International Marxist Group Archive

Magazines, bulletins and booklets of the IMG and its forerunners, 1961–1984

Icftu Bulletin 15.10.62. Aden Trade Union Paper Banned.

International Bulletin Vol. 1, No. 46, 10 November 1962 · pp. 5-6 of the scan · 763 words

The scan: ib-v01n46-nov-10-1962.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Tesseract OCR) from a scan of a stencilled typescript and has not been corrected. Expect misread words; titles in particular are often garbled where the issue printed no contents list. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: capitals heading; heuristic; title from the OCR of the heading.

Bulletin 15.10.62. Following the agitation which the Adenese labour movement has been carrying on against the incorporation of the colony in the South Arabian Federation, the government hes again withdrawn the license of the TUC newspaper "Al Amal", In connection with this we note a newspaper report of the 9th Nov. which reads: "Two Aden Trades Uni . . Congress leaders — Abdulla Alasnag and Idris Ahmed Hambala — were remanded in custody charged before the Aden chief magistrate yesterday with'sediticus publication' ",

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The itconomist of 27/10/62 in an article entitled "Ghosts in ths cong

a reported the rehabilitation of more Old Bolsheviks and other victims of Stalin's torror. Herewith the main points of the articles

",,.Until quite recently the posthumous rehabliitation of Stalin's . victims was lamited to two groups. ilarshals, such as Tuichachevskj} and Blusher, were rehabilitated first, probably under military pressure at a time when iiarchal Zhukov was still influential. The other group consisted of good Stalinists, like Kossier and Chubar, who had served their mastcr as faithfully as lir, Khushchov or jir. lialenkov dids yet he had them executed. Towards Stalin's true opponents the official attitude has been more ambiguous, It was his method of eliminating rivals, not the fact of their elimination, that was being condemned. On October 17th, however, the Moscow correpondent of the Jugoslav newspaper Politika revealec that last summer, without any publicity, the families of some men sentenced at the great lioscow trials of the ninetecn—thirties wore informed of their posthumous rehabilitation. True, this surreptitious rehabilitation refers to the criminal charges and not to the political reproach¢s against these men ~— Bukharin, Rykov, Tomsky, Rekelx and Pyatakov. Of these, Nikolai Bukharin is the most famous. Lenin, in his testanent, described him as the party's "favourite" and a most valuable theoretician despite "scholastic" tendencies. At the time of BrestrLitovsk, towards the end of the first worid war, he was one of the leaders of the so-called left Communists who rejected the German peace in the name of socialist ideals and in the hope of a uropean revolution, “hen that revolution failed to matorialise and Russia started to "build socialism in a single land", Bukharin became a leader of the right wing, preaching slow industrialisation and advocating concessions for the peasants (The diclectical causes of this seemingly strange conversion are explained in lir. Doutscher's biography of Trotcky. )

"Tt is in this second role, as the protector of the peasants, that Bukharin is best knommn, Together with Alexey Rykov, who had succeeded Lenin as head of government, and Mikhail Tomsky, who led the trade unions, he was Stalin's indispensible ally in the Politbureau until the start of collectivisation. Then came defeat and disgrace. Their recantations bought them breathing space, but no more. Only Tomsky, by committing suicide, escaped Vyshinsky's prosecution and the firing squad, Bukharin and his allies represented the Right in the struggle with Stelin, Through Pyatakov, one of the organisers of Soviet heavy industry and Karl Radek, the most brilliant and biting of Communist pamphlcteors, the finger of ° history points Trotcky's way. The time may yet come for a rovision of his case, Ind.ed, the documents now being published make it increasingly difficult to play down the part played in Soviet history be either Trotsky or the Bolshevik old guard. It is not only a question of the men themselves. The issues discussed — the pace of industrialisation, the attitude towards the peasants, the amount of freedom to be allowed within the party - though altered by circumstances, are more topivzal than evere

“Since the anti~party group was eliminated in 1957, and attacked ever since, the Soviet public hes nover heard the case for the defence, only its parody presented by the prosecution. Learning from documents about theso past controver=— Sies, the new soviet generation will ask questions about the present. No wonder, in these circumstances, that rehabilitations are carried out surreptitiously and that the documents are accompanied by a host of explanations. "We have thrown Stalin out of the meusoleum, but how shall we sever him from his heirs," writes Yevtushenko. iir. Khrushchov's anti-Stalinist supporters are becoming awkwardly radical. They are demanding the rapid elimination of the vestiges of Stalinism and, by the same token, the rehabilitation of the victims, Le mort saisit le vif, say French jurists to explain the contimity of the legal personal y in inheritance, In the Kremlin the ghosts of Stalin's victims are haunting his living heirs, forcing their hand and threatening the party structure."

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