Speakout: interview with a South African comrade

interview with South African comrade SPEAKOUT Below we print extracts from an interview with a South African comrade, K, who has been active for many years in the struggle against Apartheid. For obvious reasons, the comrade's identity has to remain a secret. We disagree with many of the comrade's views, but we publish them as a contribution to the debate on revolutionary strategy in South Africa. A. i. S.: What have been the major changes in South Africa since the Soweto uprising? K: That you could say in one word or one phrase. Increased repression from the side of the government. From the side of the people, increased awareness of their own potency. But rather an ambivalent kind of potency. They are aware they had a certain power. But above all, they are reassured that they had within them this ability to respond when attacked in the way they had been attacked. It had a particularly good effect on the Black Consciousness movement, which was a fragmented movement. It had emerged in different parts of South Africa in different forms. So in 1976 a dozen or so Black Consciousness movements existed, 1976 invoked a sense of urgency. By 1977 we had the emergence of a new united front, far stronger than in the past. The attitude to white South Africa changed. The attitude of 'no whites on Black platforms' was challenged. A far more realistic, less emotional attitude to whites emerged. There was also a new thinking on economic policy. Before 1976, the economic approach was very confused. One wasn't sure what sort of economic orientation Black Consciousness people had in mind. After 1976, people were forced to look at themselves frankly and spell out what kind of orientation they had in The revulsion toward the government had increased to such proportions as to eliminate all falterings when dealing with government Black organisation (i.e. Bantustans). The line between those inside and outside of the system became Soweto shocked the government because the students were pre-university students. They had learned to control the pre-university group. Now Soweto was far too difficult to control. They realised Black Consciousness was not as isolated in its impact as they had thought it to be. When they saw proof of its proliferation, their attitude became far more A. i. S.: Is it true that in Natal, where you were at the time, Buthelezi was able to use Inkatha to prevent the struggle developing? K: This is quite untrue. The homeland leaders lost all credibility in 1976. Initially, you didn't have a countrywide revolution, but a localised attack — the Soweto schoolchildren having the Afrikaans language imposed on their syllabus. So it was a problem for Transvaal youth. Natal did not face that problem. So Natal was taken unawares. But, in Durban, a mass meeting was held at Curries fountain, and 40,000 leaflets distributed. In response to what happened in Natal, the government banned all open air meetings. Otherwise there would have been a mass demonstration in Durban. The only body of University students who acted violently were in the University of Zululand. One of the major trials of 1976 was of 22 students in Natal. There were marches in Natal, of High School kids. There was a very remarkable response in Natal. 7 A. i. S.: What is your assessment of the state of trade union activity in South Africa? K: There is so-called trade union activity, but it is not very satisfactory. I would be very hesitant to call it trade union activity. This is related to the problem of how do you get an above ground political activity. In South Africa, you don't need to conscientise people. What the people need is an opportunity to react meaningfully against the whole Apartheid system. A question of using a moment to strike effectively. The question of trade unions is not important in itself. If you cannot organise above ground, you cannot have [real] trade A. i. S.: What has been the role of the ANC and PAC in the recent period? K: The average South African knows little of their activities except when cases come up in law courts. People are aware of the leaflettings and bucket bombs. On the whole they are appalled that people are prepared to risk seven to ten years of freedom for that kind of exercise, but also moved that people are prepared to give their lives in that kind of way. They are appalled by organisations which seem to think that that kind of activity is worth that kind of sacrifice, The average South African becomes conscious of the ANC far more in terms of its failures than its successes. Yet it must be added that the ANC is a very important organisation in the minds of Black South Africans. The ANC will emerge strongest because of its Russian backers. The long-termers [long term political prisoners] are starting to come off Robben Island. Some of them are very impressive people. They are very committed to the ANC. Unless I have been deluded, I think the ANC is in for change and dramatic A. i. S.: And the PAC? K: The PAC has a standing in South Africa. In the Black Consciousness Movement, both Mandela and Sobukwe are respected. The ANC and the PAC are both seen as liberatory movements. There are no hangovers, in the new, liberatory consciousness, about confliets between the ANC and PAC. A. i. S.: How do you see the role of Women in the South Afriean struggle? K: Black women never responded to western feminism. It is difficult for them to find common cause with white women but easy to find common cause with Black men. Take the Black Womens Federation National Conference in 1976. Many resolutions were passed, but not a single one talked specifically about women's rights. They talked about human beings having equal rights. Great concern was shown for the legal disabilities of African women, but it is African women, not all women. A. i. S.: How does the migratory labour system affect the situation of women workers? K: It makes women more sensitive to the overall race problem. A woman working in the city has to leave her kids with her mother in the Bantustans. This does create an affinity and interdependence between urban and rural women. But it increases awareness of the racial situation.