bright futures. This is indicated by the demonstration of miners at the Blackpool Labour Party conference, and by the election of Lawrence Daly on a militant platform.

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