from the Militant
A victory for the Negro struggie for equality - even a token victory - is yot to be won in Birmingham, The liay 10 settlement, which was hailed by Rev. Martin Luther King as "a groat victory,” has been sabotaged by the violence of Birmingham's white-supromacist officials, Even so-called 'mod-— erates! like Mayor-slect Albert Boutwell havo publicly dissociated themselves from the sottlement. In addition, the white tisinessmen with whom the agreement was negotiated have now reveeled its terms - at least their version of ite terms - to be much less gensrous than Hev, Martin Luther King originally announced.
It is now clear that the agreement guarantees nothing for the Negroes, Phether anything positive comes of it depends on what mass pressure the Negroes can still bring to bear both in Birmingham and nationally — thet ds in forcing the federal government to put the heat on Birmingham's economic and financial rulers, According to Sidney Smeyer, the ropresentative of Birmingham's white businessmen, the agreement provided for integration of facilities in downtewn department storas within 90 days, tut only on a trial basis. The stores agreed to the principle of hiring Negro sales holp sooner or later, but guarantced to hire cnly one Negro clork in the entire city within the specified period, Sven this clerk would-be removed, said Smeyer in case of "yiolence on either side,"
Bven if all the terms of such an agreement were fulfilled in good faith, the Negroes of Birmingham would have gained only a token victory, So ones again, just as before the mass demonstrations were called off in return for the settlement, overything now depends on the Nogroes maintaining - in Rov. MLL, King's words —- “a position of strength" from which to bargain, A key problem in this regard is that the pc‘itions of ated strength on the scene are held entirely by the white racists — the various city, county and state police forces, These do not protect Negroes in their lawful demonstrations; but attack them, Since last Sunday, indeed, the state troopers stand poised not with fire hoses, but with shotguns and carbines,
As one of Birmingham's Negro leaders, Rev. A.D. Sing, pointed out to newsmen May 14, it was knowm that the police would not protect them from racist violence, that caused Birminghan's Negroes to fight back after racists exploded two bombs the night of May 11. With the explosion of those bombs t.0 question of solf-defonce ceased’ to be an academic issue and -became the pivot around which the life or death of the movement - not to montion the lives of the Negroes involved in it = turned, President Kennedy's failure to provide. federal protection to Birmingham's Negroes sharpened the crisia.
When these bombs exploded, the Negroes corractly understood that to do nothing would be to invite disaster, The local police were not on the side of law and order, They could not be expected to apprehend the bombers or to stop the organisation of further attacks, The Negroos could have been picked off piecemeal, intimidated, and the movement demoralised and scattered while the local police stood by and the FRI engaged in its usual stalling tactics,
The tactical problem posed to the Negroes at that point was not a simple one. But one thing is certain: mere preaching about non-violence under such’ conditions is dangerously irresponsible and is no substitute for serious disciplined preparaticns for self-defence, Only confidence on the Negroes! part that such preparations were being made, could have averted the riot which followed the bombings, That confidence did not exist and the Negroes! pent-up anger burst spontansoulsy vhen their racist oppressors, using the bombings as a protext, invaded the Negro community like a punitive expedition, beating people indiscriminately with rifle butts and nightsticks. The Negro community's fighting back shocked the nation into a realisation of the seriousness of the Birmingham situation and partially forced Kennedy's hand on the sonding of troops.