Letters (2)

efforts, in the words of Mohammed, to eliminate "laziness, idleness exists, revolutionaries are able to fight for the correct positions to 28 LETTERS 2 Extract of letter received from Eddie Madangua of the Anti-Poverty Movement of Nigeria ...... dated 20th October 1975. "As regards Permanent Revolution briefly my position is this: The so-called national bourgeoisie in Nigeria (and in many other countries of the Third World) are in fact pro-imperialist. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie are also pro-imperialist. Any social revolution worth the support of any organisation which claims to be Marxist must at least be anti-imperialist. And the fight against imperialism is at the same time - if it is to be meaningful - a fight for socialism. It follows initially therefore that the bourgeoisie, who are bitterly opposed to socialism, cannot be an ally in the fight against imperialism. As far as the petty-bourgeoisie class is concerned, its lowest strata can be used at the initial stage of the revolution under the keen eye of the proletarian party, but the revolution must quickly pass from its national character (necessaryily influenced too by the peasants) to a socialist one, if the revolution is not to fail. The state itself during the transitional period to socialism and during socialism itself must be the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is because during the transitional period, the peasantry whose landholdings would not have been wholly collectivised is still potentially at least - a reactionary class. And when socialism has been achieved with the complete socialisation of both the industrial and agricultural means of production, then the peasantry for Above, is an extract of a letter recently received from a leading militant of the Anti-Poverty Movement of Nigeria. While being in general sympathy with the contents of this letter, we would like to take this opportunity of developing a theme with which the comrade has not dealt. While many militants agree in principle with the Trotskyist movement, they have yet to translate this into practise. Many are unable to come to grips with what appears to be an insoluable problem, the cultural and political backwardness of the Nigerjan masses, and the absence of any developed Marxist traditions of organisation. To this we would reply that the central tasks facing revolutionary Marxists, particularly in view of the proven willingness of the masses to struggle, is the building of a revolutionary vanguard party on the one hand, and on the other a class programme equipped with slogans which can raise the consciousness of the Nigerian masses. It is now 7 months since the regime of General Gowon was overthrown in a military coup which brought Murtalla Mohammed to power in a holding operation for the Nigerian ruling class. Faced with an unprecedented wave of strikes and workers mobilisations in the preceeding period, where the working class began to become aware of its own potential, adopting the slogan 'Its the Workers turn to govern', and with the inability of the Gowan Regime to curb this growing militancy, Mohammed was seen as a last hope solution to the ruling class. However, for all the new regimes rhetoric about national unity, the abolition of corruption etc. it has not been able to provide, in the words of 'Africa' magazine, "a panacea to the nations problems". The blatantly corrupt and clumsy mismanagement of the Gowon regime created the impression that the root of the crisis facing Nigeria was technical in character. At least that was the hope of the Nigerian ruling class. Thus, the claim of the new regime that this could be put right by proper management of the government and resources, and through the elimination of corruption is used in order that the actual structure of the economy etc. is not challenged. The new regime seeks to divert attention away from the issues of class conflict and the reorganisation of society on a socialist basis, and the present and corrupt practises", and to replace them with the virtues of all practical purposes is to be regarded as a part of the proletariat. In short, a National Democratic revolution must, if it is to be supported by Marxists - exlude the national bourgeoisie. Indeed the term "progressive bourgeoisie" is a contradiction in terms; for the bourgeoisie long since ceased to be progressive, either in the advanced capitalist countries or in the third world, where capitalism has been imported. Eurthermore, Marxist movements, taking part in any revolution must ensure that it occupies such a position in it that it can swiftly alter the course if the revolution whatever may be its initial character - to a socialist one. To do otherwise would lead to drowning in midsea. The permanancy in Trotsky's theory of Permanent Revolution has a double meaning. First, the non-compartmentalisation of a socialist revolution within a national boundary, and second the impossibility of completing the building of socialism in just one country. I have already outlined my opinion on the first aspect of the permanancy. As regards the second aspect, I would only say here be destroyed that imperialism being a worldwide force, can only completely by a global assault. It may be weakened in different parts of the world, but this will not kill it, and as long as it lives, by its global nature, it will afect the building of socialism in any part of the globe - especially in those parts of the world where it has exacted the greatest tolls. Indeed, I cannot imagine the completion or an appreciable progress in a socialist construction in Nigeria, while Niger, Chad, Cameroon (and maybe Ghana, Togo and Dahomey) remain neo-colonies. It is inconceivable ........ Trotsky's idea of a permanent Revolution is valid theoretically and practically. It is a sound Marxist exposition. But, Marxism being a science (as distinct from a dogma) and hence subject to continuous growth, the interpretation and application of a Marxist thesis must respond to each unfolding reality. In short, permanent revolution in the era of imperialism must have specific characteristics peculiar to that era. COMMENT "discipline and a sense of purpose" are precisely designed to cover up the contradictions of the capitalist neo-colonial state. Clearly, a great social crisis exists today within Nigeria, but not only in terms of that facing the ruling class; the Nigerian working class, despite the upsurge of the last period is also confused and fragmented - it is at an impasse. Despite their ability and willingness to struggle in a determined manner against exploitation and oppression, this has yet to be generalised, refined and consciously directed through the intervention of the revolutionary vanguard. Thus, the central problem facing the Nigerian working class is that of revolutionary leadership. The situation clearly poses the most important questions facing revolutionaries - what is to be the practise of the vanguard? - what should be the correct slogans adopted and directed towards the masses in relation to the neo-colonial regime? The situation in Nigeria today is further complicated by hetrogenous structure of much of the Nigerian left; this leading to a situation whereby political positions are compromised in the name of abstract 'unity'. However, revolutionaries must be able to give concrete answers to concrete situations; they must have an analysis of the dynamics of the political situation, and be able to assess the relationship of forces, stating their position very clearly in relation to other tendencies in the workers movement. Concretely, this means to build the nucleus of a new vanguard organisation. It means to break out of the political straitjacket imposed by hetrogenous political formations, not in a sectarian manner, but because the present situation in fact compels every tendency to clearly state its position on strategy and tactics. The United Front however, is a positive development in terms of the unity of the working class and its allies, providing the vanguard distinguish themselves both politically and organisationally. Trotsky explained the consequences for any party that failed to recognise the urgent need for the unity of the class: "In these clashes (with capital, the state etc.) - insofar as they involve the vital interests of the entire working class, or its majority, or this or that section - the working masses sense the need for unity in action, of unity in resisting the onslought of the capitalism or unity in taking the offensive against it. Any party which mech anistically counterposes itself to this need of the working class for unity in action will-unfailingly be condemned in the minds of the workers." (1) Revolutionary Marxists should therefore fight for the right to organise tendencies within the mass movement and in full view of the masses, in order that while the broadest possible unity in action be adopted by the movement, which will raise the consciousness of